ROTTECK'S HISTORY OF THE WORLD: FROM THE CREATION TO THE PRESENT TIME; Containing a general History of the RISE, PROGRESS, REVOLUTIONS, WARS, EVENTS, etc. OF ALL THE NATIONS OF THE EARTH. TWENTY-EIGHTH EDITION. BY CHARLES VON ROTTECK, LL.D. WITHN CONTINUATIONS 3Y CHARLES J. PETERSON, AUTHOR OR "MILITARY HEROES OF 1776," &c., &c. FOUR VOLUMES IN ONE.-VOL. I. PHILADELPHIA: LEARY & GETZ, PUBLISHERS, NO. 138 NORTH SECOND STREET. 1858.

　

　

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, BY LEARY & GETZ, Iiite Olerk's Office ot the District CoUrt of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania PRINTED BY SMITH & PETERS, hanklin Buildings, Sixth Street, below Arch, Philadelphia.

　

　

PREFACE. TmH intrinsic worth of Rotteck's History, no less than its flattering reception in the most enlightened countries of Europe, has induced the translator to lay this admirable work before his compatriots, which, from the sympathy of the author's principles with those upon which all our institutions are based, will not fail to be welcomed more joyfully in America, than in the rotten despotisms and hierarchies of the old world. We would not, however, be understood here to intimate that the author has a biasing predilection for any political system, for any merely local or temporal ideas; we would only say, that he renders homage to those ideas that harmonize with the imprescriptible rights of man. Every reader will perceive at once a vast difference between the character of this work and that of the " Universal Histories" by English authors-a difference almost as striking as that between the philosophical works of England and Germany. The horizon of the English historians and philosophers seems, in many instances, to be but the boundary of their little Island. whereas the views of the German scholars-but it must be remembered, that we speak not of visionaries and transcendentalists-are limited only by the confines of (ill

　

　

If PREFACE the universe. Of the English historians there are few who are not unduly biased by some political, religious or philosophical system. But we think that our author will be found neither under the guidance of the polar-stars of vulgar minds, nor under that of the wild meteors which too often lead the greatest spirits astray; we think that he has fiulfilled the sole demand of pure history-a rigid. expose of the past, a faithful portrait of the things that were. From the size and contents of this work, many-would be inclined to call it a universal history. But there is an important distinction between general history and universal history, which, however, authors and readers are apt to confound. "Universal history resembles a magazine of materials for building, but general history the edifice itself." Most of our histories, that claim to be histories of the world, are universal histories, or compendiums of universal histories; they are by no means general histories. A biographical, sketch of the author may not be unin teresting to the admirers of his histoly. Rotteck was born in 1775, at Freiburg, in the grand dutchy of Baden; educated at the gymnasiums and the university of his paternal city; made doctor of laws in 1797, and professor of general history in 1798. He received, in 1816, the title of Aulic Counsellor from the grand-duke of Baden. In 1818, he exchanged the professorship of history for that of natural law and politics When the constitution of Baden was called into life, in 1819, he was elected by the university of Freiburg to the chamber of deputies. From this time, Rotteck acquired, by immediate participation in transactions, greater and greater celebrity. He was elected anew to

　

　

PREFACE. the diet of 1831; was made one of the vice-presidents of the chamber of deputies, and acquired soon the reputation of one of the most liberal advocates for political reforms. In particular, he spoke in favor of the press.,aw of the 28th Dec. 1831. But the more celebrated his name became among the liberals, the more odious'he made himself among the aristocracy. His participation in the "Liberal," and the charge of'"demagogue tendencies," occasioned in part the reorganization of the university of Freiburg, and, in Oct. 1832, the dismission of Rotteck with a pension. The "Liberal" was suppressed, and Rotteck prohibited from editing journals within five years, which compelled him to renounce the conduct of the "General Political Annals." undertaken by him in 1830. Even in distant regions interest in his fate was publicly manifested by addresses, by presenting civic crowns, cups, and other tokens of gratitude. His principal works are: a "General History of the World," of which many editions have appeared; a "iManual of Natural Law and Politics;" a "Historical Gallery for all Classes;" a "Collection of Miscellaneous Writings, mostly upon History and Politics;" a " Manual of Political Economy;" a " Political Lexicon." edited in common with Welcker, and a " History of Spain and Portugal." It has been the endeavour of the translator to give the author's ideas accurately, in the plainest and simplest style; and should this work fall into the hands of any petty cavilers, he would merely say that it was neither written nor translated for them, but for men of another stamp, another taste, and another intellect: it was never designed for the populace of the literary world, but for intelligent. liberal men. whose souls have been taught to

　

　

VI PREFACE. soar above vulgarity and its formulas; for stern republcans, like the fathers of our republic; for the true nobility of nature, whether found in the so-called depths or heights of artificial society; and especially for the uncorrupted rising generation. Should this history be the means of extending illumination, the translator will feel himself amply compensated for his efforts to add something at least useful to the independent literature of his country. This history is peculiarly adapted to all thinking men, whatever their spheres of action may be. But it is to be recommended particularly as a rare and precious source of political instruction for the citizens of a state, where the rights of man and his capacity for self-government are recognized; where it is necessary that every one should become somewhat acquainted with political affairs; where, in fine, should be the fatherland of so genuine a pupil of the Washington school as Rotteck This has been pronounced by critics one of the greatest historical works of the present age; and their judgment is confirmed by its immense sale in Europe. In Germany alone more than 100,000 copies (in various editions and forms) have been sold within a few years. The publisher has spared no expense to make the exterior correspond with the internal value of the work, hoping thereby to present to his fellow-citizens a histor) suitable for all classes and all places.

　

　

INTRODUCTION. I. OF HISTORY IN GENERAL. DEFINITION AND DIVISION. HISTORY, in its widest sense, can be taken for the knowledge, or exposition, or sum of all that is, or is done, has been, or has been done, in nature as among men, in general; in thewhole realm of experience, and consequently perceptible only by experience or instruction, accordingly for the opposite of philosophy, which is the knowledge of all truths that are necessary and general, and hence perceptible by mere reason. But the more strict and proper signification claims for history merely events determinate as to time, place, and circumstances, consequently only those that happen, or have happened, once for all, and the strictest and most proper only such determinate events, for which human doing or suffering furnishes the matter, or which, although consisting in natural occurrences, are considered only in reference to that human doing or suffering. The province of history, taken even only in its strictest signification, is immense in compass and contents. A boundless ocean of events lies behind us, and the stream of time continues to swell daily and hourly by ever new-advancing floods of facts, phenomena, and names. The human spirit, overpowered by the enormous mass of these facts, cannot even approximate to complete knowledge of them, and oblivion is the lot, nay, the unregretted lot, of the greatest part of the past. And science, whose task is not the impossible, and in general only the collection of instructive knowledge, strives merely to preserve, re-find and hold fast memorable facts although, it is true, from the immense VOL. I. —A 1 (f

　

　

2 I NTr ROD U T I O N. diversity of the objects and interests of her friends, she acknowledges that the memorable is an excessively relative idea, and that much, which in general appears unimportant, may, for par. ticular reasons, be of worth to some or many. History can be divided in many ways, according to its objet t, as well as according to its form, and this divis on may serve to facilitate the general view of its inexhaustible contents.' In regard to the objects of narration, history is distinguished into the history of politics, literature, religion, the church, commerce, war, &c.; the history of countries, nations, the world, and mankind. Most of these branches may be yet subdivided, for example, (a) in respect to time, which is divided usually into ancient, middle, and modern, or also into single centuries or other arbitrary periods; (b) in respect to extent. There are general and particular histories, diversely subdivided, and of more or less importance. General is that which contains in itself many other or a whole class of histories. Those contained in it are called particular. But both are relative ideas, and in the long gradation from the wholly particular or separate to the most general or universal history, every history, with the exception of the extreme members, is at the same time general and particular. Both ideas are, as for the rest, applicable to the extent of the historical object, in space and time, as well as to the matter of histories, that is to say, to the species of events related. In reference to the form of history, that is tod say, to manner of narration and character, we distinguish especially chronicles, or simple specifications of events, adapted to the succession of years, or other sections of time; then historical collections of diverse contents and various arrangement (these two forms present only materials); and, finally, the properly scientific or pragmatic philosophical history. This last, the spirit of which is compatible with most forms, is an authentic history, written according to the rules of the genuine historical art, endowed with a true philosophical look; a history which searches everywhere for causes and effects, for the internal coherence of facts, and exhibits these; and which, therefore, affords everywhere grand and instructive views, and contains, instead of a useless or dry magazine of themes for the memory, a rich and multifarious nourishment for the head and heart.

　

　

INTRODUCTION. 3 RELATION OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD.-PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY THE individual object which every person proposes to himself in studying history, whether he wish.s to make it his own as a principal department of knowledge, or only as a science auxiliary to another chosen department, or as a branch of instruction belonging to a general scientific education, must indeed have an important influence upon the method and extent of this study: but the best basis of the same will always be a summary, general history, or the history of the world. Such a history makes the reader acquainted with the extent and the most general formn of the historical province, with the coherence of its principal parts, and with their reciprocal relations; it raises him to that elevated point of view, from which he can survey and judge innumerable facts; it forms, since it exhibits only the greatest, the historical taste; teaches, consequently, in studying isolated histories, to view, appreciate and class events justly, and gives a rational direction to the choice of these particular studies, or these fields to be selected for particular culture. The history of the world is no less the indispensable preparation for the philosophy of history, that is to say, for the condition of all the spirit and life, of all the importance and nobler usefulnessof history. The philosophy of history, is that which converts a sterile treasure of the memory into nourishment for the head and heart, or that which makes it a true science. Without a philosophical view, all investigation, study, or criticism of history is fruitless. As belonging to this are usually reckoned in particular: — (a) examination of the importance and authenticity of facts; (b) acquaintance with the causes and consequences of the same; and, finally, (c) rational and useful application of this knowledge -to public and private life. It is indispensably necessary to apply, in various ways, logic, psychology, anthropology, and the greater part of the other branches of practical and speculative philoso. phy; and it is in the very application of these sciences, and the advantage derived from it, in illustrating and enriching history, that the philosophy of history consists. In general, history is the most worthy and inexhaustible subject for philosophical investigation: but it ceases to be so when it loses its purity. History ought not, therefore, in its investigations and representations, to depend upon or be biassed by any philosophical system. It has one single object: the representation of the past. It knows

　

　

4 INTRODUCTION. not to what results this will lead. It knows not whether these results will have for their effects the perfection or degeneration of our race, or whether our race will remain stationary; it knows not whether these results will furnish proof of an abso lute necessity in nature, of fatalism or freedom in human affairs and a divine plan of education for our race- but from the facts which it affords, the philosopher may ascertain this, and then this again would be the philosophy of history. General history, or the history of the World,will be the subject of this book. We must first give a more particular defini. tion of it. II. OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD IN PARTICULAR. DEFINITION. IN the definition of the history of the World, we shall proceed from the following views: 1. Its object is a unity, no aggregate; consequently it is itself a whole, not a mere collection. This single object is the world, i. e. our world, our race, and its abode, the earth. The history of the World is then, the history of the earth, and of man as a connected whole. 2. The events which history relates are the most memorable and important, not those which have a local or temporal interest,.or an interest which depends on particular ends; but such as have a general and everlasting interest, although, by the means of it, many subordinate ends and advantages may also be attained. 3. The history of the World is the last and highest result of all special histories, arranged in order. The following definition may perhaps correspond with these characteristics: The history of the World, is a continuous representation of all the principal revolutions of the earth and mankind, by which we may become acquainted with the present and past condition of both, and its causes. The history of the World according to this definition, and treated accordingly, will-hold a middle place between a representation, too ideal, or encumbered by too many arguments, and a mere dry collection; two opposite directions, which, how. ever, are too often taken even by good writers.

　

　

INTRODUCTION. 5 The extensive views, which the consideration of the history of the World presents, are so elevating to the mind that the imagination is very easily carried away, especially in the more susceptible age of youth; and only involuntarily, the more calm investigations of the understanding, and the prudent reflections of reason are pursued, in the consideration and representation of events. From a proud and often dizzy height, separate facts are no longer surveyed, but only the general proportions of the whole in large and confused masses; which are perhaps arranged and connected a priori, according to the dreams of a heated imagination, or according to a favourite system. Such representations may often be attractive and often instructive; but they do not constitute a profound history of the World. On the other hand, many are led away by the desire of producing a complete work, and including the greatest possible number of events in the history of the World; and consequently they make an extract from all special histories. Such works, also, as several distinguished scholars have produced them, have much merit, and are of extensive utility: they accomplish indeed, two objects instead of one, although imperfectly. For, if one compress the narration as Remer, or, as Beck, put the general events in the text, and the particular events in notes, yet accumulation of details will always prevent the attention from being fixed on the whole; and the consideration of the general subject will too often break the thread of particular narrations. Such works will always want unity, both in the object, the end, and exposition. They may be rich magazines of historical knowledge, but they do not present the history of the World, systematically connected. In order to justify and make still plainer our definition of the history of the World, we will explain more accurately the difference between it, and the history of Mankind, and universal history, with which branches it is most frequently confounded. Although the history of Mankind admits of different views. and under the pen of a Hume, Meiners, Herder, &c. always appears in a different form, yet it may be observed of it in general, that it affords less narration than the history of the World, and considers in a still higher universal sense than this, the course of the human race as a whole; that it consequently represents more results as universal considerations, than separate facts.

　

　

6 INTRODUCTION Besides, the history of Mankind is almost entirely abstracted from the earth, whose revolutions the history of the World care fully narrates. For the former permits reasonable conjectures, philosophical meditations; it even affords some space for the wings of the imagination; the latter demands a rigid and critical exposition. Finally, the history of Mankind is not confined to chronological order, and often forms a phenomenon from the combined observations of ages, very remote from one another whilst, on the contrary, the history of the World follows constantly the order of time. No less important is the difference between general history, or the history of the World, and universal history. This last is a general magazine of all the memorable events, of all times, places, and kinds; its object is to serve as such, which it attains, by as much completeness and order as possible. It differs, then, from the history of the World, as a large magazine of materials for building, differs from the edifice itself. All special histories are contained within it; its scope is the same as theirs: but it can arrange only for an external view the multifarious matter, which cannot be united into a systematic unity. The history of the World selects from universal history, only the events of the world, i. e. those which have had an important influence, mediately or immediately, upon the condition of the earth and the human race, and endeavours, by connecting them systematically together, to give a clear explanation of this condition. Compressed abridgements or compends of universal history, although they appear to approach the history of the World in their external form, differ from it, however, very widely in their substance. These compends are designed to fulfil, as well as their narrow limits permit, the object of universal history; or, at least, to serve as a brief survey of the different branches of universal history, or its principal matter. On this account, they contain all the principal subjects of universal history; the nanmes of all the kings, and the smallest nations: and although indeed, according to the greater or less extent of such compendiums, the selection is sometimes more, and sometimes less meagre, yet it is always made with regard to the scope of universal history, and the special histories which it contains. The history of the World, on the contrary, contains, it is true.

　

　

INTRODUCTION. an abridgement of universal history, but forms it for its own end, and selects from particular histories only those facts, which have a relation to, and serve to explain the general condition of the world. This inherent spirit remains, the constant, essential characteristic of the history of the World, although it is often forced to condescend to the external arrangement of compendiums of universal history, from the nature of language which is not susceptible of a comprehensive representation as a painting; but only of an arrangement of separate traits in regular succession, which the understanding then combines. THE SUBJECT OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD. FROM what has been said, the events of the world only belong to the province of the history of the World; that is to say, those which embrace the important revolutions of the earth, and mankind, or' their causes. The genius of general history is tried by the discovery, just estimation, and connected exposition of such events. Innumerable important events, indeed,-those that happened in ancient times, in particular-have been forever wrested front us by the hand of the universal destroyer, or their sources havt been lost. But the traces at least, of many others exist, although still unobserved; they await the eye of the connoisseur, to discover and bring them to light. The history of the World takes up also many events of less importance, which, considered by themselves are not properly the events of the world, if they are connected with these as causes, attendant circumstances, or consequences; if they constitute the transition from one great revolution to another, fill up the intervening chasms; or, in general, if they contribute to the united and complete knowledge of its course, its effects, its succession in time, and the general condition of the world at all times. From this, it is evident, that not only the most stormy events, as battles, the overthrow of thrones, the change of dynasties &c., may be memorable data for the history of the World; but yet, much more, those silently advancing revolutions, which produce more extensive and durable effects, than the most mighty storms, and those silent connexions of moral causes, the natural and often the most simple effects of which are, to the populace, astounding

　

　

INTRODUCTION. explosions. It is in the history of the World as in nature: a hurricane, an earthquake,may cause desolation in different places: but what is their power compared with the still, but all vivifying breath of the spring; compared with the slow but irresistible influence of the weather and the seasons? Amazing was the overthrow of the European system of States, which the war of the French revolution produced in the most violent manner: but the French revolution was the natural consequence of a long series of moral causes, which worked silently and invisibly. The conquests of Gengis-Khan entered the history of the World noisily: they are almost forgotten: the Christian religion was founded and silently spread, but it established itself on the throne of ages and fixed the destinies of the latest posterity. Among the revolutions of the earth, those which nature herself has produced, occupy only a subordinate place in the history of the World. For although the same elements and forces, which produced the earliest general formation of the earth, have ever since continued in restless activity, and effected multifarious revolutions, yet the greatest of them, such as the detachment of Sicily from Naples, the separation of Britian from Gaul &c., happened without the limits of historical times, and consequently are not united with those which are known to us, or with that connexion of human actions and destinies, which we endeavour to discover. Others, as the diminution of the Caspian Sea, the formation of the Mediteranean, &c., are merely conjectures. But changes less considerable, as the formation of new islands, mountains, and lakes, the reciprocal encroachments of the sea and land, &c., are of little importance to the whole: other changes again, which are not produced suddenly or violently, but are the effects of causes constantly operating-such as the depression of mountains, the elevation of valleys, &c., will not exhibit any important results until after the lapse of thousands of years. Reasonably, therefore, the historian leaves such —otherwise very interesting and instructive —changes for the most part to the naturalist and geographer. Much more important are the changes of the earth by the hand of man. They are immense and worthy of admiration. Consider that land which has not been transformed by th hand of man! It is situated in a most happy climate, has nume rous rivers, and a most beautiful vicissitude of hills and valleys'

　

　

INTRODUCTION. 9 Its aspect, however, is sad. Numberless plants are growing in confusion, but the useful are, for the most part, supplanted by those that are unuseful or noxious; painfully the foot forms a path through thorns and creeping plants, or wanders in the horrific darkness of impenetrable woods. Sometimes a steep rock, sometimes a foaming torrent, sometimes a dead morass arrests the traveller's steps, cold mists veil the sun from his view, he is tortured by swarms of disgusting insects, and the cave, in which he seeks a shelter, conceals the hostile beast of prey. The further we look, the more the terrors increase. Dry deserts that extend further than the eye can reach, alternate with barren rocks. Here, you look in vain for a refreshing fountain, and there, the ground on which you stahd is overwhelmed by the overflowing of a river, or by the waves of the sea bursting their barrier. And now how has man transformed these same lands! A dismal wilderness is made a blooming garden. The wild confusion of savage vegetation no longer appears, but fields of grain extend over a wide surface. The summit of the mountain is adorned with a noble vegetation. Upon the naked rock man has carried earth; has watered sandy deserts and subjected poisonous marshes to the plough. The subdued wilderness, he has filled with numberless habitations, and decorated with proud palaces. In vain now the river wars with its well guarded banks; the foaming waves of the sea, repulsed by strong barriers, give back their ancient conquests. The earth is man's; he has searched out its most hidden corners. Everywhere you walk in unobstructed roads; no precipice, no torrent, impedes your steps. Man has built bridges over yawning deeps, made highways through threatening cliffs, compelled wild waters to flow in a gentle stream, and united them by canals; has united countries and parts of the earth by roads and connected seas. Finally, he has enriched one country by the productions of others; has conveyed plants and animals from their native soil to distant zones, and has improved and multiplied them; he has even imposed his law upon the temperature and climate. The icy plains have been thawed, the cold fogs have disappeared, the seasons have become milder. After the lapse of centuries, the same country is no longer known; Italy is found in Germany, and Germany in Sweden. B

　

　

10 INTRODUCTION. But all this has not happened everywhere, at every time, and in the same degree. Many countries are to this day still in their primitive form; many have experienced alternate periods of cultivation and desolation, and the improvements that one nation has made have been but too often destroyed by another. Such revolutions, the history of the World collects and brings before our mind in an order, that strikes us with astonishment. What has been said, however, may suffice for an introduction. THE CHANGES OF THE HUMAN RACE. THE revolutions of the earth are especially important to him who studies the history of the World, on account of the influence which they exercise upon the human race; for the neglect, cultivation, or desolation of a country reacts in proportion upon the inhabitants. A country well cultivated, and rich in productions and commodities, will not only support a more numerous, but also a more happy and better population; and a wilderness was never inhabited by a civilized people. Wonderful are the changes which the human race have experienced in the course of time, and nothing can be more sublime than their consideration. We learn from this, what we are, how we became what we are, and what we yet may become; consequently, the sum of the highest wisdom, in public and private affairs. In the adoption of a common origin for all men, for which there are many reasons, although it is not free from doubt, the strange diversity of cotemporaneous individuals and nations upon the surface of the globe, exhibits their multifarious changes; and whoever maintains the plurality of the first ancestors of mankind, and the primitive races, cannot possibly close his eyes to the different forms of the same nation, at different times, and especially before this diversity was caused by the mixture of races. In general, these differences are numberless, and observable in every thing which concerns the external or internal nature of man and his relations. First, as to his exterior: what manifold gradations, what striking contrasts are presented in the form of the body in general, and in its parts, colour, size, strength, and organization: in

　

　

INTRODUCTION. 11 the traits of the countenance, the structure of the bones and muscles, the colour of the hair and eyes, &c.! And then in the internal faculties and their developement, in an intellectual and moral respect,-what an immense difference between individuals and classes of men, between one nation and another, between ancestors and descendants! A Cretin and Kant, a porter and a courtier, a Cartouche and a Fenelon, the Pecherais and Englishmen, the Peruvians and Iroquois, ancient and modern Greeks, Hermann's Germans and ourselves-what comparisons! The different conditions of nations, and their misery or prosperity, appear partly as the immediate consequence of this diversity, and partly, as an undeserved inheritance from their ancestors. There are some whose enjoyment is limited to what their oftentimes sterile soil alone produces; whilst others, by an ingenious cultivation, multiply their productions, give them a thousand different forms, and derive advantage from them in a thousand ways, and, by means of commerce, command the productions of all zones and parts of the earth. Among savage nations, individuals and tribes think only of themselves; among civilized nations each individual promotes the welfare of another, and one generation leaves to another, means, ins.itutions, and resources, in order constantly to promote its happiness, and elevate the degree of its secure and various enjoyments. The companions of Deucalion and Alcibiades, the Otomacs, who eat earth, and the inhabitants of the large cities of Europe-how immensely different their condition! THE CAUSES OF THE CHANGES IN.THE HUMAN SPECIES. AND whence these numberless diversities, these changes which succeed one another incessantly in the human species? Wherefore are, or were here, men of enlightened minds and mild dispositions; there, diminutive, wild, stupid, barbarians? here, free and happy nations; there, miserable and despicable herds of sla ves, and all this in a strange intermixture, and a variously changing succession, according to time and place? The education of man, i. e. the developement or destruction and various direction of the faculties and dispositions slumbernmg within him, are the effects of a thousand physical and moral

　

　

12 INTRODUCTION. influences, which are susceptible of innumerable combinations. Physical causes may influence his moral nature, and moral causes his physical nature; and the determination of the fate or condition of nations, is, for the most part, at the same time, cause and effect; they depend mutually upon each other, and are among themselves in a multiplied relation of reciprocal action. Climate occupies the first place among the physical influences. It acts, indeed, chiefly upon the physical, yet much also upon the moral man. The colour, form, and the traits of countenance, &c., depend upon it, and it impresses upon nations, if its influence continues to operate during several generations, at length an indelible, or at least a very permanent character; which often even by the longest subsequent residence in other climes, can never be effaced, and constitutes the distinction between what we call the human races. Not only the body of man, but also his soul, and his whole condition are chiefly determined by climate. His manner of thinking and feeling, his enjoyments and his cares, and even his self-control and religion are, for the most part, climatic. Where anything is to be done, opposed to climate, or different from that to which it inclines, there, a combination, so much the stronger, of opposite forces is necessary. Temperate climates are the most propitious for the developement and improvement of human nature. No great man has yet, as Schlozer justly remarks, arisen between the tropics, or in the vicinity of the polar circles. The position of a country and its soil, its productions, and, consequently, the food and drink it affords its inhabitants, may be included in climate in a wider sense of the word. They act equally as physical causes, that determine the external and internal man. But moral causes influence man more than physical, and most powerfully, and most generally, society, which may be justly called the mother of civilization, and indeed the condition of the properly human existence. But society, the instructress of man, may differ as to its extent and duration, its intimacy and regulation. Many circumstances determine its relations and influence. Many of these are produced out of society itself, and react upon it; increasing, confirming, regulating, or disordering and dissolving; consequently favourable and improving to man, or oppressive and destructive.

　

　

INTRODUCTION. 13 We can reduce properly with Schldzer these circumstances to the. following principal rubrics: occupation, government, religion and manners. Occupation is almost synonymous with subsistence; because the principal occupation of man has for its object, mediately or imlmediately, his sustenance, his inevitable and daily renewed want. The manner of subsistence exercises a wonderful influence upon the physical and moral than, as we learn from the history of all nations and times. The first means of sustenance, and, therefore, that which is peculiar to uncivilized nations only, is hunting and fishing; for, perhaps, nowhere does nature afford of herself' productions of the earth sufficient for the support of life. The hunter is as insociable as a beast of prey, and almost as fierce. The fisher is less fierce, but, for the most part, more feeble and stupid; because fishing generally requires less strength and artifice than the chase. The first step towards civilization, is the domestication and care of animals; which, indeed, according to the nature of the species domesticated, (whether e. g. the sheep, cow, or horse,) produce different effects. But, in general, it permits men to reside nearer together, renders their manners more mild; requires and occasions social regulations, and dexterity in various arts. But yet nomadic nations cannot pass for civilized. Their barbarism is terminated first by agriculture. This supports many men in a small space, makes their mutual assistance necessary, requires industry and order, peace and justice; it presupposes, therefore, firm, social regulations; a government and laws; and b6sides various inventions, and various kinds of knowledge, it draws after itself many others, and affords the means for ease, security, and the enjoyment of life. There is, however, a higher degree of civilization-the practice of the arts and commerce, which supply the defects of agriculture, confer upon its productions, by transforming and improving them in various ways, a much higher value; collects men together in large numbers, and even enrich them upon an ungrateful soil. The practice of the arts and commerce can flourish only in the most perfect state of society, and they cause the same; they bring nations and individuals into contact and communication in various ways; to the reflecting, afford matter for reflection; to the arts and sciences, inexhaustible resources: they spread ideas, knovledge, and inventions, no less than mer

　

　

14 INTRODUCTION. chandise and awaken and develope all the different faculties and talents. Besides, these different ways of support are seldom entirely separate. Mlany nations which follow hunting, are engaged, at the same time, somewhat in agriculture, and the nomadic nations, in commerce, &c. The predominant kind of occupation alone shows the degree of civilization, provided othei circumstances are similar. The occupation of nations exercises, also, a considerable influlence upon their form of government. The wild life of the hunter and the unsteady nomadic life, incline to lawlessness and licentiousness; agriculture and commerce, to the observance of laws and civil order. Nevertheless, the form and manner of government are determined by many other circumstances, by the climate and soil, by the national character, and degree of improvement, often by accident, by external influences, by the manner of thinking, by the genius and power of individuals; and the same form of government may, according to the personal difference of rulers, produce opposite results. But the government and rulers, the laws and judges, always exercise a most decided and most extensive influence, upon the condition of,nations. Upon them depends generally their welfare or misery, civilization or barbarism, dignity or degeneration; and the history of Mankind, is in its most prominent phenomena-the history of governments and rulers. Religion, the most sacred gift of mankind, operates less strikingly, but yet powerfully upon the condition of men and nations. For whenever men think and feel humanely, there lives in them the idea, the presentiment at least, of God and immortality. These ideas-although the philosopher may proudly boast that he can dispense with them-are the support of public morality; they strengthen the power of the law by higher motives; direct those actions which escape the eye of the legislator and the arm of the judge; afford consolation and hope in the troubles of life. But these ideas are found, according to nations and times, in various degrees of purity, or combined with the additions of folly and imposture; they have more or less entered into the minds of men, and into their manner of action in private and public life; have been more or less prudently used by legislators and rulers for the attainment of benevolent, political, or selfish objects,.and have been more or less carefully guarded by their

　

　

INTROD UCT JON. 15 proper preservers and teachers, the priests, and used or abused for public instruction. And, thus, religion has alternately, according to the character and spirit of its fbrms, and the tendency of its doctrines, and the genius and interest of the priesthood, produced improvement and corruption, light and darkness, civilization and barbarism, prosperity and misfortune. But what occupation requires, what the sovereign commands, and the priest teaches, is yet always susceptible of being practiced in different manners; and there are innumerable actions, which are not immediately determined by the manner of subsistence, laws and religion. Such actions and manners of acting, if they appear uniform among many, as if by silent consent, are called manners, usages, customs. Their collection forms an interesting part of the history of Mankind, and facilitates the investigation of the causes of the most important revolutions; e. g. chivalry, the reciprocal relations of the two sexes in society; duelling (a custom prevailing even against.the laws,) &c. The less definite and numerous the laws of a nation are, the more extensive is the dominion of customs, and they may often supply the place of laws. They continue among simple nations, which have not advanced far in civilization, frequently uniform for centuries; among wealthy and commercial nations, which have large cities, containing many foreigners, they are wavering and mutable. But, generally, nations and individuals adhere more firmly to their own peculiar manners, thanto theirlaws, which are often foreign and urged upon them. These are the principal causes of the difference in the condition of men, and also, at the same time, the principal aspects under which it can be considered; but they do not exhaust the subject. Many changes, at least in respect to the passive part, depend upon chance and destiny; such are the influences that a nation receives from foreign nations, which are often irresistible, and decisive for centuries;- such are the powerful effects which proceed from distinguished individuals, from important inventions, from individual power and enthusiasm, from which result the welfare or misfortune of nations; such is the spirit of the times, or the general situation of the world, which operates favourably or unfiavourably upon individual efforts, and especially the character of the ideas that predominate in the thoughts and actions of nations. All this, and whatever has a nearer or more distant

　

　

16 INTRODUCTION. relation to the revolutions of the earth and mankind, the history of the World searches for in particular histories, and selects from them the most important facts, and exhibits them in a harmonious connexion. OBJECT OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD. BY this means, then, its immediate object, the profound knowledge of the present and past condition of the earth and mankind, is attained. Perhaps the object of the history of the World may be extended still further, and it may be said, perhaps, that it aspires also to the disclosure of the future condition of the world. For as the past has brought the present forth, so the present contains the embryo of the future. The comparison of the primitive condition of man, with his present destination and relations, and the survey of the long way by which he has arrived amidst such various fates, where we now behold him, can only decide the great question, whether we, on the whole, advance or retrograde, or describe a sad, forever-returning circle; can alone inform us, whether what we see about us, promises light or darkness, welfare or misery, in the near or distant future; can, finally, only declare to us, what ways to choose and what to shun, in order to attain really what our nature incites us to desire, and permits us to hope. Hence, the distinguished place which the history of the World deserves among the other branches of history, is now sufficiently evident. Whatever can be said of the utility of history in general, is eminently true of the history of the World. It is the most grand, the most estimable, and the most instructive species of history. Without it, all special histories are, in part, unintelligible, and, in part, subservient only to subordinate ends; without it, we cannot elevate ourselves to a station from which we may clearly distinguish in the realm of history, what is truly worthy of being known, from what is unimportant. It is the sum, the point of union, the recapitulation of that which is generally interesting in all histories. OF THE UTILITY OF HISTORY IN GENERAL. BUT the immense utility of history deserves perhaps a more minute consideration: it is distinguished most naturally into

　

　

INTRODUCTION. 17 general and particular. For, besides the particular and signal advantages, which it affords to most of the conditions and classes of society, and to most of the branches of art and science, it has also a general and sublime, a purely human interest, and is-even without regard to individual or subordinate objects-in general, of powerful efficacy in the improvement of the mind and heart. It is a natural feeling, it might almost oe said, a want, which attracts us to history. The imagiretion gladly remains by the pictures of the past, and the heart is agreeably affected by'them. Whence, perchance, this general inclination? It is deeply rooted in the moral and sentimental nature of man; which, wherever it appears uncorrupted, and in some degree of devel opement, manifests itself by the feeling of sympathy, and, if it obeys the better voice, loves and esteems itself, not in the isolation of the individual, but in the generality of the race. To know this far-extended one race, to which we belong, to understand its spiritual life, in whose stream also our little bark of life floats onward, or at least, to have a presentiment of the object and goal for which we are steering-this must indeed be of the highest, of an absolutely human interest. And where shall we see mankind in their true form, in their proper life, except in history? In this, and in this alone, we discern what, amid so many incidental formations, and the various temporal and local peculiarities, is the constant, eternal nature of man. It is true, it exhibits itself in various forms, is susceptible of improvement and perversion, of restraint and advancement; yet, the same dispositions and faculties exist everywhere, and the same inclinations and passions prevail. We see everywhere the common welfare conflicting with private interests; but promoted, however, by these, and in the most multiplied mixture of partial events, we perceive a general advancement of our species. Consequently, he, who is unacquainted with history, is a stranger on earth and among his species, and a stranger to himself; the high interests for which mankind have striven and fought from the beginning, do not at all concern him; and whatever his abilities may be in other respects, he can take only a passive and mechanical part in their general life, as a wheel which knows nothing of the machinery in which it works. Not only is the true life of man discernible merely in history, C C2

　

　

18 INTRODUCTION. it exists also principally in history alone. Without it, every generation would pursue its particular course, and would ever tread anew the path that preceding generations have trod. History unites all generations by a common chain. It is the continuing self-consciousness of mankind and nations. The experience of all ages, and tradition, with all its treasures, belongs to history. The various kinds of knowledge, the ideas, and the inventions of all tires and nations, and what the sages thought, and taught in the grey anterior world, are communicated by history to the latest posterity. Now, they can begin where their ancestors left off, and may advance to entirely indeterminate degrees of perfection. If we turn our eyes from this high point of view, from this comprehensiveness of the idea of history, yet it is a fruitful source of knowledge. To history, the greater part of human knowledge may justly be ascribed. For the extent of the proper historical sciences is immense, and most of the branches of philosophy obtain from it, materials or facts, elucidating examples, and clear proofs. Nothing is more humiliating than the feeling of one, who is unacquainted with history; nothing more deplorable than his situation, if he is to judge concerning any affairs in public or private life. He is unable to read any book or newspaper with intelligence or profit; everywhere, he gropes in darkness; to him the present is an enigma, and the future completely veiled; prejudices of all kinds, of education and condition, of place and time, restrain the activity of his mind; what is most common, he cannot explain, and what is extraordinary, disconcerts him. What superiority is exhibited in the contrast of one who is versed in history! A wide and free prospect is presented to his view; from an elevated station, he surveys the affairs of men, their actions, and pursuits. No event can surprize him, for none are new to him. He discovers the secret springs, and foresees the probable consequences of the events of the day; for the past is the key of the present, and the mirror of the future. He assigns to every thing its proper place; entertains a partial preference, neither for what is ancient, nor for what is modern, for what is domestic nor for what is foreign, and suffers himself to be deceived neither by religious nor political illusions There is no better citizen, no more sincere adorer of God than he-for he perceives

　

　

INTRODUCTION. 19 in the state, the condition of humanity; and the Deity appears to him in the direction of human destinies, immortality, in the general presentiment of nations; but he becomes indifferent to political or religious forms, that belong to particular places or times, and tolerant to those, who reverse the same eternal truths in different garbs. So copious a source of knowledge, must necessarily have influence upon practical life, and history can be nothing else, than an instructress of wisdom,justice, and virtue. Experience and the knowledge of mankind are the two principal sources of wisdom; but history is the sum of experience and the knowledge of men. For public and private life, for individuals as well as for States, it contains in warning and encouraging examples, the most important and affecting precepts, uniform as to principle, although different as to circumstances and application, for what is true of things on a large scale generally holds good of those on a smaller. He who would influence individuals or nations must know mankind; and private fortune as that of nations prospers by talent and industry, foresight and moderation; or falls by absurdity and negligence, temerity and excess. If, by the narration of human actions, the precepts of wisdom make an impression upon the human heart, those of justice and virtue derive their force from the grandeur and amiableness of their models. For justice is not always triumphant, nor virtue prosperous; and it is this that enhances their value. Self-denial constitutes merit. General morality teaches us this; but it is seldom that the abstract idea of duty will gain the favour of men, unless it is made sensible by examples. History furnishes these elevating examples, that command respect and love; and converts a dry system of morality into a living picture of acting persons. Whoever enters this gallery of the great and noble men of all times, his mind is penetrated with the dignity of human nature, the sense of his own dignity is exalted, and he is inspired to emulation. Although these models are few, they are no less elevating; indeed their merit becomes still more impressive by their contrast with the vices of the many, and the greater the number of the wicked, the more deterring is their herd. Among the noble sentiments which history awakens and cherishes, we will select two, which are allied, and which are the

　

　

20 INTRODUCTION. sources of most of the other virtues: PATRIOTISM and THE LOVE OF LIBERTY. For the book of times is not only richer in examples of these, because they operate more in public life than others, and produce more numerous exploits; according to their nature, they are also determined by history in a certain degree, or derive from it, at least, their highest degree of perfection and strength. He who is unacquainted with history, can love his native country only instinctively, for he does not know his country; and we may often derive from history alone the courage to gain our freedom, which shows us, that freedom is possible, and the means by which it may be obtained. How often has the name of a Leonidas, of a Decius, of an Arnold von Winkelried, inspired to heroic actions! how often has the image of a Cato sustained the sinking courage of the noble defenders of liberty, andHermnann'sangry shade steeled the arm of the German youth! History not only teaches virtue, but also judges severely and rewards imparthally the actions of men, and by this means, much injustice of.man and fate is repaired. Too often, indeed, the good are unknown and calumniated in life; too often subtle and powerful villains succeed in deceiving their cotemporaries, in bribing or extorting their praise, and in silencing their invectives. But if some historians, if all cotemporaries are blinded, intimidated or corrupted, later history is not. Without bias or passion, without fear or hope, she examines the testimonies, judges the deeds, and distributes according to merit, glory and infamy. It is true, much escapes her on account of the want or loss of evidences; also, it is possible, although difficult, sometimes to deceive her; but she always searches with a sharp eye, weighs with a calm majesty, and pronounces a free and permanent judgment. So long as men exist, the name of a Critias, of a Cromwell, will be pronounced with abhorrence and execration; the name of a Socrates, of a Sidney, with love and benediction. The view of the impartiality of history-for the desire of fame, as that of immortality lives in the human breast-has often embittered the triumphs of the most prosperous wicked, and has excited them, contrary to their inclinations, to good actions, at least externally good, and raised the courage of afflicted justice and suffering innocence.

　

　

INTRODUCTION. 61 METHOD OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD. THE difficult task, which we have here to accomplish, consists in forming the immense history of the World, into a whole, connected in all its parts. This internal, natural connexion by which all events of all times, places and kinds, are united together, as cause and effect, basis and edifice, general form and characteristic, finally, as the varying destination of the same unity, mankind and the earth, really exists, as philosophy teaches, in general,but as the attentive consideration of the course of the world shows evidently by innumerable examples, and by others analogically at least. But it is a very difficult task to exhibit this in the narration, and in such a manner "that the memory may retain the various events, without too much trouble and without confusion; that the imagination may view them on all sides chronologically, in all their connexions; at length, that the understanding may consider them universally, and give them all the large view which distinguishes a system from an aggregate." For innumerable is the multitude of facts: their similitude is sometimes confusing, sometimes their various form, their connexion is very complicated and the whole is immense. The first object which the method has here to accomplish, is the suitable division of the province of the history of the World, into several principal parts. In the same manner as he who wishes to comprehend the objects of a wide space, arranges them according to this space, into several principal masses, which he surveys more easily separately, and then unites them into one great whole; in the same manner as the astronomer distinguishes the host of stars into zones and constellations, and as the geographer divides the earth into principal parts and into countries;so history, where objects are passing and following one another in time, must make this the basis of division, must establish epochs and periods, each of which may be a particular whole by itself; and, at the same time, a principal part of the greater whole. These parts must be separated by natural prominent demarkations-in geography by seas, rivers, chains of mountains -in history by powerful, far extended revolutions. The object of such a division, requires that the periods may be neither too

　

　

'22 INTRODUCTION many, nor too few; an approximate symmetry at least is desired also, i. e the avoidance of any striking disproportion. The first division which generally presents itself to the eye, and which therefore has been adopted by most writers, is into ANCIENT, MIDDLE, and MODERN Hlistory. These three great i)eriods, although connected in various ways, have a character, so essentially different, and present such striking peculiarities and marked contrasts, that each appears by itself to constitute a particular whole. In regard to their particular character, and their subordinate periods, they have been distinguished into the Ancient World, the Barbarism of the Middle Ages, and the new system of States. For that which characterizes most Ancient History, is precisely its antiquity, acccording to which it ascends to the commencement, to the earliest twilight of historical knowledge; its distance from everything which is connected with our immediate experience, customs and manners; the fading colours in which its ever-receding image appears, and the closed circle of its revolutions which represent it really as a past world on whose tomb we walk. But Middle History is the picture of barbarism, which devoured what ancient civilization had produced, and from which mankind could not arise a second time, but by painful efforts. At length, in Modern History the affairs of almost all nations on the globe are conducted by the relations of the European system of States; and what is foreign to Europe retreats into insignificance and obscurity, unless it operates upon Europe, or is determined by European influence. But as every single life, and each of the four ages of man, and almost every phenomenon in nature exhibits three different phases-the beginning, the middle and the end, and is divided into three periods naturally separated-the origin, duration and decay; so the three great historical ages of the world are separated, each again into three subordinate periods or phases, which are represented and characterized. I. as (1) the Infancy, (2) Power, (3) the Destruction of the Old World; II. as (1) the Irruption, (2) the Dominion, (3) the Removal of the Barbarism of the Middle Ages; III. (1) the Foundation, (2) the Continu ance, (3) the Dissolution of the new system of States. According to this, we should have nine periods in the history I

　

　

INTRODUCTION. 23 of tile World, the duration and limits of which may be determined thus: I. Ancient History. From the commencement of the historical world to the great migration of nations; i. e., from the first year of the world to the fifth century after the birth of Christ. (4400 years in round numbers.) First period: from Adam to Cyrus, the founder of the first empire of the world that is clearly known. From the year of the world 1 to 3425. Second period; from Cyrus to Augustus, or to the overthrow of the Roman republic. From 3425 to 3953. (528 years.) Third period: from Augustus to Theodosius the Great, or from the battle of Actium to the great migration of nations. From 3953 to 395 after the birth of Christ. (425 years.) II. Middle History. From the great migration of Natidns to the discovery of the two Indies. From the year of Christ 400 to 1500. (1100 years in round numbers.) Fourth period: from Theodosius to Charles the Great, the restorer of the Western Empire. From 395 to 800. (400 years in round numbers.) Fifth period: from Charles the Great until the end of the Crusades and the restoration of civilization in Europe. From the year 800 until 1300. (500 years in round numbers.) Sixth period: from the close of the Crusades to Columbus. from 1300 to 1492. (200 years in round numbers.) III. Modern History. From the discovery of America to our own times; (a little more than three centuries.) Seventh period: from Columbus to the peace of Westphalia and the establishment of the new European system of States. From 1492 to 1648. (156 years.) Eighth period: from the peace of Westphalia to the French revolution. From 1648 to 1789. (141 years.) Ninth period: From the commencement of the French revolution and the new order of things to the present time. From 1789 to 1840. It appears that the ages of the world, as well as their periods, diminish as they approach us, and that in later times the history of the World becomes chiefly a European History. Both are founded in the nature of things. What is nearer to us appears to us greater, more intelligible, more important; and the gener

　

　

24 rINTRODUCTION ality of the history of the World, may be commended in refer ence to knowledge; but a history of the World, which is composed for Germans, will never be suitable for the Chinese or Peruvians. It is so also with time. What is more related to our experience, what nearer or immediately influences us, must have for us a stronger interest, than that which lies the most distant in the ocean of the past, and which appears in colours that grow paler and paler as it floats away. Recollections become more uncertain, as generations succeed one another, the voice of tradition is silent, monuments disappear, and gradually, as centuries flow speedily on, only the higher, at length, only the highest points project from the ocean of time. The arrangement of events in the single spaces of time is more difficult, than the determination of the periods. For the condition of mankind may be considered in many points of view; the causes of human destinies are complicated, the combinations of men are numerous, of which each fills its own circle of active and passive life. The history of the World, as its object is to exhibit the course of the world, should pursue with an attentive view, each single circle, and relate with a thousand voices, the changes of condition in every sphere and everywhere, and bow one thing proceeds from, and is determined by another. It is necessary here that the method should remain far behind the ideal, the representation far behind the subject to be represented. For according to whatever points of view the series of facts and the order of single series, are arranged, what facilitates the survey in one way, will always obstruct it in another. If I should pursue the history of single nations, without interruption from their origin until their extinction, the internal connection of their fates would appear clear; but I should lose sight, by that means, of external causes, not less important, which act often from a distance. I should lose sight, also, of the general course of the world, and the representation of the general condition of mankind at all times. But if I should present a series of pictures of this condition in short periods, I should break the interesting thread of the histories of Nations, and could keep their separate data in mind only with difficulty. If I should consider, in a series, the single determinationsof the condition of mankind, according to the principal rubrics of inventions or the moral and physical, natural and social relations of man, and place the

　

　

INTRODUCTION. 25 changes of these relations together, as so many unities, my view must incessantly wander from nation to nation, from country to country, and if I present, in each single country, all the memnorable facts according to all their denominations, the truly historical and purely human views escape me, on account of local knowledge. From this, it is evident that neither the ethnographical method nor the chronographical, neither that method called improperly by Schldzer the technographical, nor finally the geographical, taken separately, corresponds with the object of the History of the World, but that merely by the combination and suitable variation of all these, their defects are mutually amended, and the true general connexion of' all events, becomes intelligible. It often becomes necessary to have recourse to the symmetrical arrangement, in order to facilitate the comprehension of many facts; also tabular representations of the synchronal and chronological order of events, concise repetitions, short summaries, and return to scattered narrations in order to bring them under one point of view, &c., are often necessary to assist the memory, the imagination and the understanding. The principal arrangement of facts in every separate period, is the ethnographical. For, the most striking scenes, in the drama of the history of the World, are those in which nations appear in the condition of active and passive life; individuals may appear also, who have directed the national power, or who have otherwise, in various ways, exercised a beneficial or detrimental influence upon the destiny of nations. And what concerns only a part of a nation or an individual, will be most naturally interwoven into the thread of the history of that nation. Most nations are, however, too unimportant to play a separate part in the history of the World. Such will be classified, perhaps, according to their geographical situation, and the histories of more important nations, where higher considerations do not demand anything else, are arranged in geographical order. But there are many events, in which many nations at the same time participate; revolutions in which the river of a particular history of a nation, is lost in the general stream of time. As to such events or epochs, the synchronal narration must supply the defects of the ethnographical, and there are whole periods particularly in modern times, when, on account of the multilateral connexion of nations, the synchronal method must predominate D

　

　

2Qt. INTRODUCTION. These histories of Nations sometimes related separately, sometimes comprehended synchronally, since they are for the most part restricted to the province of politics, do not exhaust the matter of the history of the World. This has much to relate in which not single, or several nations, but rather all mankind, or a great class of men, or in general the human understanding and heart appear in an active or passive state. Such are the great results of political events, because their influence always extends further than the place and time of action and the persons acting; and the relations of power,separated from that which they are for single nations,first acquire their higher historical interest, when they become causes that determine'the general condition of mankind, and cause in variousways their advancement and retro-gradation. Such, also, are all those spheres in which the mind and will of man show themselves active, creative and plastic, and susceptible of cultivation. Such are the ideas and feelings of men, sometimes merely inherent in the mind, yet more frequently passing into external life, determining all the branches of its condition and again determined by the same. The materials of the history of the World, are, therefore, art and science, religion and the constitution of states, morality and manner of life. The separate exposition of these subjects, according to what is called the technographical method, if it should be done with some degree of perfection, would require a greater space than the moderate extent of a book, designed to facilitate a general survey, permits. Also the separation of these subjects from the principal narration, might render the comprehension of the whole more difficult. Besides much that belongs to such a general history of civilization, is in so natural a connexion with the histories of States and Nations, that it is very suitably, and in part, necessarily interwoven with them. The general considerations, then,which yet remain, may be reduced to a few topics, the exposition of which, however, does not coincide precisely with the periodical division, chosen for political history, but generally requires divisions, or points of view entirely different. The method of narration and description, therefore, cannot be the same in all the periods. Completeness in the whole as far as the limits of the book permit, and a law of selection everywhere uniformly observed, but not uniformity in the exterior arrangement, are designed to be the character Df this book.

　

　

____j

　

　

FIRST BOOK. ANCIENT WORLD. THE HISTORY FROM THE ORIGIN OF MANKIND, OR FROM THE COMMENCEMEN1i OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE, TO THE MIGRATION OF NATIONS. FROM A. M. 1, OR 3983, B. C., TO A. D. 400.

　

　

INTRODUCTION. CHRONOLOGY. THE origin of the earth and of the human race is indeed no historical fact, because it lies beyond the boundaries of all remembrance. However, it may be taken as the starting point of the history of the World, because it is the object of this to go as far back as possible in its researches, to the source of our race, and the creation of its dwelling place. We can also admit, with some degree of certainty, that its origin may be placed al least four thousand years before the birth of Christ; since the preceding existence of several considerable and civilized kingdoms in different parts of the earth, as in Egypt, Central and Eastern Asia, which appears from the darkness of the most ancient traditions and fables, with certainty, more than two thousand years before Christ, connected with the slowness of human progress from the condition of barbarism to that of civilization, which is known from anthropology and experience, does not'permit us to suppose a less age for the human race. It appears, therefore, not unsuitable to choose such a convenient period, as is supported by our sacred writings in general, and for this reason has been adopted in almost all the ancient (commencing from the middle ages) and the greater part of the modern historical works, at least as an hypothesis for the basis of ancient chronology: we will not pretend by this to make any positive assertion, or to discover any infallible means for the arrangement of the different events of the Ancient World according to their cotemporary occurrence and succession in time. We acknowledge rather, that in the most ancient chronology, impenetrable darkness and endless confusion prevail: for, 1. The profane writers differ immensely from the sacred books in their computations, but particularly, in relation to the age of (29'

　

　

30 INTRODUCTION. the world.* It is to cut,,not to untie the knot, if we wholly reject the accounts of the first. However, not much assistance is derived from them: for, 2. The designations of time, in our sacred books, are dark, fluctuating, and discordant amongst themselves, especially in the Pentateuch, since Moses reckons according to the years that the patriarchs lived, which is susceptible of very different interpretations. 3. Besides, there are several texts of these sacred books, the Hebrew, Samaritan, and Greek text of the seventy interpreters. All three differ from one another; and in particular, in the Hebrew original, the patriarch Cainan is not found, whom the seventy introduce after Arphaxad. The chronology of Joseph Flavius, has been added to that of the three texts cited, on account of its antiquity and authority; hence we have four different sources or bases, for ancient chronology. 4. These have all been carefully investigated, studied, expounded, and compared by later chronologists; recourse has been had also to the profane writers in order to illumine the darkness. In vain! it has become more dense. A great number of scholars, some of whomr were also men of genius, such as Scaliger, Bochart, Marsham, Newton, Jackson, Petavius, Ucher, Pezron, Lenglet du Fresnoy, and in later times, Batsch, Frank, Ideler, &c., have devoted their time and labour to this ungrateful employment; and the consequence is, that we now possess more than a hundred different systems, which differ more than 1400 years from one another, but which,one as well as another, according to Bolingbroke's appropriate expression, like enchanted castles, vanish into nothing, by the dissolution of the charm, or by a nearer consideration. These few observations, proving already the moral impossibility of ever discovering the truth as to ancient chronology, nothing remains to us, but to aid the memory and imagination by a conventional determination of years, for the facts arranged according to their relation of time, of which the investigation * Herodotus gives to the Egyptian kingdom a duration of more than 13,000 years, Diodorus, 23,000, and an anonymous chronicle, even 36,000. The Babylonians boasted that their existence extended back hundreds of thousands of years, and the Chinese boast that their's has extended back millions of years!

　

　

CHRONOLOGY. 31 nas been made with the greatest possible care. One system should be constantly adhered to, it is not of much importance which; it should be the endeavour to impress upon the memory some dates for the principal facts, especially in round numbers, or others easy to be retained, namely, those that are shorter, (to obtain which there are several methods,) and to facilitate the retention of the connexion of time, or the intervals between other events, by frequent recurrence to suitable synoptical tables, by reflection upon the real connexion of facts and persons, or by other associations of ideas and mnemonical expedients, (v. Schl6zer's Introduction to General History.) We adopt the Hebrew chronology corrected by Dionysius Petavius, and adhere to it often, when we might reasonably accuse him of error; because it appears to us better to pass such small faults unobserved, than by pretended corrections, which, moreover, would not please every one, to increase the fearful multitude of chronological systems. We have, therefore, retained the qge of the patriarchs, according to the account of Moses, as the chronological measure of the antediluvian world, although we design in no way to defend that account. But whatever may be said of that manner of reckoning, there exist yet other reasons, as it has already been remarked, for ascribing to the world, i. e. to the human species, a duration that approximates to that computation. Besides, the study of history is rendered unnecessarily difficult, if, in every historical work, different dates are used for the same events. We indicate commonly merely the year from the creation of the world; because with this (for the same system),thatfrom the birth of Christ is given backwards.' If the date of an event be taken from 3983, the year in which it occurred before the birth of Christ will be obtained. To reckon from the deluge affords little advantage, because then the numbers rise to thousands. From the birth of Christ, the more clear and fertile province of history extends back not one thousand years. The relief which results from this to the memory, is also afforded by rectkoning from the Creation, if the first three thousand years are intagined deducted; or if the attention and recollection are chiefly, and almost exclusively directed to the events and numbers occurring after the third thousand years, i. e. from 3000 to 3983: and then it is merely necessary to become familiar with the small

　

　

32 INTRODUCTION. circle of 983 years.* By this means, the retrograde reckoning will also be avoided, which is troublesome and confusing on account of its unnaturalness, which designates early events by large, and late events by small numbers. The table appended at the close of this volume, will serve to facilitate the chronological survey. CHARACTER OF THE ANCIENT WORLD, AND ITS SEPARATE PERIODS. TIHE long space of four thousand five hundred years, which is allotted to ancient history, we divide, for facilitating the survey, into three subordinate periods, the more general characteristics of which are the following: The principal trait, that distinguishes the first period of the ancient world, is its obscurity. It extends from Adam, i. e., from the origin of the human race to Cyrus, the founder of the great Medo-Persian empire, according to the chronology, adopted by us, fiom the year 1 to 3425. The first two thousand years are completely void. Some few traditions, far removed from one another, wave before us, and distance and darkness prevent us from discerning, whether they are real or visionary forms. The darkness continues in the third thousand of years, and until the end of the period, only here and there interrupted by a doubtful twilight, and in the first half of the fourth thousand years, slowly dispersing before the dawning day. It is true, that the appearances are here multiplied, but their character remains the waver. ing and wonderful, like the images that commonly pass before our fancy or eyes in the early twilight of morning, when we are dreaming or waking. Almost all, which still remains to us of the histories of the nations of this long space of time, is fable and tradition; or, at least, the properly historical accounts are interwoven with them, and have become, for the most part, unintelligible by figurative representation, and symbolical investment. However, something appears perceptible through this veil, and this represents nations and all mankind in the state of infancy or minority. Their origin and gradual dissemination over the earth lie before us, although at a viewless distance, and everything reveals their new existence. We already perceive distinctly the abilities for everything which is good or evil in man - but * John v. Muller, (complete works, part xi., page 46,) rejects also the reckoning from the birth of Christ backwards.

　

　

CHARACTER OF THE ANCIENT WORLD. 33 their developement is yet imperfect. Healthy and unenervated in body and mind, man awakens to the feeling of his power, and manifests it with the fire of youth, and without restraint in various spheres. He is yet poor in experience; yet almost entirely nature, not yet much improved nor corrupted by education, and generally midway between barbarism and corruption. Yet nis education has already commenced; nat,:.al afflictions, and self made sufferings have brought him tc reflection; and he has discovered his earthly maladies, the eternal sources of his misery, selfishness and sensuality. He has also already sought for expedients against them; he has renounced hostile separation and lawless freedom; has become a citizen, and has endeavoured to elevate his mind by extending his views into the metaphysical world. But by both he has made new evils for himself; he has become alternately the victim of anarchy and despotism, and he has exchanged his most sacred presentiments for the errors of illusion. Priests have oppressed his rising understanding, and princes have treated nations as herds. Already, robbers of nations, conquerors, founders of empires of the world, have arisen, and the perverseness of man has sprinkled incense to them. One small nation only, the Jews, preserves, with difficulty, the treasure of the purer worship of God, and another, the Phcenicians, prefers the arts of peace to the glory of war. Different attempts, although unavailing,are visible, particularly in the west, to obtain a free and equitable constitution. In this, and in various other things, climatic influence is already manifested, which makes the orientals indolent and patient, and the inhabitants of the west, agile, and self-active. In the warm and happy climes of the east, man is inclined to enjoyment and repose: leisure carries him prematurely to a semi-civilization; the arts and sciences adorn his existence; but he slumbers in the midst of his way, or abandons himself to effeminacy and luxury; while, in trioe colder west, necessity awakes and animates his faculties, and the knowledge of his own power confers constancy and dignity upon his character. It is true many races begin here to degenerate, yet they remain unenervated and susceptible of good. Also several nations tread with success the path of purer civilization, and in the chosen lands of Greece and Italy, the soil is, at least, prepared, upon which later, from foreign seed, the most beautiful flower of mental cultivation and civilization shall bloom. TVoi. I. E 3

　

　

34 INTRODUCTION. The second period extends from Cyrus to Augustus, or to the overthrow of the Roman republic: from the year of the world 3425 to 3953, (B. C. 558 to 30) 528 years. If we must content ourselves in. the first period almost solely with traditions, and the proper histories themselves bear the stamp of the marvellous and fabulous; if, also, in other respe( ts, and, especially, in the developement hardly commenced, of all the human faculties, as well as social regulations, the character of infancy or the minority of our race is perceptible; so, in the second period that of maturer youth and manhood predominates. Distinct self-knowledge, more determinate connected recollections, the powers directed with perseverance to greater and higher objects, distinguish the second period. We shall observe here civil constitutions first assume a kind of consistency in two different ways. For on the one side, despotism is confirmed by the foundation of empires, on the other side, freedom obtains by incessant efforts and assistance, a more solid foundation, at least, the means and ways have been discovered to attainit; and its possession is no longer trifled away from error, althouogh often from perverseness and passion. If, thus, in the interior, the regulations of nations are made with more reflection and reason, so, also in external relations, the character of the maturer understanding is visible. Wars are conducted no longer from animal desire of plunder and thirst for blood; from the desire of performing great actions; no longer from vengeance, envy or other merely passionate impulses of the youthful mind. Policy and a reasonable desire for power and fame, decide now in the council of princes and nations, concerning war, and dictate peace. It is so, also in all the other spheres of active and passive life. The juvenile enthusiasm, with which previously religious ideas were embraced, changes gradually into colder investigation, and religion is made subordinate to political objects. In the beginning, those only of the arts and sciences flourish which belong to the imagination; the grave departments of knowledge are brought later to perfection. The moral condition becomes more refined and polished, but more luxurious; the vices of rudeness are succeeded by those of corruption. Yet it is evident, that this general characteristic applies o4ly to those nations, that are placed in the first scene of the theatre of the history of the World. For there were indeed, also, in the second period, and

　

　

CHARACTER OF THE ANCIENT WORLD. 35 there are, even at present, many particular nations, which are yet found in the period of infancy; but of these, the principal traits cannot be embraced in the sketch of a general -outline. The age of youth and manhood is that of power, and everything bears that stamp which passes on the great theatre of the world in the present period. Powerful kingdoms arise, some suddenly, by gigantic efforts, others, slowly by wisdom and persevering courage. Small states defend themselves gloriously against the most fearful superiority, or fall with renown, in an unequal contest. No other age is so fertile in the prodigies of patriotism and the love of freedom; none so rich in sages and heroes. But terrible also are the distractions of falsely directed power; and sad the increase of illiberal national pride and republican fanaticism. We discover, indeed, more crimes than noble deeds, more - transgressors than heroes. Hardly a trace remains of them all, or their actions, good or bad; they live only as warning or instructive examples. But what the mind of man has conceived, what he has done in art and science, continues always to act immediately, even in the most modern times. In this, lies the peculiar pride of the principal period of the ancient world. Although fate has preserved only a few monuments of art for. us from this period, they suffice as sublime models to preserve the eternal laws of the beautiful until the latest time; and immense is the value of the writings preserved-far more have been lost —in all the departments of science and art. It is true our advances are greater; but if we consider how poorly the resources of the ancients compare with ours, and how confined with them the conflict of mental activity must have been upon so few nations, we shall be reasonably surprised, that the force of genius, with so little, has done so much. And much more it would have accomplished, had not freedom and morality, the foster-mothers of all that is beautiful and good, fallen under the destructive action of tyranny and corruption. This corruption extended in the same direction, as at an earlier period civilization, i. e. from east to west, and, at the close of this period, the historical world is divided between barbarism and degeneration. But, notwithstanding the moral depravation, which greatly increased towards the close of the second period, the principal result of its history appears to afford a prospect of advancement. By a rapid progress nations were elevated from barbarism to

　

　

36 INTRODUCTION. civilization, from weakness to strength, from inexperience to wisdom. They laboured zealously and with success in the regulation of states; here for the confirmation of freedom, there for the fortification of power. The maturing understanding had col-'ected everywhere treasures of knowledge in human and divine things, and much of which was practised in private life and s ciety. Industry, the arts and sciences, and the intercourse among men and nations, had multiplied progressively, the conveniences and enjoyments of life; and at length the most powerful nations of the earth were combined into one great whole, and consequently united in the application of their once divided and hostile powers. After such important advances, could not still greater results, with reason, be expected for the consequence? But contrary to sauch a hope, if it was ever entertained, we perceive in the third period, from Augustus until Theodosius the Great, or from the battle of Actium until the great migration of Nations (from 3953 before, to 395 after Christ, 425 years), a sad pause, even a retrogression in the destinies of men. As if the highest point had already been attained, which it was possible to reach in the circumstances of that time, and according to the advancement which had- been made in the education of men, the retrogression commenced, apparently inevitably, as the declining age succeeds the period of the full power of man. The springs of the ancient constitutions for the protection of freedom were worn out, and the spirit or forces necessary to repair them or construct others, no longer existed. Exhausted by long continued efforts, the citizens of the greatest Empire which the earth ever saw, and which contained the most noble portion of mankind, abandoned themselves to the unlimited power of one, with the same apathy with which nations support the annihilation of their nationality, which they once so constantly defended. No other want appeared to have been known except repose, ease, and in all enjoyments, an increase of attraction in proportion to the diminution of susceptibility. The traces of genius were few, there was adecreaseof power in the moral and physical nature; an indolent use, at length forgetfulness, of existing inventions; a modest pursuit in the paths that were anteriorly made, but no new improvements in the arts and sciences; in religion, a return to childish superstition, and even to hopeless unbelief; also every

　

　

THEATRE OF EVENTS. 37 where relaxation, and from this, accelerated by external storms resulted the fall. It is true these traits characterize only the,Roman Empire; but this contains the greatest and the most memorable, and almnost the only portion of mankind, that is historically known. Consequently, it might seem that the cause of those sad results, lay merely in the formation of such an empire, by which the fates of all nations were linked to the destiny of Rome, and not in a general decline of mankind. But that empire of the world, and its despotic monarchy would never have risen among the noblest nations, unless their force and spirit had already been relaxed. Rome could have extended her sceptre, with so little trouble, only over declining states; and had the principal powers, upon whose fall, she built her greatness, possessed the youthful energy of the Spaniards, Rome would have bled in the contest before she had conquered. But Rome herself, if she had not already felt the decline of age, would have been preserved by the virtue of a Cato, and by Brutus's courage, from Cuesar and Augustus. However true, and important in its consequences, the idea of a gradation in the age of nations, and all mankind may be, it should serve only to mark the principal form of these great periods, by the most prominent traits, in order to facilitate their survey. Its farther investigation belongs to the philosophy of the history of Mankind. The history of the World, as a more modest and strict science, should not lose itself, in its representations, inr the realm of ideas, but should be satisfied with the connexion of events, which is positively given. In this sense, the character of the third period, consists in the imposing picture of a universal monarchy, and its good and evil effects. For, at this time, besides Rome, almost nothing appears in history; and fate seemed to have prepared and disposed all circumstances in reference to this great Empire, with the express design, that all the consequences of such a power, in every hypedthesis, might appear before us with convincing clearness. THEATRE OF THE EVENTS. IN the first period, the theatre of the events comprehends every country from the southern declivity of the chain of mountains of Upper Asia, and from the Caspian and Black Seas down

　

　

38 1INITRODUCTION. to the Mediterranean and Indian Seas, nay, even to the Chinese Sea, yet so that India takes a small, and China no part at all, in the events of the rest of the world: only the northern part of Arabia appears, and several countries of the interior of Asia are only faintly exhibited: it embraces, besides, a great part of the northern coast of Africa, but especially the fortunate valley of the Nile; in fine, almost all the coasts of Europe and the isles of the Mediterranean Sea, in particular, Greece and Italy; besides, wholly in the back ground, here the desolate home of tile Celts and Scythians, and there the Ethiopian and Lybian deserts of sand. This is the extent of the countries, of which more or less is known in this period. But the part which their inhabitants take in the general course of events, is very unequal. Some, as the Chinese, are entirely isolated from other nations; of others, as the -Indians, Ethiopians, Celts and Scythians, only slight and scattered traces of their existence appear. Many are small and feeble, as the tribes of Arabia, Asia Minor, the coasts of Syria and Italy; yet some of them have been renowned for science, religion, or commerce, as the Ionians, Hebrews and Phoenicians. Some are only in the embryo, or are laying the first foundations of their future greatness, as the Carthaginians, Romans and Greeks; but others have already elevated themselves to power, nay, have already played much of their brilliant part; in which class belong the Egyptians, the Babylonians, theAssyrians, and the Medo-Persians who make their appearance at the close of this period. In the second period, the scene of events is extended much further in all directions than in the first. A clear historical light now falls upon many countries over which only a twilight waved, and many emerge from complete darkness. But the scene is enlarged, particularly in the west, where Italy, Spain, Gaul, and a great part of northern Africa, become the theatres of most important revolutions, in which even the British Celts, and the Germans take an important part. Also, a somewhat more intimate knowledge is obtained of the Scythians and Indians, by commerce and war, and the countries between the Tigris and Indus, continually attract our attention, as the seat of severa gleat empires in succession. On this great theatre of the throng of nations, some few predominate so much, that, in comparison with them, all others

　

　

THEATRE OF EVEN'TS. 39 shrink almost into insignificance. The Persians, Greeks, Macedonians and Romans, are the principal nations which direct the course of human destinies, and in whose history, that of all other nations, without even excepting the Parthians and Carthaginians, is so naturally interwoven, or in comparison with them, stands so much in the shade, that it hardly deserves to be treated separately, and is more suitably narrated as episodes, or as an appendix to these four principal histories. In the third period, at length, the historical world has nearly the same boundaries as the Roman Empire. S A great theatre, indeed, which embraces the most beautiful countries of the three parts of the world; swayed a short time since, by an active life, and a throng of nations speaking many languages. Now, this theatre is, with the exception of some bloody scenes, mostly silent and desolate; the life of nations has disappeared, and what history has to relate, is confined almost exclusively to the revolutions of the capital, or-to the court of the emperor of the world. Even the names of the — greater part of the nations are lost, as well as their primitive character, and the noblest part of mankind is changed into a herd, arbitrarily divided, which, in comparison with its masters, deserve no consideration. If, afflicted with this view, we turn our attention to the countries without the confines of the Roman Empire, we shall see, as far as the faint light permits, a similar spectacle in the east, in Parthia, (which was afterwards included in Persia,) and in China; in the south, is a lifeless desert; but, in the north, and northeast, in the untamed wilderness, the spirit of courage and freedom bursts forth. The forests of Germany, and the vast steppes of Scythia, upon which hitherto, an almost impenetrable darkness has reposed, disclose themselves to the historical view, and we consider, with new-awakened interest, these rude and robust sons of nature,:whom destiny had produced to repair the corrupted blood of the degenerate Romans, and to impart to the human species, which was hitherto on the decline, a new life. A cursory view, at least, of the more important countries, included within the limits that have been noticed, is necessary to facilitate the intelligence and survey of this history. The west part of the south of Asia alone, the primitive abode of our race, is irradiated with historical light. Of China, nothing is yet,known; of India, favoured by nature and flourishing by

　

　

40 INTRODUCTION. commerce, little more than the division into the country lying on this, and that side of the Ganges, and-principally known by the expedition of Alexander the Great-the vicinity of the Indus, and its tributary streams. The theatre, which is better known, of various revolutions and extensive powers, is from the Indus to the Euphrates. We shall first direct our attention to this. Between, and on the two rivers, Euphrates and Tigris, from their source in the mountainous region of Armenia to their confluence, and further, to the entrance of their united stream into the Persian gulf, three countries are situated, Mesopotamia, Assyria, and Babylon, in which, perhaps, more than anywhere, majestical recollections are associated with present misery. Around the lower part of the Euphrates, and from Susiana (Chusistan) to the Arabian desert, Babylon (Irak Babeli) extends; a country abounding in the most beautiful pastures and the most luxuriant fields of grain, as far as the inundations of the river extend, which was formerly almost as beneficial as the Nile, and as this, conducted far around by numerous canals, fertilized the sandy plains. The greater part of these canals are now destroyed, and half of Babylon is a desert. As monuments of her ancient splendour, only half-decayed bricks remain, which indistinctly mark the site of magnificent cities, temples, and palaces. Equally poor in wood and stone, this country afforded no other material for building, and many edifices sunk in the humid soil. On the north of Babylon, and already connected with the fate of this, or Assyria, by its situation, Mesopotamia (Aram Naharaim, Al Dschesira, as it were the river island, as it is enclosed by the two rivers,) presents a remarkable variety of mountains and steppes, of deserts and fertile plains, and is filled with cities, ruins of cities, and famous battle fields. On the other side of the Tigris, which signifies an arrow, so called from the rapidity of its current, lies Assyria, at present Kurdistan, the fatherland of many warlike hordes, and the primeval seat of that wild spirit of conquest, which, desolating as the terrible samiel, that blows from the sulphurous mountains of Kurdistan, first begun its work of death here, and extended its influence to a great distance. And in general, heaps of stones are found here, where once stood royal cities. Media, called also Aderbeidschan, Schirwan in a wider signi.

　

　

THEATRE OF EVENTS 41 fication, also Gilian, Masanderan and Irak Adschcmi; over which a long time Assyria extended her sceptre, until it arose to an independent kingdom, extended far to the north and northeast, to the shores of the Caspian Sea and to Bactriana. Many chains of mountains pass through this country, and enclose elevated and fertile vallies. But, towards the shores of the Caspiall Sea, the highland descends abruptly to a lower soil, in which many springs of naptha flow, and where still burns the sacred fire of the Parsees. Ecbatana and Gaza, those two proud cities, have long ceased to exist. Of the latter, ruins are still seen;'of the former, it is believed that it occupied the spot, where Hamdan now stands. On the east of the beautiful fields of Susiana, with Clymais, the country of Persis (Faristan) rises; bounded on the south by the Persian Gulf, on the east by Carmania, and on the north by the vast Media. Its extent may be equal to that of Italy. It is covered with high mountains, some of which are barren, others abound in pasturage; but towards the sea, it extends into a level, scorched desert. Over this country, there is almost constantly a serene sky, (Pars signifies the land of light,) and on account of its elevation, a fresh and even a cold air in the northern part. The soil, better watered than that of most of the neighboring countries, produces delicious fruits, grass ahd grain, and has always maintained a healthy, and robust population. But it is less numerous, at present, than formerly, and less industrious, since the doctrine of Zoroaster, favourable to agriculture, yielded to the sword of the Moslem. Persis is, therefore, now for the most part a desert, and forms, in its desolate condition, a sad contrast with the sublime ruins of Persepolis. More than two thousand years have elapsed since Alexander, in the intoxication of wine and victory, destroyed this venerable city; but its ruins will remain longer than the most modern palaces. Where the chain of mountains rises on the confines of the sandy region, these mysterious ruins lie, partly encompassed by two branches of them. Gigantic stairs, columns, walls, apartments and tombs, in a strange combination, some yet standing, others overthrown, are seen, constructed from enormous blocks of marble, mixed with enigmatical forms of animals, and the walls covered almost entirely with images, difficult to explain, and with the characters of a writing, which has long been lost. VOL. I. F

　

　

d'2 r~L'INTRODUCTION. The countries that extend from the two rivers, Indus and Oxus, to the Tigris and to the Indian Ocean, formerly called Iran, in opposition to Turan, on the north of the Oxus, was called in Greek by the same name, Ariana (in the Zend language, Erienne). Besides the provinces already mentioned, it comprehended, in the south, the desert countries of Carmania and Gedrosia, in the north, Qcn the Caspian sea, Hyrcania, and bordering on this, Parthia, which became so formidable in later times; in the northeast and east, the primeval commercial countries, Bactria and Sogdiana, (this last is still on the other. side of the Oxus) Aria, Arachosia and Paropamisus, the country bordering upon India. With all the diversity in climate and products, which may be supposed in countries so far extended, there is, however, with the exception of the coasts, generally the same elevation, the same dry air and scarcity of water, common to them all. The country between the Euphrates and the Mediterranean, from the defiles of the mountains of Amamus and the summit of the higher Taurus, as far as the Arabian desert, or in a stricter sense, as far as Antilibanus is Syria, (in the Bible named Aram from the son of Shem, by the Arabs Sham, the land to the left; it is now called Soristan,) although also several beyond the Euphrates, especially Mesopotamia (Aram Naharaim) have often been included in Syria, and even Assyria has sometimes been confounded with it. We speak. here only of Syria Proper as far as Antilibanus, consequently excluding Palestine, but including Phoenicia, which is only a part of the Syrian coast. With the two chains of mountains, which extend from Cilicia through Syria, and of which the westerly one, along the sea coast abounds in forests and fountains, but that which passes through the interior is naked and dry, are connected various valleys and extents of. soil, which, for this cause, present the most striking contrasts of barrenness and fertility. The lofty Libanus, once abounding in cedars, with its generally snow-clad summit, and the more southern Antilibanus, with their variously winding vales, augment the variety of the prospects and productions. Eminently rich in the beauties of nature and the works of art, is the great valley that opens to the northeast, which, extending deeply between the two Libani, was called Coelesyria, the hollow Syria. Here still the ancient Damascus is seen, at present magnificent, situated in a paradise, and Baalbek's(Heliopolis

　

　

THEATRE OF EVENTS. 43 former splewlour reposing in majestical ruins. Many other cities are, or were scattered here, and over all Syria; some, on the seacoast, where, particularly in the south, the Phoenician cities adorned a coast generally-unfruitful; some, along the Orontes, which flows northwest in a serpentine course into the Mediterranean Sea; some, in the interior of the country, where many brooks water particular places, and are then solitarily lost in the sands. Towards the Euphrates, the fertility of the soil visibly decreases. Here and there, it is watered by canals or by salutary fountains; it is more frequently dry until at length in the south of Palmyra, —whose sublime ruins now are encompassed by a silent desert, organic life is sadly extinguished in the vast plains of sand. Palestine also belongs to Syria, in a vague acceptation. From the ridge of Antilibanus, with which the snow-clad Hermon is connected, several chains of mountains extend in a southerly direction, until they rise beyond the Dead Sea again to the assemblage of mountains, which are called by Ptolemy, the Burnt mountains, and of which the majestic Sinai is the central point. On the east, these series of mountains become level towards the Syrian desert, and on the west, towards the Mediterranean sea. Palestine is enclosed by these natural limits in a wider sense, i. e. including Philistiae in the southwest, Edom in the south, and the abodes of the Moabites and Ammonites, &c. in the east. In a stricter acceptation, only the country from the Jordan to the Mediterranean Sea is thus named, which comprises about two thousand 500 sq. m. This river rises on the northern boundary of the country, and forms in its southerly course several lakes, in particular, that of Genezareth, and loses itself in the Dead Sea, around which nature and tradition have accumulated terrors. At low water, horrific ruins project beyond its mirror-burnt ruins of Sodom, as tradition asserts. For here once was a blessed valley, named Siddim, covered with flourishing cities; The fertile soil, impregnated with naphtha and undermined by the waters of the Jordan, which lost themselves there, inflamed, broke in, and Sodom and Gomorrah, &c., disappeared. In other respects, Palestine presents a successive variety of hills and plains, of deserts and fertile fields. In general, the northern part (afterwards called Galilee) is more fertile than the southern. There rose the stately darmel, surrounded with its vine-crowned hills

　

　

44 INTRODUCTION. and from the beautiful plains of Jesreel, the more gentle Tabor. Gerizim, the mountain of the reapers, adorned the land of the Ephraimites. Aulon, the low land of the Jordan, and the coast of Saron, on the Mediterranean, afforded rich pastures. In the south, were the far famed balsam gardens and palm woods of Jericho, the valley of Benediction, and other most lovely fields. But sandy tracts or naked rocks, manifested the industry of the Hebrews, by being watered and covered with earth. In the north of Syria and Mesopotamia, among the mountains, where the Euphrates and Tigris, and further, the Lycus, Phasis, and Araxes rise, and the great lake Van, (the Matianic Lake) receives a multitude of rivulets, is situated Armenia, called at present mostly Turcomania, and Erivan, from Cappadocia as far as the boundaries of Media. The Euphrates divides the country into two unequal parts; the west part is called Little Armenia, the east, Great Armenia. We meet here with the ordinary peculiarities of mountainous countries and their inhabitants, in climate and productions, in character and manners. West of Armenia, appears the great and magnificent peninsula of Asia Minor, called, in Europe, the Levant, or the East. Some pretend that this peninsula, already thickly inhabited, and covered with flourishing cities in the grey past, is bounded on the east by the Halys, at this day, Kizil Irmak, which flows between Paphlagonia and Pontus, and empties into the Black Sea; others more correctly suppose the Euphrates to be its eastern boundary; the other three sides are washed by the sea. A great mass of mountains, called Taurus (perhaps from the Syrian Tur, which generally signifies a mountain) which is connected with many Armenian mountains in the east, and in the north, with Caucasus, by the Moschian mountains, covers the country, which it traverses in several ranges of various elevations, the summits of some are covered with perpetual snow, those of others cast forth fire; and connects, over the seas and straits which separate Asia Minor from Europe, by means of many islands and groups of islands, with the woody Haernus, and its different branches, which extend into an equal number bf promontories. From the verdant height of Ida, at whose foot once stood the unfortunate Troy, are discerned the mountain tops o' Macedonia and Thrace, and the whole enchanting Archipelago of the _Egean Sea. Yet, many other mountains of Asia Minor

　

　

THEATRE OF EVENTS. 45 are celebrated in history or poetry; on some there is a luxurian. vegetation, several produce metals, others are dry and naked. From the' principal chain of Taurus, where Asia Minor approaches Asia Proper, two branches proceed, the one north, the other south —Antilibanus and Amanus: the famous Cilician and Syrian passes lead through these last. The greatest variety in climate and productions must, indeed, prevail in this great country, traversed by mountains in various directions, watered by numerous rivers-yet they are only rivers of the coasts-and inclining towards three different seas. Bythinia, Paphlagonia and Pontus, by the northern descent are rendered cool and damp by the fogs of the Black Sea; on the contrary, Lycia, Pamphilia, and the mountainous Cilicia, with Isauria, on the Syrian Sea, are generally hot and dry. Phrygia, with Pisidia and Lycaonia, Galatia and Cappadocia, including Little Armenia, in the interior of the country, present a continual variety of hills, steppes, pastures and fields; but the western lands on the coast are the most beautiful-Mysia, with Troas, or Phrygia Minor, Lydia and Caria. Here the famous league of the Greek colonists, the /Eolian, Ionic and Doric, was formed; and still the expression, " Ionic sky," is used to designate the mildest climate, and richest nature. Egypt, the most important country in the history of Africa, is connected with Palestine by the isthmus of Suez. Under the tropic of Cancer, in the northeast corner of Africa, the Nile precipitates itself, after it has flowed through Abyssinia, where its principal sources are, and the high Nubia, over large masses of rocks, with a roaring noise, into a deeper valley, which curved in various ways, and generally from nine to fifteen miles broad, extends far to the north. until gradually, its naked mountain-walls retreat from one another, and the vallev at last changes into a wide plain, through which the Nile, divided into many branches, flows to the Mediterranean. The extreme mouths of this river are about 230 miles apart; from the sea to the falls, it is estimated to be a twenty days' journey; and fhe whole Egyptian region of the Nile contains not three thousand square miles. The dry country, which consists of mountains and steppes, extending on both sides, and on the right terminated by the gulf of Arabia, and on the left lost in the sands of the Libvan desert, is much larger. In this, are isolated, verdant

　

　

46 INTRODUCTION. spots, like islands, called oases; of which one,east of the basaltic mountains of Harusch, once harboured the mysterious majesty of Jupiter Ammon. Like the fearful Sahara, situated nearly in the same latitude, Egypt would have remained a sad desert, thinly inhabited by gazelles and ostriches, had not the Nile, with a truly creative power, spread over the land a rich fulness of life, and bestowed upon it, in the expressive words of Volney, its proper c" physical and political existence." For, not only a part of the Delta (Lower Egypt, between the arms of the Nile, is thus called from its form,) has been formed by the alluvions of the river, which, accumulating before its mouths, at length arose above the waves of the sea,; but it has deposited over the whole land, upon the lime, covered with a reddish sand, which forms the basis of the Egyptian soil, a gradually increasing stratum of fertile mould, which produces an exuberant vegetation. Almost all the rivers of this zone overflow their -banks in the rainy season: but the Nile,. more efficacious than the most of them, and under many favourable circumstances, overflows annually the country of Egypt. It then appears as a wide sea, from which towns and villages rise like islands. But, when the water returns to its channel, the most luxuriant vegetation blooms from the fertilizing slime, and Egypt resembles an immense, magnificent garden. Besides many peculiar and valuable plants, all the finer kinds of grain grow here, several southern fruits, and the most valuable garden vegetables; one field produces annually several crops, and we may almost believe the account of Herodotus, that Egypt, afterwards the granary of Rome and Constantinople contained once 20,000 towns and villages. But yet the plague originates from these favoured fields; it may be that the corrupting slime of the Nile generated poisonous vapours, or that the fearful lake of Sirbon, an inlet of the Mediterranean, on the confines of Asia, that formerly extended far into the country, exhaled them; it is sufficient that the plague has often proceeded from Egypt, desolating both the east and the west. All the north of Africa, with the exception of Egypt, was ori ginally inhabited by the Libyan nations, from which all this part of the world among the Greeks received the name of Libya, and their descendants, under the appellation of Berbers, Tibbos, and Tuariks, dwell at present between and to the south of the Moors, who emigrated subsequently as far as Nigritia. Most of these

　

　

THEATRE OF EVENTS. -17 nations, from Cyrenaica, over the countries of the Syrtes. the territory of Carthage, Numidia and Mauretania, as far as the Atlantic ocean, lived a nomadic life: they learned to practice agriculture only in the adjacent Carthaginian territory. All this most northern extent of Africa constitutes, according to Herodotus, the inhabited Libya, called at this day Barbary; the extent of country on the south, which borders on this, is called by the same author, Libya abounding in animals, and a third extent still further to the south is called the sandy Libya. The first of these regions, called - Gtulia by later geographers, and at this day Biledulgerid (Belad al Jerid, the country of dates) is mostly formed by the long chain of mountains, which extends almost parallel with the coast of the Mediterranean through the north of Africa, and in the west, bears; the name of Mount Atlas; in the east, that of Mount Harudsch (mons ater), and loses itself at last in thedead desert. It still abounds in gazelles, ostriches, monkeys, lions and panthers, but it is more thinly inhabited by men, because the only means of subsistence are afforded by a few herds, and the fruit of the date tree. The Gmtulian nations, also, among which are the Garamantes, inhabiting the country now called Fezzan, and their northern neighbours, the Nasamones, belonged to the Libyan race. Between Gaetulia and Nigritia, is situated the sandy ILibya. This last region presents a horrible aspect. On a surface almost three times as great as that of the Mediterranean sea, a burning -sea of sand extends-on both sides of the tropic, consequently in the widest part of Africa, from the western to the eastern shore of this continent, and even, as the admirable Herodotus accurately remarked, beyond the Arabian and Persian gulfs over Yemen, Kerman and Mekran as far as Multan in the north of India. Yet in this immense realm of death, (it varies in its breadth, but is in general more hideous in the west than in the east,) some isolated spots of greater or less extent, called in the Assyrian language oases, are covered with verdure. They are watered by solitary fountains, and by them alone, consequently, it is by the ways immediately marked by nature herself that commercial intercourse can be maintained between the north and interior of Africa. In the north of Africa the territory of Carthage demands yet a more particular consideration. Almost in the centre. between the Egyptian boundary and thl

　

　

48 INTRODUCTION. pillars of Hercules, on the projection of the coast of Africa, where it suddenly turns to the south, is a great gulf, called at this day the gulf of Tunis, from whose lowest depth rises a peninsula. Upon this peninsula, fortified by nature, Carthage was built; the strong citadel of Byrsa defended the city on the side of the land, and a narrow peninsula, extending into the gulf, formed the double harbour. This region is no longer known, on account of the gulfs gradually filling up with sand; but it is known that Tunis and Utica were situated on two sides of Carthage; the first, at the distance of 5 miles, the last, at the distance of 5 miles and a half. The neighbouring country, divided into the two provinces, Zeugitania in the north, and Byzacium (so called from the Byzan-,tins) in the south, resembled an immense garden, adorned with numerous and flourishing cities, whose inhabitants were of Car. thaginian and Libyan origin (hence Libyphcenices.) Still more favoured was the region around the lake Triton and the Syrtis Minor, it was called Emporia, because it resembled a rich market: but beyond this, and further along the coast as far as beyond the Syrtis Major, a sandy region extended the distance of 5 hundred miles, thinly inhabited by nomadic tribes, as the Lotophagi, Psylli, and Nasamones, and, after 3500, subjected to the Carthaginian dominion, by a treaty with Cyrene, defining the boundary. All the interior and south of Africa, from the northern boundary of Egypt and Sahara, is commonly named Ethiopia by the ancient geographers, with the vague division, as with Libya, into the exterior and interior. The term Ethiopian is more generally used, and in a generic rather than in a geographical sense, to designate those races of men, which are distinguished by a black, or, at least, a very dark skin, according to which there were also Ethiopians in the south of Asia, which geographical ignorance frequently supposed connected with Africa. The few geographical notices of the Ethiopian countries, cannot be sepa rated from their brief history. (v. below.) We proceed now to Europe; and those countries in which the Greek language was spoken, claim first our attention. On the south of mount Haemus, whose high, woody ridge reaches from the Black Sea, nearly to the shores of the Adriatic, where it connects with the Illyrian chain of mountains, which

　

　

THEATRE OF EVENTS. 49 proceeds from the Alps, is situated a peninsula of only moderate extent; it contains hardly 24,000 square miles; but abounds in what is remarkable in nature and history. The northern part of this peninsula contains Thrace, Macedonia, and a part of Illyricum, but the southern part contains Thessaly an I Epirus Hellas and Peloponnesus. The first is traversed by the branches of the Haemus, among which are the P.Rodope, and Pangaeus abounding in gold; the last by the cc.ltinuations of the Illyrian mountains, from which in this small country, chiefly in its southern part, which we at present only consider, resulted an extraordinary variety of regions, as to climate and productions, and a multitude of positions fortified by nature. In both, nature seems to have had the express design, that no far-extending domination should arise, but that many tribes should prosper free and independent near one another, should adapt to themselves the advantages of the most different climates, and afford an example of the fullest developement of all the powers of man. The form of this country towards the seas operated still more powerfully, than this inequality of the soil, upon the progress and elevation of Grecian civilization. It is an almost universal truth, that inland countries are later in obtaining civilization than coasts; that the spirit and life of nations rise in proportion to the water communications, and especially in proportion to the points of contact with the sea. Compare for example Africa with Europe!-But now the Peloponnesus, with its broken, and deeply indented coasts, presents almost the figure of a vine-leaf. Hellas and Thessaly also exhibit the most multifarious vicissitude of eminences and depressions, of inlets and promontories; all Greece, in fine, is surrounded on all sides by so many islands, which naturally belong to it, that it can be said with truth, no other country upon the face of the earth, with no larger surface, possesses a line of coasts so extended, so many points of contact with the sea, so many landings and ports. Was Greece, thus formed and situated in the centre of three parts of the world, not destined by nature herself, for the most active commerce, for tile most restless life, for a multilateral reception and communication, consequently, for a most speedy circulation of ideas and inventions, as well as merchandise; for the conflux of nations as well as knowledge? By a glance at the indented Grecian coasts, and the numerous VOL. 1. G 4

　

　

50 INTRODUCTION. islands, irregularly scattered as far as Asia Minor, it can hardly be doubted, that what several ancient authors assert, and to which also the extremely important Samothracian traditions, preserved by Diodorus, allude, is founded on truth; namely, that once, where now the waves of the iEgean Sea roar, was a continent, which was forcibly torn asunder by a great revolution of nature, and sunk in the abyss. Separate masses of rocks, now the islands of the Archipelagq, and connected ranges of mountains, the basis of the Grecian soil in general, have braved the waves,and projected from that time with their rugged sides, as evidences of that fearful catastrophe, probably the same, by which the Black Sea broke through the Thracian Bosphorus and the Hellespont, and perhaps also the Mediterranean Sea, opened for itself, through the pillars of Hercules, a communication with the Atlantic ocean. The climate of Greece and the whole of the Hlamus-peninsula, is not so mild, as might be imagined from'its latitude, and as is also generally supposed. In part, the easterly situation of the country, which throughout our continent causes a greater cold; in part, the high and often snow-clad summits of the mountains produce, if we except some isolated plains,' and vales opening to the meridian sun, a considerable coldness, which in ancient times, when yet most of the mountain heights were adorned with sacred woods, was sensibly increased in degree. We read that the nations of Gaul, under Brennus, could hardly support the cold at the foot of Parnassus, in the same latitude as Valencia, and that the Hebrus, in Thrace, whose mouth was farther south than Rome, was frequently frozen over; and indeed the expressions, with which Hesiod describes the winter of Ascra, in the same latitude as Naples, might, as Pauw correctly observed, almost pass for a description of a winter in Poland. Accordingly the nations of Greece, as Hippocrates relates, enjoyed the most fortunate climate, equally conducive to physical and moral strength; for they had to fear neither the relaxation of the south, nor, since at least the summers were very warm, the obtuseness of the north. We shall give some details of the countries of Greece in their history.

　

　

THEATRE OF EVENTS. 51 After Greece, our attention is attracted to Italy, the mother country of the Roman Empire. The majestic Alps, the curve line of which measures 870 geographical miles, and the highest peaks of which surpass in height all the mountains of the old continent, form the northern boundary of the celebrated Italy, called once, Oenotria, Ausonia, Saturnia, and by the Greeks Hesperia. This country is properly formed by the Appenines, which commence where the southwestern Alps terminate near the sea, and extend at first northeast, and afterwards in a southeast direction as far as' the extremity of this peninsula. The soil of Italy has been formed on and around this rough mass of mountains, which as that of Greece exhibits various traces of the force of water, and therefore presents also frequent contrasts of naked rocks, with the most luxuriant vegetation. The long extended chain of the Apennines produces besides, as a dividing line of temperature and the waters, a surprising variety of climates and productions in all the neighboring regions, and an instructive theatre for practicing the art of war. Many rivulets flow from both sides of the mountains, but they arrive, from the form of the peninsula, too soon to the sea, and, therefore, very few are navigable. It is only in upper Italy, by the confluence of the waters from the southern declivity of the Alps, that a large river, the Po, is formed; which, after it has received from the north, the Tessino, the Oglio, the Adda, and the Mincio,-all these flow through considerable lakes,-and from the south, the Trebia, with many other rivulets of the Alps and the Apennines, empties by seven mouths,-once there were only two,-into the Adriatic Sea. The other countries of Europe, which are mentioned in ancient history, as those especially where the Celtic language was spoken, are in part, already known to all, as to their situation and natural properties; and in part, the narration of what was remarkable in them, in the earlier ages, is inseparable from their proper history. The last is the case with those vast regions of Asia and Africa, upon which only a faint and doubtful light falls inl the ancient world, and of which we shall treat under the general rubric "History of the Nations on and without the boundary of Ancient Geography," as the Scythians, Indians, Chinese and Ethiopians. We shall give also, in part, some more particular description in Middle and Modern History.

　

　

FIRST PERIOD. GENERAL HISTORY FROM ADAM TO CYRUS. FROM THE YEAR OF THE WORLD 1 TO 3525. YEAR BEFORE THE BIRTH OF CHRIST 3983 —;58. GENERAL SURVEY. SUMMARY OF THE POLITICAL EVENTS. WE can relate nothing of what may be properly called States before the epoch at which Moses places the construction of the tower of Babylon. For the existence of true civil confederations in the antediluvian world, is only obscurely indicated by him, and after the flood, the descendants of Noah appear to have remained until their dispersion, merely under a patriarchal form of government. The intelligible and credible accounts of the profane writers, also, extend no farther back; and the first kingdoms which are visible to us in the twilight of the distant past, are those which were founded on the banks of the Euphrates, Tigris and Nile. Of these, Egypt perhaps first rose to prosperity and power; but, notwithstanding its internal and external storms, and the warlike disposition of some of its rulers, the Egyptian nation generally limited itself to its own country, and first, undr: the last dynasty of the Saites, fostered in peace and war, a me e extensive intercourse with foreign countries. Put at tb;s tinr' its grandeur had already declined, and it fell under Nechae And 52

　

　

tI 1t,~ II,~~~~~~~ in _! THE FINDING OF MIOSE S r-~L |

　

　

　

　

ANCIENT WORLD. 53 Psammenitus (this last happened in the following period, in an unequal contest with the rising monarchies of Central Asia). Here, already at an earlier time, the spirit of war had been excited. The traditions of Nimrod the mighty hunter, and of the conquests of Ninus and Semiramis, &c., show (which besides the analogy of history teaches) that men were compelled by force and terror to form political combinations, and that small hordes, by continual usurpations, have at length become exceedingly powerful. It is, indeed, impossible, with the chronological and historical contradictions of the sources, to determine the destinies and vicissitudes of power, at different times, of Assyria, Babylon and Media; but it appears that at first the Assyrian power extended to a great distance, as far as Bactriana, perhaps to India. A revolution which happened under Sardanapalus, may have occasioned the gradual formation of three separate kingdoms, among which New-Assyria was again at first the most powerful, but fell under the combined power of the flourishing Media, and Babylon, which had recovered strength under the Chaldean princes; whereupon all these countries were united by a secondrevolution into one great empire, the Medo-Persian. The dominion of New-Assyria and New-Babylon, which now devolved upon the Persians, had also extended itself over Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine and the confines of Arabia. The Syrian principalities, as well as the kingdoms of Judah and Israel, into which the Hebrew state was separated after a short prosperity, might ascribe their ruin to the degradation of the people, and the incessant hostilities by which their strength was mutually diminished. Phaonicia, which however rose again, had fallen, because natural right and well-acquired glory, love of peace and useful industry, are no protection against the sword of a powerfl'conqueror. The less powerful nations of the beautiful and large peninsula of Asia Minor, experienced the same —among them were the flourishing Greek colonial cities —which were altogether swallowed up by the warlike Lydia, and then with this, fell before the still stronger kingdom of Persia. The sea prevented its further extension, otherwise, perhaps, Greece, in its disunion, might also have become a prey of this power; for vet the small Greek hordes had hardly begun to rise from barbarism, neither had they, the destruction of Troy excepted, given one proof of their national strength. But an active life, a daring

　

　

54 GENERAL HISTORY. heroic spirit, they had already exhibited; the love of freedom and patriotism had already been highly inflamed; partial and transient unions had given them a foresight of what the united Greeks might do; and Sparta and Athens had already laid the foundation of their future greatness. The nations residing further to the west —in Italy, Sicily and Africa-played a less important political part in this period. Rome is hardly mentioned, and Carthage, although at that time powerful, is withdrawn from our view by the obscurity of its history. In a still higher degree, this is true of the far-extended Celts, Scythians, Ethiopians, and Indians, with whose comprehensive and generic denomination, geographical ignorance peopled the four extremities of the earth; and China, although its existence evidently ascends to the highest antiquity, is for the system of ancient history, as if not in existence. We must not seek in the infancy of mankind and states, a refined art of government, the combinations of a far-working policy, and a complicated action of national relations. Every nation pursues nearly its own particular course, unconcerned about all others, with which it is not most intimately connected. There are, therefore, perhaps, some judicious and even artful negotiations, but systems of policy are not yet formed; and although commerce increases the points of contact, few nations are yet engaged in an extensive trade; most of them are guided by passion rather than by the interest of the state, and their policy is the sword. CIVILIZATION. WE find in this period already most of the degrees of civilization, yet by far the greater part of the countries are still inhabited by hunters and nomades, consequently by barbarians or semi-barbarians But climatic and other influences produce evidently a great difference in the civilization of northern and southern tribes, as well as those which are nearer to, or more distant from, commercial intercourse. Also, many isolated seats of refinement flourish in the colonies of Asia Minor, Greece, Phoenicia, Carthage, &c., and even in the country of the Scythians, and Celts, and among the Libyans. The earliest seats of civilization, and, indeed, of luxury and effeminacy, were India, Egypt, and the countries on the Euphrates. Upon the Syrian

　

　

ANCIENT WORLD. 55 coast, Phoenicia especially, and besides a great part of Asia Minor, obtained by commerce an early civilization, but from these the seed of a higher, although later matured civilization, was scattered upon the soil of Greece and Italy. The immediate causes of the original elevation of civilization in separate countries are related in their particular histories. Here, are only some few considerations about its first and most general bases. Awakened by external circumstances, mostly by necessity, the intellectual power of man is developed. The connexion of circumstances-of nature and society-operates continually upon At, guiding, forming, advancing or restraining. What one man has invented, becomes easily the common property of many, and succeeding generations build upon the foundations laid by their ancestors. Thus, tradition becomes continually richer, and is spread as a swelling stream with many branches over the nations of the earth. Many it has not yet reached at all, or only by scanty channels: often by the course of events, a branch is diverted from the soil which it anteriorly fertilized, or it loses itself in neglected ground. However natural this general description may be, and however satisfactory it may be to the learned, to explain the origin, growth and character of the civilization and intellectual culture of particular nations from such collected data; yet besides these, two more extensive powers operate, without which our spirit perhaps would be yet in its infancy: accident and the divine spark of genius. Many inventions, as that of glass, with which whole series of others, and the perfection of the most important branches of science, as optics, astronomy, are connected, have not been the result of the general relations, according to time, place and society, but of a detached accident; (that is to say in our eyes;) and the favourable combination of circumstances would have produced only a late and imperfect civilization, if some superior spirits had not appeared, who, as it were, received immediately from heaven, the sanction to instruct mankind; and, blessed with powers exceeding the measure of common nature, to enlighten and ennoble their race. It is true, that much that is related of such great instructers of nations, is only fable, or at least fanatical exaggerations; but even had there never been an Oannes among the Pabylonians, a Hermes among the Egyptians, a Thoth or Theyth

　

　

56 GENERAL HISTORY. in Phoenicia, a Sommona-Kodom in Eastern Asia, yet there certainly arose in times anterior to historical knowledge, here and there, extraordinary geniuses, which as Orpheus with the Greeks, or later Manco-Kapak in Peru, by a higher inherent power broke the path of knowledge among rude nations; and continually some great spirits have gone before, on this path, as radiant lights to the rest of their race. Yet inventions, arts and sciences belong to mankind onlI in so far as they pass in effect, and possession, from individuals to many. The channels or means to this are chiefly two: Language and Writing; the first may be termed an immediate work of the divine structure, the second an invention of man, but the pride of his understanding. LANGUAGE AND WRITING. LANGUAGE is as ancient as society, or properly since man with a few sad exceptions-always and everywhere lives in society, as ancient as mankind. We are indebted to it, for all the blessings of sociality, all the flowers of humanity and civilization; and what Herder says, is equally true and beautiful: " The lyre of Amphion has not built cities, no magic wand has transformed deserts into gardens: Language has done it, that great source of sociality." How has language, this inestimable and wonderful gift of heaven originated? Was it innate in man, or has he formed it himself? Many have maintained the first, which is at variance with the analogy of all nature. The capacity of speech is, indeed, innate in man, but it must, as all his dispositions and faculties, be developed and cultivated, by external causes. Several excellent writers have shown what a long gradation must be passed in the formation of a regular language. We abstain from this investigation, which is foreign to our object. But what was the first language of men? We consider this question unanswerable. But it is sufficient to know,.that the first remained not the sole one, but that there arose many different languages; and, indeed, according to the words of Moses, by the confusion of languages, that ensued at the construction of the tower of Babylon, by means of a divine prodigy; but according to the reasonable explanation, as a natural and necessary conse

　

　

ANCIENT WORLD. 57 quence of the dispersion, then, or whenever it happened, of men into all the regions of the world. For now, the vocal organs of different tribes were modified by the powerful influence of different climates, manner of life, subsistence, &c.; the ideas and feelings of nations were determined by circumstances and relations in a thousand different ways; and consequently, the language also, or the expression of those ideas and feelings, contains as many peculiarities or particular characters. Now, since language is the result of the manner of thinking and feeling of nations, produced by climate, occupation, form of government, religion,'manners, and accident, it affords the inquirer a pretty certain indication of that manner of thinking; a scale, according to which the mental improvement, civilization, and character of nations may be determined and compared. Language is not only a source of knowledge, but also a cooperating cause of the civilization and character of nations. It reacts upon the spirit from which it proceeded. Produced and determined by the realm of ideas and feelings of a nation, it becomes the instrument, and basis of the further extension of this realm, and accordingly its influences may be either progressive or retrograde. But language is immediately intelligible only to a small circle; its sounds soon die away, and what oral tradition carries to distant countries and times, is easily disfigured, so as to be unintelligible. Writing supplies this defect, and gives to the edifice of human improvement, until then tottering, a firm foundation. "The mortal who invented this means to fetter the fugitive spirit, not only in words, but in letters, worked as a God among men. — Herder. Many great inventions have originated from accident, or a fortunate thought. Writing with letters was the late perfection of an idea, which progressed slowly and gradually; the history of which we are able to give with some precision. Man, who so gladly erects monuments to himself and others, to whom it is a pleasure and necessity to retain in his memory so many events, could, perhaps, find no simpler and easier means for the true preservation of such remembrances, than the designing or painting of the action, person, object, &c., of which he would retain the remembrance. We cannot doubt, that, even in the most:emote antiquity, such means were already employed, and that, VOL. I. H

　

　

58 GENERAL HISTORY. for example, the Egyptians and Chinese, long before the invention of their hieroglyphical and verbal writing, made use of painting. The extended employment of the last, produced according to the degree and progress of the general civilization of nations, in a natural way, its gradual perfection and transformation, into what is properly termed writing. The use of painting was wearisome and painful, and could serve immediately only for the description of visible objects. It was, therefore, abridged, since perhaps, instead of the whole thing, only a part, or a circumstance, was painted, and those objects which do not strike the eye, by analogous images. It is in the representation of one object by another, which by some reference is fitted to recall the idea of the first, that the essence of hieroglyphics consists; the use of which has been with no people so refined, so extended, so permanent as with the Egyptians. It is the medium between writing and painting, and participates in the characters of both. It will be readily conceived that as the use of hieroglyphics was multiplied, and more remote analogies employed in their formation, their signification became less expressive and intelligible, and that soon their sense must have been comprehended by the assistance of the memory, rather than by that of the imagination. Still more was this the case, when the hieroglyphics were further abridged for the alleviation of the writer, and only their exterior contour delineated, which some have termed the current writing of hieroglyphics, and the designation of objects at first natural, or at least symbolical, was gradually converted into arbitrary marks. Now the knowledge of the properties of the thing which served for a symbol, was no longer necessary, but merely an artificial combination of the same with the thing designated, and the recalling of the last by the memory, and this writing was changed, as Condillac says, " imperceptibly into the Chinese verbal writing." In the idea, however, there is a great difference between them, since the verbal writing is no longer the indication of objects, which are spoken of, but the denotation of the sounds, by which they are expressed. Verbal writing is more definite and rich than hiero'-,-phics; but with the immense number of signs which it requires, it will always be either defective, if it has not so many signs, or if it has them, too difficult to learn.

　

　

ANCIENT WORLD. 59 It needs Chinese stupor to persist with such a writing, and not to adopt syllabic and at length literal writing, the invention of which was difficult indeed, but its imitation is easy. This analysis of words into letters and their denotation, are properly the great invention, which makes the most important epoch in the history of mankind, and the participation of which, produces so essential a difference between nations and.the classes of a nation. We reasonably ask: who then was the AUTHOR of so sublime an invention? But no one answers us and says definitely who shall receive our thanks. It is true, the oldest tradition ascribes it to the wonderful'Phoenician Thauth, Thot, or Theyth; but probably such a one has never lived; and he is, perhaps, the same with the fabulous Hermes of the Egyptians. But whatever the name of the inventor might be, he was probably a Phoenician. The most ancient alphabet that we know, is the Phaenician. From this, not only the Jewish is derived, but also the Greek, (tradition asserts it to have been brought by Cadmus to Thebes,) as is proved by the names, form, and order of their principal letters, and all the alphabets of the west are msediately derived from the Phcenician. II. DETAILED HISTORY OF THE FIRST PERIOD. THE ANTEDILUVIAN WORLD. IT is evident that the earth is infinitely older, than the human species. It bears in its interior and upon its surface, the most infallible traces of various transformations, and it is undeniable that several worlds or series of beings, were extinguished upon it, before the present species awoke to existence. From the different strata which form the crust of the earth, in which in a wonderful variety, the traces, now of the power of fire, now of water, and now the petrifactions of plants and animals are shown, for

　

　

60 GENERAL HISTORY. which a living prototype is sought in vain; from the masses of marine animals and plants, which lie petrified upon the summits of many mountains; from the separation of mountains, islands, and the shores of the sea, and from many other geognostic observations, naturalists have proved those important positions, in the most incontestable manner, and at the same time shown, that our earth, once, probably immediately before its last principal transformation, was a universal ocean, and all land, the bottom of the sea. But how this universal ocean disappeared, how the dry land rose gradually from its depth, and the new vegetable and animal nature, was awakened upon it, upon this, the acute inquirer can obtain nothing more than conjectures. Moses relates all this to us precisely, and circumstantially, with the confidence of a spectator; and it cannot be mistaken, that his representation, as popular as it is in its diction and images, contains in reality, according to a more liberal interpretation, a profound sense, and philosophical truth. The historian, however, resigns such an interpretation to the naturalist and geologist. The origin also of man, the lord of the terrestrial creation, and its ultimate object, is profoundly portrayed. From earth he is formed, for earth is the radical substance of his body; but the rational soul, which it shelters, is of divine origin, as an effluence and similitude of the celestial spirit. A companion of life is presented to him, who is flesh of his flesh, and blood of his blood, in order that she also henceforth may be inseparable from him, and be as one being with him. Who can mistake, that we are all descended from him, the man of earth(ADAM),and from her, the living (EvE),since we all have the same nature, essence, and destination? The history of the first human beings, is related with the same philosophical truth as their origin. Their first abode was a garden, therefore, a mild and favoured country, such as the new-born man, without art and experience, required for the support of his existence. The geographical situation also of Paradise is so described, that the unbiassed philosophical historian of mankind, recognizes in it, the spot where he himself places the original seat of our species. A mountainous country, lying easterly from anterior Asia, where several large rivers rise; consequently the central extent of high As;a, from which according to the researches of naturalists, the greatest number of vegetable and animal species, important for man are derived, therefore pecu

　

　

ANCIENT WORLD. 61 liarly adapted to be llis first home, as well as the central point of his further dissemination. But soon the innocence of Paradise was lost. Seduced by the serpent, our first parents tasted the forbidden fruit of the tree of knowledge, and for that, were punished by expulsion from Para. dise and other physical evils; in fine, also, by the destiny of mortality. The signification of this apologue is obvious, which has the object, as many other attempts of national teachers, to reconcile the experience of innumerable evils in the world, with the idea of an all-wise, good and omnipotent Creator. It appears, then, as a philosopheme, which represents physical evil only, as the consequence and punishment of moral evil. Consequently it is similar to the box of Pandora, and several other fables of different nations, showing the same tendency. But the Mosaic fable is distinguished by more true and significant images; "a single forbidden tree is in Paradise," says Herder, very beautifully, i" and this tree bears, in the persuasion of the serpent, the fruit of divine wisdom, to which man aspires. Could he aspire to anything more sublime? Could he be more ennobled in his fall?" With a sad countenance, we peruse the original history of man. Its first leaf is stained with a fearful crime-fratricide. Has the venerable Moses also painted with truth here? Should Cain and Abel be considered the representatives of the whole race? their hostile relation as a representation of our general natural condition? Alas! a sad yes must be our reply. It is philosophically true, and confirmed by the history of Nations, that the natural (unsocial) relation of man to man, is a condition of war, of all against all. How could this relation of blood-stained freedom be painted more forcibly, how more fearfully represented, than by a scene of fratricide? It is the feeling of the grievances of such a hostile state, which, according to the precepts of philosophy, &ompels men to form social unions. Traces of such unions, already, in the antediluvian world, lie in the separation of employments, in the founding of cities, iind in the preference of the children of God before the (children of men. Tyrants might, perhaps, also soon rise from illregulated constitutions, who, with brutal force, and the edge of the newly-invented sword, combined the authority of the ruler, and threatened to eternalize the oppression of mankind.

　

　

62 GENERAL HISTORY. The symbolical representation passes gradually into the properly historical representation; and thus Moses gradually (changes the history of Mankind into that of his own nation and tribe. Ile yet relates two great general events, the flood and the dispersion of nations. These require a more particular examination. THE DELUGE AND DISPERSION OF NATIONS. WHEN mankind had swerved from the right path, and threatened to sink, by gross, sensual enjoyments, and the abuse of power, into irremediable corruption, God resolved to extirpate them by a general flood. By continuous torrents of rains, and the bursting of the sources of the ocean, the waters swelled above the summits of the mountains, and everything living was swallowed up in the waves, with the sole exception of Noah, who, with his family, and single pairs of each kind of animals, preserved himself in an ark, which he had constructed according to a divine direction. The ark of Noah rested upon mount Ararat (whether this mountain was one of the Armenian or Mesopotamian mountains, or the distant Paropamisus, we presume not to determine), and those who were saved, settled in that place. Later, the descendants of Noah, or at least a part of them, forsake the vicinity of that mountain, and proceed southwesterly down to the banks of the lower Euphrates into Babylon, a country rich in pasturage,or into the plain of Shinar, where they, 153 years after the deluge, undertook the construction of the great tower, which, as an obstacle to the more speedy dissemination of mankind over the earth, displeased the Deity, and therefore, was frustrated by the prodigy of the confusion of languages. Whether these Hebrew traditions are mere fables or relate to real facts, i. e. to the true history of the tribe, is uncertain. They appear, however, in the first hypothesis as improper, and in both, as unimportant for the history of the World. With many nations we find traditions of great deluges, which happen. ed in distant times, and it is not improbable, that in the infancy of the earth, when the strife of the elements, perhaps, was not yet perfectly composed, and the beds of the rivers were not yet disposed and sufficiently deep, here and there great inundations occurred, and that an inundation of a large extent of country

　

　

ANCIENT WOhLD. 63 beyond the boundaries of which the geographical knowledge of its simple inhabitants did not extend, appeared to them, as a delicte of the world —because it befell their world. The scientific inquilret recognizes, however, in such deluges only partial events, and does not confound them with the primordial submersion of the earth by a universal ocean, which undeniably preceded, fiom many indications, and which was anterior to the creation of Adam. He admits, therefore, Noah by no means to be a second ancestor of mankind; but is contented with the first ancestor, Adam, if he is inclined to admit such a general origin anywhere. He by no means appropriates to history the accessory circumstances related by Moses, of what is called the deluge, which are connected with the description of it, as a divine punishment, but resigns them to theologians. According to such views, he necessarily rejects every theory of the population of the earth, which is confined to the sons of Noah: Shem, Ham, and Japhet; and he knows, that, in the time of those sons, or their nearest descendants, according to Moses' representation, already nations and kingdoms actually existed in Asia and Africa, which, therefore, originated not from the posterity of Noah. These last may, indeed, have sent colonies' among these nations, perhaps also have occasioned the foundation of some new states; but they were not the only founders of them. Concerning the progress of the population of the earth, if we derive it from one ancestor (we name him without hesitation Adam),to which a practical interest, and especially an interest based upon the law of reason, urges; only a few principles of general import can be established, which, for the most part, are reasonable conjectures, rather than facts actually proved. They are the following: a. The original residence of man, the Paradise, must, perhaps, be placed on that large assemblage of mountains, which are elevated with a lofty and far-extended ridge over Central Asia; and, at the formation of the earth out of the universal ocean, must have early arisen from the water, and afforded the first habitable surface for man and animals. Many valleys are situated to the south, and display, opening to the benign rays of the sun, the most luxuriant plenitude of life, the richest vegetable and animal garden of the earth. One of these, (shall we say with

　

　

64 GENERAL HISTORY. Flerder and others, indicate positively Kashmir, which still bears the name of the terrestrial Paradise?) was, perhaps, the chosen natal place, the first home of man, and, if we consider the many evidences of an early improvement in HIindostan, its traditions and customs, which ha:ve descended from the most remote ages, we shall be readily induced to designate, at least by conjecture, the range of mountains, which forms the boundary of northern India, as that sacred place. b. Thence, at the foot of the mountains, extending towards the east and west, and then pursuing the winding course of the rivers, the children of men might soon replenish the plains of southern and western Asia, leaving isolated tracts between vacant, which, as less fertile or inaccessible, diverted the course of population. c. The sea, which at first presented a barrier to the progress of population, must have become, by the advancement of knowledge,the best means for its promotion. Over the Persian, and further, over the Arabian gulf, the Asiatics might have early reached the African coast; and Egypt received not over Suez, but from Ethiopia,(Nubia and Abyssinia)its most ancient inhabitants and the greater part of its population. d. But far more numerous swarms of men passed over the Mediterranean Sea. From the western coast of Asia, the greater part of the islands, and nearly all the coasts of the Sea and its deep gulfs, were gradually, mediately or immediately populated. Every settlement became a new central point of further extension, and here, Asia, Africa and Europe, by such colonies, have reciprocally, and multifariously enriched one another. e. These colonists also penetrated gradually from the coasts into the interior of Africa and Europe, and. there mingled with the tribes, which met them, there from the south, and here from the north. f. More slowly' than the south of Asia, but yet early, the north of Asia was traversed also by tribes of men. Here, also. rivers had previously designated the path of population, although it advanced more slowly, and less abundantly into this inhospitable clime. The more hardy tribes wandered about in the wilderness, until after a long westerly course, they arrived at the shores of the Baltic. Here, they turned generally to the south, and united, in the interior of our part of the world, with those

　

　

THE HEBREWS. 65 numerous swarms, which it had already received from the east and south. Whether, already, in the first period all the paths of population here indicated, were replenished, cannot be positively asserted. How far historical knowledge extends in this period, we have remarked above. But some remarkable migrations, with their more particular geographical and chronc23:zgical determinations in this, and the following periods, will. find their appropriate place in the history of separate nations. We will yet merely remark here, that, indeed, the adoption of several ancestors may be defended with reasons of some importance, based especially upon the striking generic difference of the principal races of- our species; and that, in particular, the attention of the thinker is claimed with perfect justice by the doctrine of three such principal races; viz: 1. The EuropeoArabian or Caucasian. 2. Mongolian. 3. The Ethiopian, or Negro tribe; and consequently, of at least three different sources of population; viz: 1. the southern declivity of the chain of mountains, from the Himmaleh mountains, as far as Caucasus; 2. the plateau of high Asia, from the Mustag to the Altay; 3. that of the mountains of the moon in Africa. HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS. THE MOST ANCIENT HISTORY AS FAR AS MOSES. Two centuries had elapsed, since the posterity of Noah, dis persing, had removed from Shinar, when Abram, (born 1947, afterwards called Abraham, and descended from Shem through Peleg,) went from Ur, -in Chaldea, or the northern part of Mesopotamia, southerly to Haran, and later from that place to Canaan, (2022).: Canaan was yet only thinly populated, and the foreign emir, so he would be called at present, could find there, along the Jordan, and further into the country, sufficient pas turage for his numerous herds. He was called by the inhabitants. VOL. I. -- 5

　

　

66 GENERAL HISTORY Eber, i. e. he who has come from the other side (of the Euphrates;) hence his posterity are still called Hebrews. But, not only the Hiebrews, who are also called Israelites, from an enigmatical surname of his grandson Jacob, and Jews, from Judah, the son of the last, who was eminently blessed with posterity; but also many tribes of the Arabians derive their descent from him. Virtue, patriarchal dignity and wealth, made him renowned already in life; and, even at this distant time, his name is mentioned by the nations of the east with veneration. His later travels, and the events of his after-life, as well as those of his son Isaac, and his grandson Jacob, contain, it is true, some description of patriarchal manners; they are, however, only of little importance to general history. One of Jacob's sons, Joseph, who, by a series of romantic and wonderful events, became grand vizier of the Egyptian king, and merited this fortune by virtue and wisdom, called his father and brothers, with their families,, to Egypt, where they continued in the country Goshen, which was granted to them-probably the pasture lands and deserts situated around Mount Casius, and further to the south. Their nomadic habits prevented them from mingling with the Egyptians, and they lived according to their own customs. But, when a new royal family ascended the throne, and the services of Joseph were gradually forgotten, the ancient hatred of the Egyptians against every pastoral nation was revived, and a natural apprehension arose concerning the rising increase of the Israelitish horde. They were compelled to forsake their idle, perhaps, also, predatory, nomadic life; to build cities, and to practice civil occupations, according to the Egyptian custom; and they who complied reluctantly with all this, were made to feel aversion, oppression, and unjust violence. In these times of affliction, a son was born to Amram, of the house of Levi, (2373). His name, Moses, (in Coptic, Moudsche, one who is preserved from the water,) refers to the fate of his eventful infancy. Doomed to perish in the water, and rescued from the waves by the king's daughter, he received at the court a careful education, and instruction in all the knowledge of the Egyptian priests. But, more than education could bestow on him, had been bestowed by nature or by God; he possessed an elevated, manly soul, was independent, ardently attached to liberty, and attained virtue and wisdom by native strength

　

　

TWIE HEBREWS. 67 He saw once an Israelite abused by an Egyptian, and killed the latter. he then fled to Midian, where, during many years, hle tended the herds of a noble Arabian, in the vales of Sinai. The divine call which he received there for the deliverance of his nation, and the manner in which he and his brother Aaron accomplished their mission at the court of Pharoah, are veiled inll mysterious darkness. But we forbear reasonably to touch upon,his, and many other Mosaic prodigies, but especially such as the narrator derived from the ancient Hebrew traditions. In those miracles, however, which Moses narrates as experienced and effected by himself, we can often discern a real fact very distinctly, upon which the narration is founded, which easily took the form of a miracle, sometimes, by its peculiar nature, sometimes by the enthusiasm of those upon whom it operated, and perhaps, also, by a sage policy of the narrator, which was adapted to the time. The nation which Moses led out of Egypt, was in no respect adapted to the accomplishment of his great designs. He wished to conquer a country inhabited by warlike tribes, and to form of the Israelites a nation which should be free and independent, and should adhere to the service of JEHOVAH. But their long slavery in Egypt had dejected their spirits; inured to servitude, they feared the liberty which was connected with abnegations; and in their first privation, dastardly desired to return to the fleshpots of Egypt. They were, besides, insolent and unruly as the slave who thinks himself escaped from the rod; refractory to their leader, who had arisen from the midst of them, unless he daily surrounded himself with the terrors of Jehovah, and perhaps, qualified for the devastation of countries, but not for the foundation of a durable political union. Moses, then, gave up the whole generation, and placed hiq hopes upon their descendants, who as strong free-born children of the desert, but yet accustomed to order and law, and by the service of Jehovah closely combined into one nation, might, one day, in the reconquered country of their fathers, unmingled and uncorrupted by other nations, be able to maintain an independent and honorable existence. All the regulations of Moses were directed to this grand object; and this explains even the severity with which he treated the Canaanites. It was not, however, the divine spirit, which is a spirit of love and justice, that suggested to Moses those inhuman laws

　

　

068 GENERAL HISTO#Y. against Canaan; but, enthusiastically captivated by this great principal idea, he pursued it (which has happened to many otherwise excellent men) regardless of all the remonstrances of justice and humanity. However, he himself saw not the consummation of his wo k, for when he had invaded Canaan unsuccessfully on the south, and then passing- around Edom, pressed forward from he east towards the Jordan, he perceived his end approaching. From a mountain, he yet' surveyed the beautiful country;allotted to his nation, now invigorated; and joined his fathers. (2493.) Since that time, three and thirty centuries have rolled- away, and still his name lives more than any other mortal's name in the veneration of nations. JOSHUA AND THE JUDGES. WITH the death of Moses, and the conquest of Palestine, a newo period commences in the Hebrew history. For now a united, settled, agricultural nation is formed, from a loosely connected, unsteady, nomadic multitude, which, by the strength and independence that the Mosaic laws give them, for the first time, take an important part in the history of the World. Moses himself, it is true, conquered only the country which is situated east of the Jordan, and there the tribes Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe Manlasseh, established' themselves. Palestine Proper, in which, after this, the remaining tribes resided, was first subdued by the arms of Joshua, who in a sanguinary war of six years' duration, extirpated the greater part of the Canaanites. But at length the spirit of the victors relented, and a miserable remnant of inhabitants were tolerated in the country, yet oppressed and tributary. The principal tie, which united the Israelites, theref9re the basis of their national power, was the service of Jehovah.. But instead of adhering to it, they showed rather an inclination to renounce it, and to worship the idols of their neighbours and the nations they had subdued. By this means, the tie was broken; and they were separated into as many nations as- tribes, which were reciprocally lacerated by intestine wars. The subjugated nations, and the hostile tribes of the adjacent countries profited by this state of dissolution, and made the imprudent Israelites- frequently feel the effect of their reviving power and their vengeance. They became, by turns,

　

　

THE HEBREWS. 69 subject to almost all their neighbours, and their wise men might, with justice, explain such a misfortune as a natural punishment for the desertion of the true God. But as often as they- returned to his worship, and consequently, restored the tie of their union, they became again powerful, and exercised, under freely elected extraordinary leaders, or military chiefs (Schophetim, who are commonly although falsely called judges,) severe retaliation. The internal affairs of the Hebrews were conducted in this period by princes of the tribes, and elders, with the pieponderating influence of the high priest, until he aspired to the hereditary possession of the combined civil and ecclesiastical supremacy, and by this means, threatened the people with an unlimited despotism. The insolence and crimes of the sons of Eli and Samuel, opened the eyes of the people, and they desired a king. In vain Samuel represented to them, as a prudent and interested defender of the theocracy, the dangers of royalty in the most affecting manner; they persisted in their demand, until at length Samuel consented, and with an artful policy, anointed a man to be king (2916) from one of the smallest families of the most unimportant tribe, Benjamin; from whom, although he had distinguished himself by his spirit and his courage, the priest, who had elevated him from the dust, had no reason to apprehend any material restriction of his usurped power. THE KINGS. SAUL was recognized as king,, and the third period of the Hebrew history commences with this institution of royalty, in which the condition,:and the internal and external relations of Israel, experienced an essential alteration. For not until- now, when a stronger central power brought order and firmness into the government, a -higher prosperity and civilization could arise; not until now,: when tihe; political tie was.associated with the religious,-thepower of the nation could operate externally with success. Yet both were visible only in a very slight degree under the first reign, since they were disturbed by the fatal contention between the royal and sacerdotal powers. For Samuel was unwilling to let his legitimate authority pass into the'hands of an impious king. Saul wasg too wicked to submit to the'guidance of the prophet. Saul, because he:presumed:not to follow the commands of the prophet, which were inspired by Omnipotence,

　

　

7q GENERAL HISTORY. still more., because he once, in the absence of Samuel, dared to sacrifice himself, was, as the prophet said, rejected by God, and according to a mandate from heaven, Samuel secretly anointed David of the tribe of Judah anti-king. Thus the last years of Saul were troubled by civil war, accompanied with the desolations of a foreign war. The unfortunate king, after he had lost a decisive Sbattle against the Philistines, the ever vigilant enemy of Israel, and had seen three of his sons bleed in it, voluntarily closed his eyes in the night of death (2929). But although the word of the prophet, the fame of many achievements, and the zeal of his numerous tribe contended for David, yet the other eleven tribes, during several years, adhered to Ishbosheth, the son of Saul, until he and his general,Abner, fell by the sword of assassins; where upon David was recognized as king by all Israel (2937). David respected the prophet, and was respected by him, and by such a connexion, confirmed the royalty. However, much public and domestic misfortune befell him, generally as a consequence of his errors. His children dishonoured themselves by incest and fratricide; two sons rebelled against a too indulgent father, who, in his flight before Absalom, while among his nation raged the scourge of war, pestilence, and famine, might, indeed, have envied the meanest of his subjects. If we forbear a stricly moral inquiry, David was a wise, powerful, and as to the principal form of his government, also a glorious king. All the hostile neighbours of Israel, the Philistines, Amalekites, the wealthy Edomites, the Moabites, and Amonites, and many remaining tribes, were vanquished and subjugated; by the remarkable Nesibenian war, a great part of Syria fell into his power, and he ruled from Egypt as far as the Euphrates, and towards the mountain. of Armenia. He concluded a treaty of commerce with Tyre, and obtained from there, the cedars with which he constructed a palace upon Jebus, the citadel of Jerusalem, which he had taken from the Jebusites. The region of this city is poorly watered, and besides, in part, a sad desert. But the court of. the king attracted there, men, treasures, and proud magnificence, whilst the more remote provinces were impoverished. The establishment of a permanent residence, operated in general powerfully upon the spirit of the government, and the condition of the nation; which, however, became strikingly visible under Solomon. For, the dying David, seduced by the intrigues of

　

　

THE HEBREWS. 71 Bathsheba, had appointed this young son, his successor, and lejected the claims of Adonijah his older son. Solomon ascended the throne 2969. The fame of his wisdom preceded him, and filled the people with high expectation. He fulfilled only imperfectly and for a short time, their expectation. After he had confirmed his dominion, by the blood of the opposite party, he subdued, it is true, the small remnant of the Canaanites, but he lost the more important Edom and the pearl of David's conquests, the strong Damascus; and, if he in the beginning, elevated the industry of his nation, established a lucrative exter nal commerce, embellished Jerusalem with magnificent edifices, called forth the most beautiful flower of Hebrew literature by encouragement and example, all this good he annihilated again by prodigality, luxury and despotic oppression. The splendor which surrounded his throne, the unbeheld magnificence of his temple of Jehovah, and other wonders of Phcenician art blinded the simple Hebrews. In the tone of enthusiasm, they praised the wisdom of Solomon; but they felt also painfully unaccustomed servitude, imposts and all the outrage of a Sultan's government. At last, Solomon disgraced himself even by despicable superstition and idolatry. The priests of Jehovah kindled the discontent, which was secretly glimmering among the people. Jeroboam was consecrated anti-king, yet he could not support himself, and was obliged to flee to Egypt. THE DIVISION OF THE KINGDOM INTO ISRAEL AND JUDAH.THE FALL OF BOTH. BUT after Solomon's death (3008) insurrection was inflamed anew by the imprudent severity of his son Rehoboam. Because he would not mitigate the imposts, which could not be afforded, ten tribes revolted from the house of David. Judah and Benjamin only remained faithful; Jeroboam became king of the others. By this means, the Hebrew state was durably separated into two hostile kingdoms, which in a stricter sense were called Judah and Israel. Both, according to their external and internal relations, contained the germ of destruction. For since political separation was accompained with religious,a sincere reconciliation between them could never be expected; and, since both-kingdoms were

　

　

72 GENERAL HISTORY. nearly equal in power, their continued dissension necessarily produced a reciprocal exhaustion. Besides this, the character of the nation as well as that of the courts, more and more degenerated Perjury, treachery, fury and madness, and all vices now disfigure the history of Israel. About this time, a menacing power arose among the wild conquerors )f New-Assyria and New-Babylon, to which the kings of Egypt, envious and apprehensive, opposed theirs. Judah and Israel situated in the midst of the contending powers, and weak by their dissension as well as by their moral corruption, necessarily became thevictimsof this contest. There were men also, who discerned all this, and elevated themselves with great prowess, and patriotic enthusiasm against the oppression and corruption of their time. They proceeded from the schools of the prophets, which had flourished since Samuel, and produced a series of venerable and bold defenders of the rights of the nation, and the purer worship of God: who indeed also frequently, like the priests of the middle age, suffered their voices to resound from blind zeal and vile interest. Among them the royal Isaiah especially distinguished himself, by his copiousness of thought and power of representation. His and the other seers' prophecies were but too soon fulfilled on Israel and Judah. Israel, called also Samaria, —from the principal city, built by Amri,-after it had groaned under a series of, for the most part, unworthy kings, who generally reached the throne by rebellion and assassination, became the prey of the Assyrians. Ahaz, king of Judah, had called them to his assistance against Israel, and Tiglath-pileser led a part of the Israelites under Pekah (3244) into captivity; and when Ioshea made an attemptito deliver them;from this disgraceful dependence, Samaria was conquered by' Shalmaneser,a ard - the remnant; of Israel was carried captive to Media.- -:The: kingdom had lasted 254 years. The kingdom::of Judah:, supported itself somewhat longer, because it experienced not like. Israel, a bloody change of dynasties, but possessed kings of the house of David only, and:mostly in quiet succession.: However.'they could not-:preserve the' sinking state. Successively ravaged:by the Egyptians, Israelities and Assyrians, then again enjoying some interivals Jof- repose,- of recovery and even of reviving strength, Judah fell at last by the

　

　

THE HEBREWS. 73 powerful hand of the Babylonian hero, Nebuchadnezzar, (Nabocollassar), who after the victory obtained over the Egyptians at Karschemish, extended his dominion as far as the shores of the Mediterranean. Two kings, Jehoiakim (3385) and Zedekiah, incited by Egypt, presumed to revolt from Babylon. Both suffered punishment for their perjury. Jerusalem was conquered, the temple destroyed, and the Jews were carried into captivity to Babylon.'From this concise narration of the Hebrew history, the civil constitution of the nation appears.: The sacerdotal power is visible in all the phases of its political form; -as the original basis of the national union, as the continuing principle of its preservation, as an oppressing power, and as the barrier of despotism; yet even as such, because it did not proceed from the people, foreign to republican spirit, and, indeed, according to its innermost essence, itself despotic. The neighbours of the Hebrews also, as the Philistines, Ammonites, Moabites,-Saul had already exterminated the Amalekites,-were swallowed up by the stream which annihilated Israel and Judah; and although the fate of the first was less cruel than that of the last, yet their names appear, with the exception of the Edomites or Idumeans, no more in history. In the north part of Palestine, where formerly the ten tribes of Israel had ruled, there had arisen in the meantime a new nation, the Samaritans. It was composed of foreign colonists, with whom the few Israelites united themselves, who had escaped the sword and captivity. This promiscuous race adopted a worship composed of the service of Jehovah and that of the Pagan divinities, and was therefore considered, as hetrodox by the -adherents to the pure Judaism. Already, the increasing -population of the Samaritans had replenished the:l!and:of Israel, when -Judah yet lay tesolate. But- when seventy yeoar were numbered from the time that Jehoiachin (Jehoiakim's son,-3385) was carried away captive, when also Babylon's throne had fallen, its conqueror Cyrus gave the captive Jews permission to return to the land -of their fathers, (3455) and -by this means the origin to a: new Jewish state*VoL. I.-R.

　

　

74 GENERAL HISTORY HISTORY OF THE EGYPTIANS. THE ORIGIN OF THE EGYPTIANS AND THEIR CIVILIZATION WE turn to Egypt, a country which is remarkable by characteristics entirely peculiar; rich in the wonders of nature and art, and the mother country of knowledge and civilization in the western world. The population of Egypt and its civilization are more ancient than the deluge. Had this also reached Egypt, could Abraham have possibly found there already a well-regulated state and a luxurious court? and indeed, how could Lower Egypt, which is younger in its existence than the valley of the Nile, become inhabitable but by the work of centuries? Therefore, the Noachidae were not the original inhabitants of Egypt, although later, some tribes of them might have gone thither; but the mass of the population was derived from Ethiopia, as HIerodotus's description of their coporeal structure proves, which corresponds with that of the negro race. The opinion of Denon, who infers from the nobler character of the human figures upon the Egyptian monuments, that the castes of the priests and warriors were of Asiatic origin-perhaps they belonged to the Caucasian race-is consistent with this in some measure, by the supposition of later emigrations. Yet, whether the Ethiopian population came to Africa from East India or South Arabia, or whether a peculiar race belonged to this part of the world, can probably never be discovered. In conformity with the predilection we have shown for the theory of the descent from one ancestor, we must incline to the first opinion. Therefore, pursuing the course of the Nile, a swarm of Ethiopians came over Nubia and the mountains, down into the blessed valley; and, if it is true that here, with other plants suitable for the sustenance of man, wild grain was found, we can easily conceive that they established themselves there. The mountains on both sides of the Nile afforded, in their clefts and

　

　

EGYPT. 75 cavities, a ready dwelling for the strangers, the more welcome to them, since throughout Egypt, there is but little wood for building. They enlarged, multiplied and supported these caves, r.nd this most ancient character of their architecture, which resulted froli the nature of the country, remained discernible in all their later buildings. As Upper Egypt was gradually populated, the increasing multitude extended along the Nile farther to Mid die, and finally to Lower Egypt, everywhere making use of the soil, which the overflowing river fertilized, and assiduously endeavouring to protect this precious soil by dykes from the force of the stream, to spread the water of the Nile as far as possible by canals, and to erect dry habitations upon artificial hills. All these labors suppose already a considerable advancement in civilization; but this rapid progress could not surprise us, even if the Egyptians were barbarians at their departure from Ethiopia. There are, however, reasons for the opposite opinion. For agriculture produces and requires civilization, a common application of power and social order. Once having entered this path, a nation will always derive new encouragement for further progress, from the sense of the advantages they have obtained; obstacles, if they are not insurmountable, will confirm their industry and their sagacity, and agriculture and general civilization will be reciprocally supported and elevated. What wonder then, that in Egypt, where fields watered by the river, require no farther labor than sowing and harvesting, agriculture became the favourite occupation of the people, and that its rich produce invited to the artificial increase and preservation of the fields, and to civil regulations, by which its advantages became more extended and secured? what wonder, if from the narrow social union of an increasing population, the power proceeded to perform gigantic works? But, yet a second principle influenced the civilization of the Egyptians, religion and the sacerdotal power. They had either brought with them already, from Ethiopia, or obtained early, by a new emigration from Mceroe, a numerous and enlightened priesthood, and they were soon, by the natural ascendancy of genius over inexperience, invested with authority and power, the exclusive preservers of the higher branches of knowledge or the mysteries of art, and properly the guardians of the nation.

　

　

76 GENERAL HISTORY. From the first settlement of these priests, several swarms gradually removed into the most distant regions, and each temple which they built became a new central point of civil and religious institutions. There arose from this, or other causes, several kingdoms in Egypt, and there exist the most positive proofs that this country was separated often and long into differ. ent states. Distinct traces of several of these appear, besides the principal kingdomsofThebes and Memphis, as that of Elephantine Heraclea, This; and later,of Tanis, Bubastus, Sais, Mendes and Sebennytus; alltheselast were:in Lower Egypt. Now it could not be otherwise than that one and another of these kingdoms successively became more powerful, and, probably, for a longer or shorter time, swallowed up all the others. The magnificence of the principal cities, the colossal grandeur of some edifices and water-works, suppose an expense of strength and wealth, which was possible only to the ruler of all Egypt, and not to a prince of a small district. Although we are not able to indicate circum stantially the changes of dominion, which were probably numerous, yet it is evident that at first, and for a considerable time Thebes was predominant; that afterwards Memphis elevated itself;and, yet later, different cities of Lower Egypt were residences, in part at the same time, in part by turns. Egypt was also several times the prey of foreign conquerors, of whom are mentioned particularly the Hyksos, (Shepherd-Kings,) perhaps the chiefs of Arabian nomadic hordes, about the time of the Israelites' residence in Egypt (on account of which they are confounded by some),and the Ethiopian Sabako. For Egypt, which had a separate class for soldiers, and an unwarlike people,-for the government of priests gives obedience, but not courage, —must have probably submitted after a few battles. Yet ttie spirit of its government, -:a monarchy tempered by the sacerdotal power, was preserved, amid passing storms, until the Persian dominion. The priests -sustained themselves constantly, and without -being mingled with-the ancient inhabitants, as the noblest, the only scientific class; consequently, they were particularly qualified for the direction of-the nation. - A class of warriors: had either come with- them. to Egypt, or which is more probable, the priests had formed. them, lateir from the -native-or- neighbouring hordes, for the confirmation of their power, and the external defence of:their enlarged. kingdom. The caste of warriors, as they

　

　

EG YPT. 77 had the power in their hands, necessarily acquired wealth and authority. And although even the king was chosen out of the midst of them, (his title was Pharoah,) yet the:priests.always maintained the first rank, by the natural ascendency of the spirit over physical power, and by the character of religiousness, deeply impressed upon the whole nation, and even prescribed to the king, by a severe, formal law, the manner and order of his public and private actions, and judged him at the tribunal of the dead. The remaining mass of the people, which was again divided into several castes, was far below these two predominating castes; yet, on account of the contradictory statements of Herodotus and Diodorus, we are not able to indicate- with precision, their number and denomination. According to Heeren's exposition, which recommends itself by internal probability, there were yet four castes; namely, the shepherds, navigators, artificers and interpreters. The origin of the two higher castes, and their permanent separation, cannot surprise us, according to what has been said above; and causes are found, also, which explain that of the lower castes, in the nature of the country, and in some historical notices. The necessity of water-commurnication in the narrow valley through which the Nile flows, particularly at the.ime of the inundations, must have probably induced the accolents of the river to have engaged early in navigation; and the classes which had been formerly familiar with its waters by fishing, could easily form the subsequent nautical caste. The origin of the pastoral caste is still more natural; for there are regions in Egypt (especially the eastern mountainous region, towards the Arabian Sea, and also in Lower Egypt, several moorlands)which are not at all adidpted to agriculture, but merely to the breeding of cattle. The native, or immigrated nomadic: tribes of such regions, as far as they obeyed the Pharoahs, were the basis of the pastoral caste, to which were afterwards added those settled peasants who were engaged chiefly in the breeding of cattle. The caste of the artificers arose probably later, because its form ation supposes already greater advances in civilization. It does not appear that'this caste was subdivided according to the particular professions. At last, the caste of interpreters-was formed. underPsammetichus. For this philohellenist caused a great number of Egyptian.children to be instructed in the Greek -manners

　

　

978 GENERAL HISTORY. and language, who afterwards, as the intercourse became more extensive with foreigners, served as interpreters, brokers, &c. but were expelled, owing to the natural hatred of the Egyptians to everything foreign, from the other castes, and formed them selves into a particular caste. This system of castes, especially the too strict hereditary succession, which permitted not any change from one to the others. and the great prerogatives of the priests and soldiers, by which the lower castes participated too little in the fruits of the civil inion, founded a pernicious despotism of the first over the last; and the mass of the people, viewing their condition in the best possible light, was under a tolerable guardianship; yet under such a one as rendered it impossible for them ever to obtain their freedom. However, the existence, or the opposition of the two privileged classes, was a salutary barrier to despotism. Had there been no caste of priests, the warriors, with their king at their head, might have treated the Egyptian people more severely than the Mamelukes did the Copts; and without the fear of Pharoah, the priests might have perhaps become worse than the Schamans. THE PRINCIPAL DATA OF THE HISTORY OF THE PHAROAHS THE first human king of Egypt, before him the gods reigned for myriads of years, is unanimously called Menes or Min. According to Herodotus, he built Memphis, but this account is a fanfaronade of the priests of Memphis; it is more probable that Thebes, (Luxor,) according to Diodorus, was built first by Busiris II.; and, after it had served as a residence to nine kings, among whom was the wise Osymandias, Uchoreus built the new capital, Memphis. By this, the splendour of Thebes suffered (called Hecatompylos from its hundred gates); ruins of which, after so many revolutions and the injury of barbarism and the elements for two thousand years, still by their magnifi. cence.and grandeur, fill the mind with high admiration. Moeris is mentioned later by Diodorus and Herodotus, who constructed the great lake of the same name, or, at least the sluices, which.connect it with the Nile. After Mceris, whom Herodotus places 900 years earlier than his own arrival in Egypt, but according to Diodorus seven gene

　

　

EGYPT. 79 rations later, comes SesosiZis, or Sesoosis, the Alexander of Egypt. His existence has been doubted; but so many exploits, which are almost unanimously related of him, cannot be without historical foundation. It is of no importance to us, whether he who caused the greatest obelisk to be sculptured, was called Rhamsinitus, or whether the three large pyramids near Memphis were built by a Cheops, Cephren, or Mycerinus. The general explanation and estimation of such structures are more important. Upon this there are various views; but, whatever may be said of a myste. rious sense of religious, astronomical and other objects, the disproportion between the means and the ultimate object, the rudeness of art and the slavery of a people, can never be mistaken, which, patient as beasts of burden, constructed at its despots' nod, those immense works with the sweat of whole generations. Bocharis, the wise, (Asychis, the legislator in Herodccus?) erected for himself a more glorious monument than those of thu builders of the pyramids,bythat humane legislation, the principal traits of which Solon afterwards interwove into his. Yet his wisdom could not terminate the oppressions under which Egypt then groaned, in consequence of the errors of the earlier Pharoahs and the Assyrian power, which was arising about that time. Internal disorders-the dissolution of the state of Diospolis, and the foundation of new dynasties in Lower Egypt-accompanied external storms. The Pharoahs sought the dangerous assistance of Ethiopia against Assyria, whose princes afterwards ruled fifty years over Egypt. In vain it expected its deliverance from a change of dynasties. Sethon, a priest of Phtha, at first an Ethiopian vassal, afterward a sovereign, offended the military caste by the confiscationl of their lands, at the same time that the kingdom was threatened by the Assyrian Sennacherib. The soldiers refused to fight, and Egypt had been lost unless a miracle had preserved it: probably the same with that epidemic, given likewise in the Hebrew histories as a miracle of Jehovah, which destroyed the Assyrian host, to which also was added Senna cherib's fear of the Ethiopian king. But the internal discord continued, and Egypt was finally, after many years of anarchy, divided among twelve princes,of whom Psammetichus of Sais, elevated himself over the others, by talent and fortune, and by the assistance of Carian and loniar soldiers, brought the whole kingdom into subjection tc himself

　

　

80 GENERAL HISTORY. Psammetichus, (3313) since he opened Egypt to foreigners, formerly very bitter towards them, exchanged the native manners for foreign, and placed his confidence in foreign mercenary troops in preference to the native military caste, excited general discontent, and 200,000 men of the last left the kingdom. They could never: have been more necessary, since, now, the ascendency of Assyria compelled Egypt either to aggrandize itself, or submit to its neighbour. Necho, the successor ofPsammetichus, possessed the principles of his father, and a still bolder spirit, which conceived truly great designs. Disdaining the timid policy of the ancient Pharoahs, he strove for an extensive intercourse with foreign countries; sought, although in vain, to unite two seas by a canal, and caused-for the ancient world an astonishing and also a perfectly isolated undertaking -Africa to be circumnavigated by Phoenician mariners. His military actions. were almost as brilliant. The throne of Judah was at his disposal; he conquered the Syrians; continued a difficult contest against Central Asia-where now New-Babylon ruled over the ruins of Assyria-a long time with success,- until the ferocious Nebuchadnezzar conquered him at Circesium, (3382) and by this means, decisively humbled the power of Egypt. FALL OF THE KINGDOM. AFTER some insignificant kings, the victorious rebel Amasls, (3415) ascended the throne, of which he was not unworthy. At the commencement of his reign, the kingdom seemed to flourish anew; yet it had only the.appearance of prosperity and strength. Distrustful towards their government, divided among themselves, without courage or confidence, the Egyptians could not escape subjugation by a powerful neighbour. Amasis saw already the storm gathering, which would destroy his kingdom. The conqueror Cyrus, more formidable still than Nebuchadnezzar, threatened Egypt, which had connected itself with Lydia, against his ascendency. But vengeance was first executed by Cambyses upon the, son of: Amasis, the. unfortunate Psammenitus. In the first year of his reign- (3459), after the loss of a single battle, the proud, Memphis fell adnd the'betrayed prince was captured by tihe tyrant; and thus fell the- throne of the Pharoahs

　

　

CENTRAL ASIA, CENTRAL ASIA. THE MOST GENERAL CHARACT1ERISTIC. OF the various changes of dominion among the early warlike hordes of Central Asia, only uncertain traditions have been preserved, disfigured by the pride, passion and geographical ignorance of particular tribes, and without regular determination of time; and the late narrators of those traditions have not been able to avoid the partiality which lay in their origin. The few authentic notices, which have reached us in this way, are so defective and unconnected, that a proper history of Central Asia before Cyrus can hardly be admitted. Should we particularly deplore its loss'! It appears that the forever-returning circle of youth, splendour, power, effeminacy, decline and fall, to which an equal destiny has doomed all the dynasties of the east, from the dawn of history until our own times, took place also in times anterior to history; and that if the annals of the Babylonian, Assyrian, and Median Monarchies could be corrected, general history, which numbers already so many dynasties, would be merely enriched by a dozen more. ANCIENT ASSYRIA. AMONG the countries, -chiefly passed through by the descendants of Noah, was the territory of the lower Euphrates and Tigris, in which the earliest proper kingdoms were formed. It may be, that the more dense population then required firmer civil regulations, or that a nation relaxed by enjoyment, was more easily tamed by native Nimrods, or subjugated by foreign warlike hordes. Such swarms might have come from the mountainous country on the north of Shinar, which, what the milder nature in the south and the industry of civilized men had produced, appropriated to themselves by the sword: The fortune. nature and genius of their leaders determined the mutable relation of power of separate hordes, until one gradually swallowed Vot.. J.-L 6

　

　

GENERAL HISTORY. up many others, and spread itself over the countries like a continually increasing stream. The victorious horde accumulated the spoils of nations in its camp, and compelled the vanquished to fortify it with much toil by a moat and rampart. From such camps, the principal cities arose, which at their foundation were of immense extent, because they included also fields and pastures. Babylon, (Bab-Bel, the court of the Lord,) through the, centre of which the Euphrates flowed, had in its regular quadrilateral form a circumference of 480 stadia, (fifteen German miles,) and a hundred gates. The still greater Nineveh (the residenceNave-of Nin,) extended a three days' journey along the Tigris. Bel, who built Babylon, was the Xisuthrus of Berosus, or the Nimrod of Moses; whether he also founded Nineveh, or whether this was done by his son Asur, whose name lives in Assyria, or by Ninus, the son of the prince, (son of Belus,) we shall never determine. But the last is almost unanimously represented as the founder of the great monarchy of ancient Assyria (1874), which was extended by him over Babylon, Media and Bactriana, and by his great consort Semiramis, (1926) still farther towards the east and south, and as far as Ethiopia. The throne of Great Assyria stood many centuries; and it is probable, although we read nothing of it except dry names of kings, that it experienced in this long period of time many concussions and changes of dynastids. The luxury of Ninyas (1968) and his successors, who slumbered in the seraglio, and governed the kingdom by viziers and satraps, is at least, as an Asiatic characteristic of governments, in general true, as well as that Sardanapalus (3108) is one of the many who atoned for the faults of their ancestors. NEW.ASSYRIA AND MEDIA. WHEN the high priest of Babylon, Belesis, and the Median governor, Arbacis, had consummated their rebellion with success, by the conquest of Babylon, Sardanapalus was great enough to prefer death under the burning ruins of his palace, to an ignominious surrender. Great Assyria was divided into as many governments as satrapies, whose common federal city was to be Ecbatana. But soon wild anarchy arose, from which we see three new kingdoms gradually produced, Assyria, Babvlonia

　

　

CENTRAL ASIA. 83 and Media; of which again New-Assyria is first ihe most powerful. Of its kings, only the military actions are recorded, and much variation appears in names and chronology. What the Hebrews relate to us, the cotemporaries of this new kingdom and its severely oppressed neighbors, is the most distinct, though not entirely connected. Poll (3213), who, after distraction for a century, first elevated again the power of Assyria, turned his arms against Israel, and the efforts of his successors were continually directed against the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea. Syria and Israel yielded in the unequal contest against Tiglathpileser and Shalmaneser (3245 and 3261), and the vanquished were driven, like herds, by their barbarian conquerors, into distant lands. Egypt, and even Ethiopia, felt, also, the power of Shalinaneser. Judah defended itself with difficulty; but Tyre, great by its maratime power, was victorious in the contest. Sennacherib (3270) ravaged Judah, threatened Egypt, but lost his army by a pestilence, and was killed by his sons. Media threw off now the Assyrian yoke anew, and Assarhaddon (3280), formerly a powerful prince, who subdued Babylon and humbled Judah, could not bring it into subjection. After him, the profane writers mention several kings who carried on a great war against the rising Media. An invasion of a Scythian horde interrupted it. After their extirpation it was renewed. The Chaldean rebel Nabopolasser, connected himself with Media, and Assyria yielded to their combined power. The proud Nineveh was destroyed about 3380, and never rose again. Opposite to Mosul a range of hills is seen along the river; upon one stands a village nanmed Nunia. It is believed that these hills are the ruins of Nineveh. One hundred and twenty-nine years after the fall of Sardanapalus, the king Nabonassar (3237) appears in Babylon, with whom Ptolemy, the famous Alexandrian mathematician of the second century after Christ, opens his remarkable canon of the Babylonian kings. But we know not his ancestors, and know not whether he himself and his nearest successors were sovereigns or vassals of Assyria. Later, the Assyrian monarchs, Assarhaddon, Saosduchin, and Chyniladdan, appear in the canon as rulers of Babylon; which proves, at least, its subjection at than. time. But now, the Chaldean Nabapolassar, governor of

　

　

i4 GENERAL HISTORY. Babylon,* appears as a rebel against Assyria, assists Cy axares of Media to destroy Nineveh, and founds the Chaldeo-Babylonian kingdom (3359). Long before, —when this took place cannot be determined,-these Chaldeans had migrated from a mountainous country of the north to Babylon. Their name remained afterwards to a single class. Nabopolassar, great in war, extended his power as far as the Mediterranean Sea. Pharoah Necho repulsed him, it is true, but at Carchemish, (Circesium), the power of Egypt was destroyed by the son of Nabopolasser, the formidable Nebuchadnezzer (Nabocolasser, 3377). Jerusalem and Tyre fell before him: he caused his banners to wave in Iberia, Arabia, Egypt, and Lybia. He and his consort, Nitocris are said to have constructed those magnificent edifices of Babylon, which tradition ascribes to Semiramis of Ancient Assyria. These edifices and this great city are no more: learned travellers have recognized traces of Babylon on both sides of the river, in far scattered heaps of ruins, where now stands the little town Hilla. Nabocolasser died (3420), and before one generation had passed away, his empire was no more. It was founded only upon physical strength, and not upon wisdom, which survives in its effects the founder. Therefore, after the short reign of some worthless princes, Nabonid, (Daniel's Belshazzar?) the youngest of Nebuchadnezzar's sons, lost his throne and life against Cyrus, the Medo-Persian, (3446.) Media, derived by some from Madai, the son of Japheth. was, during many centuries, the battle-ground of wild, warlike hordes, among which, in proper Media, with five other tribes, was also that of the Mages. Divided and lawless, the Medes necessarily yielded to the attack of an organized power. Ancient Assyria, therefore, early subdued this country, in which the Scythian hordes and native tribes exercised also a lawless dominion. Two centuries after the fall of Sardanapalus, according to Herodotus, the royal race of Media first arose. Its founder was Dejoces, (3288,) a man of renowned prudence and love of justice; who, when after the misfortune of Sennacherib, and the destruction of the royal family of New Assyria, the Medes had courageously * Modern authors consider him to be the leader of a horde from Kurdistan which had just invaded the country.

　

　

CENTRAL ASIA 8P thrown off the odious yoke, but afterwards felt the vexations of anarchy, was chosen arbiter by them, and afterwards king. In order that he might accustom his nation to obedience, he considered it necessary to surround himself with all the pomp and terrors of majesty. He shut himself up in his citadel, which he had built with astonishing magnificence, at Ecbatana. It was surrounded by seven brilliant circular walls of different colours, and shone far off like an enchanted castle. By the imposing ceremonies of his court, he accustomed his subjects to look upon him as a being of a higher order. It is evident that he went too far. from untractable freemen the Medes became despicable slaves. His son Phraortes, (3828,) conquered the Persians, and made war against Assyria. Cyaxares, (3350,) continued this war; but a wild horde of Scythians broke through the defiles of Caucasus, and overwhelmed Media and the neighbouring countries. Cyaxares was now obliged to defend his kingdom. The contest continued twenty-eight years, until the Medes delivered themselves from these desolating fiends by a bloody treason. They afterwards assisted Nabopolassar in the destruction of Nineveh. Thus, the power of Western Asia was gradually concentrated. It was still divided between Babylon and Media; yet, according to nature, union could not long exist between them; but, if they engaged in a contest, and one was victorious, its empire, then, was the world. CYRUS. MEDIA was destined for this greatness, but not until it should be renovated by internal revolutions. Astyages, (3390,) the son and successor of Cyaxares, advanced towards his fate whilst he wished to avoid it. Ominous visions had shown to him, that his grandson would one day usurp the throne: he therefore married his daughter, Mandane, to an insignificant Persian lord, Cambyses, and commanded that the fruit of this marriage, the newborn Cyrus, should be put to death. The humanity of the royal minister, Harpagus, preserved the boy. He was brought up by shepherds, and afterwards, when the secret of his rank was discovered, sent to Persia. When he had arrived at the age of manhood, Harpagus, whose forbearance Astyages had severely punished, incited him to rebel against the tyrant, and procured

　

　

86 GENERAL HISTORY. him victory by further. treason. Cyrus ascended the Median throne, (3425,) and Astyages died in prison. This relation of,Herodotus accords better with the general character of Cyrus, which is verified by actions, than the representation of Xenophon according to the scope of which, Cyrus must appear throughout, as an excellent, faultless prince, and as a prototype for other princes. So much is manifest in all the various accounts; viz that Cyrus was of Persian origin, and became the founder of a new dynasty in Media, and that, by his prudent and resolute use of existing circumstances, he effected a revolution until then unknown in the annals of mankind. SYRIA AND PHCENICIA. SYRIANS. THE Phoenicians and Syrians are two different nations, separated by their origin, character, and destinies. We comprehend them both, however, in one chapter, because they inhabited the same country, and experienced, at least ultimately, the same lot of subjugation, by the potentates of Central Asia. The Syrians are supposed to be the descendants of Shem, who came in part over the Euphrates, and in part from Arabia, into this country. But the Phoenicians, as a race kindred to the Canaanites, are said to have descended from Ham, and to have come from the shores of the Red Sea to the coast of Syria before Abraham. Afterwards, Egyptian colonies were united with them; different tribes of the country, also, whilst they lived as nomades, might have been mixed with them in various ways. There was a striking similarity between the two nations in many of the principal traits of language, writing, form of government, religion and manner of life; although the Phoenicians, favored by divers circumstances, soon obtained a great advantage over the other Syrians in commercial fame, and in all the arts of I

　

　

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SYRIA QND PHIIENICIA. 87 peace, and made their little barren country on tLie sea, one of the most remarkable upon the earth. In the most ancient times, Syria was divided, as all countries, into many small states or territories of separate hordes,- which united gradually into larger; and, according to their external and internal relations, were more or less civilized, rich and powerful. Damascus (Dammesek,) appears already in Abraham's time. Hamath, (Epiphania,) on the Orontes, may be equally ancient. With these, although less renowned, there existed afterwards, Gessur, Rehob, Ischtob, &c. In the time of David, (about 2940,) the king of Zobah (Nesibin,) extended his power into Mesopotamia, and Hadaresar extended his sceptre over the Euphrates towards Syria Proper. The king of Damascus was allied with him against the king of Hamath; David then took the part of the oppressed, conquered the allies, and became now himself powerful in the Syrian countries. A second Nesibinian war, in which Assyria and Ammon were also engaged, terminated still more gloriously for David; and the Syrian kingdoms disappeared. But under Solomon (about 3000) Damascus rose anew. Rezon threw off the yoke of the Hebrews, and became the founder of a kingdom, which soon extended from Damascus over all Syria. The separation of the kingdoms of Judah and Israel, was particularly favorable to him; and Rezon's successors fought, at first united with Judah against Israel, afterwards against both kingdoms which were reconciled, and finally with Israel against Judah. About this time the power of Assyria oppressed Anterior Asia, Lvored by the imprudent disunion of the smaller states. Pul was called by Syria against Israel, and when afterwards both of these attacked Judah, Ahaz called the formidable Tiglathpileser to his assistance. He came (3245), overthrew the throne of Damascus, and carried the Syrians in multitudes to the distant country bordering on Caucasus. PH(ENICIANS. PHoENICIA sustained itself longer; although It was a small rocky country, and the coast in its extent, hardly embracing a thousand square miles; yet by the genius Sand industry of its inhabitants, it made tributary to itself, the greater part of the coasts of

　

　

98S GENERAL HISTORY. the Mediterranean, many of the Ocean, and large inland kingdoms. Wearied by the incessant scenes of war and desolation of the history of the World, we gladly turn our views to a nation, which built its greatness, not by the sword, but by the instruments of pacific art; which brought together masses of men, hostilely separated by fear and power, by the mutually promoted enjoyments of life, and placed them in a friendly connexion, by facilitating the common possession of the fruits of the earth and human industry. But unfortunately the annals of Phoenicia, by her own historians, are no more; and foreign historians, although some of them were well qualifi.ed to collect satisfactory accounts, have forgotten over the enumeration of battles and changes of dynasties, to give us a coherent description of the developement, and events of Phcenician industry and commercial greatness; we must, therefore, content ourselves with a few disconnected, or general facts, the substance of which consists in what follows: Although Phoenicia was so small, yet it formed not one, but several states, or rather territories of a city-as that of Sidon, Tyre, Aradus, Byblus, Berytus, Sarephtha, Tripolis, —which, although alliances existed among them, perhaps, also at times the more powerful exercised a kind of predominance, yet in the principal affairs of their governments, were generally free and independent. The rulers of such territories were called kings; although most of them, from the small extent of their kingdom, or limited power, seemed to have had no claim to the title. It was not the kings, but the nations, that played the most important parts in Phoenicia, and among these, especially those of Tyre and Sidon. Sidon existed already in David's time, and was powerful in the days of Joshua (about 2500); but Tyre (about 2732) surpassed its metropolis, and was afterwards generally recognized as the principal of the Phoenician cities. "When thy words went forth, thou filledst many people, thou didst enrich the kings of the earth with the multitude of thy riches, and of thy merchandise." Ez. xxvii. 33. The architects came from Tyre,'who built Solomon's temple. Carthage, the empress of the sea, and many other colonies were founded by Phoenicians. Shalmaneser, to whom all the rest of Phoenicia had submitted, was conquered by Tyre on the sea, and the formidable Nebuchad nezzar was able, it it true, after a siege of thirteen years, to vanquish the walls of the city, but not the courage of the inhab

　

　

SYRIA AND PHCENICIA 89 tants. For they now built upon an island in the vicinity, a new Tyre, which even obscured the splendour of the ancient. This continued to flourish, in the succeeding period, under the Persian dominion, until it finally submitted, after a most glorious, but unfortunate contest, to the arms of Alexander the Great. Thus many colonies give proof of the commercial greatness of the Phonicians, and their political importance. Besides, the Cyclades, Sporades, and other small isles of the Archipelago, Cyprus, Rhodes, Crete, and different points of the coast of Asia Minor, received colonists from Phoenicia. But, as the power of the Greeks increased, the Phoenicians evacuated this field for them, and retired further to the south and west. In the interior of Egypt, being banished from the coasts by the timid policy of the Pharoahs, they founded a settlement. One whole quarter of the royal Memphis was inhabited by them, and East Africa was tributary to their caravans. Later, in the centre of the coast of Northern Africa, Utica, Carthage, Adrumetum, and other cities, were built by them; then Sicily, Sardinia, (the Greeks and Etruscans prevented them from entering Italy,) and the Balearic Isles, at least in part, were settled by them, and they founded a colony in the southwest part of Spain. Here, in this wonderfully beautiful country, (Andalusia,) through which the celebrated Beetis (Guadalquiver,) flows between fertile banks, Tartessus, probably a common term for many settlements there, flourished under the Phoenicians. Gades, (Cadiz,) Carteja, where Algesiras now is, Malacca and Hispalis, (Malaga and Seville,) and about 200 other smaller towns, (villages,) in which a race composed of the natives, (the Turdetani,) and the colonists, (the Bastuli Pini,) proclaimed by their number and prosperity, the benefits of commerce. The relation of all these colonies to the mothercountry, appears, in what remains, to have consisted merely in a free commercial intercourse and reciprocal dependence, and not in subjection. From Spain, which then, with many other kinds of merchandise, abounded in metals of every kind, and especially in silver, the bold Phoenicians ventured further into the Atlantic, along the western coasts of Europe, as far as the Cassiterides, i. e. the British and Sorlingian, or tin isles, and probably as far as the amber coasts of-Prussia. In the south, as some, although only VOL. I.- M

　

　

90' GENERAL HISTORY. obscure and uncertain traces intimate, the isle of Madeira, ana the Canaries, were frequented by them; and on the western coast of Africa, they founded about 300 villages. ASIA MINOR. IN GENERAL. ASIA MINOR was one of the earliest, and most chosen seats of civilization, a battle ground of many hostile tribes, and the principal source of the European population. Of many countries and nations of Asia Minor, there is no information at all extant; with others, the times are not distinguished, and its whole history is disfigured by fables. We derive, from the confused accounts and indications which are accessible to us, the following general results: 1. That Thracia and Maesia in Europe were probably populated by the Teucri and Mysi, in the northwest part of the peninsula. The position of the first country, and the name of the second, support what is related concerning them by ancient traditions. 2. Numerous tribes, comprehended under the general denomination of Pelasgi, inhabited the rest of the west, and a part of the south coast, yet mingled with Phoenicians, and gradually removed by various foreign colonists. 3. In the interior of the country, the name of the Phrygians was far extended. 4. From the east, Assyrian and Syrian, perhaps, even Israelitish tribes (after the fall of Samaria) came into Asia Minor, from which the Cappadocians and Leucosyrians (white Syrians) originated. 5. The destruction of Troy, the movement of the Greek nations caused by the Heraclidue, the invasion of northern hordes, and finally, the growth of the Lydian kingdom, and its speedy fall, are the principal nearer and more remote causes of the manifold intermixture of the nations of Asia Minor, of the rise and fall of new states and colonies, and of the many changes of government. Some principal forms only, in the confused miovement of this

　

　

ASIA MINOR. 91 throng of nations, are, for General history, worthy of a more particujar consideration. We shall take a cursory view of them OF SOME NATIONS IN PARTICULAR. 1. PHRYGIA. Nannacus, its first king, is said to be more ancient than Deucalion. His and his successors' history is involved in fables. It is discovered, however, from these, that the Phrygians attained an early civilization. It is proved by the productions of the Phrygian loom, (opus Phrigium,) the invention of the anchor, of the four-wheeled carriage, &c., by their very ancient practice of mining (known from the fable of Midas T.),by their historian Dares, and the ingenious AEsop. Phrygia flourished especially under Midas III., who sent an ingeniously wrought throne to Delphi as a gift. After Midas IV., who died without heirs, the country fell to Lydia. II. Troas, called Phrygia Minor, although its inhabitants were not of the Phrygian race, flourished about 300 years (from 2500 till 2800). It was not unimportant among the states of Asia Minor; however, it would interest us but little, had not the Homeric muse glorified its fall. Three thousand years have rolled over the ruins of Ilion, but the heroes who fought for, and against it, live still in pathetic remembrance. The spot is no longer recognized where the city of the unfortunate Priam stood. Afterwards in its environs, a new Troy was built, and this too has disappeared. The consequences of Troy's destruction, were important to Asia Minor, and Greece. The manifold migrations of the nations, and the vicissitudes in the governments of Asia Minor, and a closer union among the small states of Greece, which became gradually republics, and generally diverse settlements on distant coasts, by Trojan fugitives, were the most striking effects of the-fall of Troy. III. Caria was situated in the southwest corner of Asia Minor. Its inhabitants were engaged in commerce and navigation, but combined piracy with these, by which they were long formidable to the Greeks; they fought also as mercenaries in foreign wars. They built Miletus, that fruitful source of colonies; and afterwards lost the most beautiful part of their country against the Ion-ans and Dorians; but against Cresus, their liberty: they

　

　

92 GENLRAL HISTORY. retained, however, under the Persian soveruignty, their own princes, and an important naval force. IV. The power of Lydia extended over all these countries, and the whole of Asia Minor, which also was renowned before the most of them, for its fertility and pleasantness. It was called Maeonia by its first inhabitants; the Lydians, its later inhabitants, are said to have been of Egyptian origin. The history of its ancient royal races, the Atydae and Heraclidae, is fabulous, and of little importance. The important part of the history of Lydia, commences with the Mermnadae, the third royal race. Gyges, the murderer of his king and friend, Candaules, founded this dynasty. He conquered Colophon and Troas. His successors were warlike like himself. A remarkable migration of nations prevented at this time the growth of the Lydian, as well as the Median kingdom. The Cimmerians, (the Gomerites of Moses if you please,) who inhabited the country north of the Black Sea, between the Don and the Dniester, fled in great multitudes, driven by the Scythians, over the defiles of Caucasus into Asia Minor, overflowed Lydia, conquered Sardis, and were not exterminated until after a long and difficult war. In the mean time, the Scythian hordes, pursuing the Cimmerians, or Cimbri, had broken over Caucasus, but by the eastern defiles; they had delayed the fall of Nineveh, and ravaged Media, and, indeed, the whole of Anterior Asia during twenty-eight years. Alyates II., on account of having afforded protection to a foreign swarm of Scythiatis, was involved in a war with Cyaxares. The son of Alyates was the renowned Crmesus, who, in a rapid career of victory, subjected all the country on this side of the Halys, and even compelled the federal Grecian cities to acknowledge his supremacy. He believed himself now sufficiently strong to undertake the vengeance of the dethroned Astyages, against the valiant Cyrus. How unfortunately he conducted this war, and how he affected the arrogant victors, by the recollection of Solon's ominous words, and delivered himself from a funeral pile, is in the mouth of every one. Even if this be a fable, it is more instructive and affecting than many historical facts. Lydia ceased with the fall of Creesus: and Asia Minor became a Persian province. V. The history of the Grecian colonies on the coasts of Asia Minor, is properly connected with that of the Greeks in general

　

　

HISTORY OF THE GREEKS. ORIGIN AND GROWTH. THE history of the Greeks affords a richer harvest than the preceding histories, and even than all those of antiquity, with the exception of the Romans. We have not only here more numerou4 and authentic sources,-for what is even the Hebrew in comparison with the Grecian historiography?-but their matter also is the most instructive and attractive. Instead of kings and troops, which we meet with almost everywhere else, we see here men and nations, which exist, not like those of the east, thousands of years, by ancient laws, or irresistible climatic influence, in a sad uniformity, but rise free from their internal and native strength; -nd for this reason, display a rapid developement of all the human powers. Here, we see the -great problem of free governments more efficaciously and fortunately solved, than elsewhere, in antiquity; here, in fine, we see bloom the most beautiful and lasting flower of civilization and science. It is true, in the times before Cyrus, therefore, in the longest period of Grecian history, we have not much to relate of importance to General history. The higher civilization of the Greeks, the improvement and confirmation of the forms of their republics, the great exhibitions of their national strength, all belong to the following period. The sources here are still scanty, for, with the exception of some poets, all the great writers of Greece lived later; and their works contain a most faithful and comprehensive description of their own times; but generally, only cursory and confused notices of higher antiquity. We find, however, in Homer, and also in Hesiod, and in the echo that has reached us of the Argonautic bards, interesting information concerning the condition, the manners, and relations of ancient Greece; and we may, indeed, console ourselves over these notices, which suffice for a general picture, for the loss of the distinct knowledge of the mythical and heroic age of the Greeks: this has, indeed, obtained by the poetical nimbus, and mythical veil, which sur

　

　

94 GENERAL HISTORY. round it.: peculiar charm and interest, which, without these, it would never have acquired. Greece is commonly considered to embrace only Peloponnesus, Hellas and Thessaly, and perhaps also the isles of the neighbouring seas; but the Greeks (considered as a distinct race according to their origin) spread far beyond their limits, over all parts of the world. Not only the most beautiful part of the west coast of Asia Minor was inhabited by the Greeks, but also Lower Italy (Grecia Magna) and Sicily were mostly populated by swarms of Greeks; similar settlements were scattered on all the coasts of the Mediterranean and Black Seas; and finally, by the expedition of Alexander the Great, the Greek language and customs, and also Grecian blood, by means of frequent immigration and numerous colonial cities, extended even beyond the interiorof Asia, as far as the Indus and Oxus. The destinies of the Grecian tribes, so widely scattered, evidently could not flow in the same channel; under the rubric of Grecian history those only are usually embraced, between which a closer connexion subsisted. It appears from the ancient Grecian traditions, that the principal stream of population for the whole country south of Haemus, came from Asia Minor. This may be perceived, even without historical information, from the consideration of its situation. Nature herself had traced the way for the numerous tribes of Asia Minor over the two straits, and over the narrow sound of, the isles in the XEgean Sea, to Thrace and Greece, and it was passed by them in the most remote ages. The first who came to the Grecian soil were called Pelasgians, a general denomination which might apply to all the tribes that came over the sea, although tradition assigns to these Pelasgians, as a particular people, abodes in Asia Minor. Somewhat later than these Pelasgians, who first populated the Peloponnesus,but then extended to tne north, appeared the Hellenes, who likewise came over the sea, but in an opposite direction-from the north to the south. For two centuries they wandered nameless about, until they received the name, Ilellenes, from Deucalion's son, Hellen, and gradually drove away the Pelasgians. It is impossible to determine the dates of these events. Before this, a kingdom under Sicyon is said to have existed about 1850; but this is probably fabulous. But Inachus, about 2130, prince of Argos, may be considered the most ancient chief of the Pelasgians in Greece.

　

　

GREECE. 95 Deucalion, however, the nearer ancestor of the Hellenes-although fable names others before him-must havxe come from Parnawsus to Thessaly, about the year 2470*, and driven away the Pelasgians. The great deluge, which happened in his time, is generally known. Gradually the name of the Pelasgians disappears, who maintain themselves with difficulty only in Arcadia. Everywhere else they mingle with the victorious descendants of Deucalion, or retire to Italy, and to different islands; and later the inhabitants of Greece are universally called Hellenes. Homer, however, calls them Achaei, D)anai, Argivi, and the name Greeks, ypaxos —which also appears in the Parian marbles,and is saidtobederived from the Pelasgian Grecus, whosd race was known in Italy before the others-has acquired the precedence over all others. These ancient Pelasgian and Hellenian hordes, appear a long time as proper savages. Unsettled, without laws or manners, they wandered about in the woods of Greece, subsisted on acorns and raw flesh, knew not the laws of marriage, and reciprocally destroyed one another by incessant wars. The first twilight of civilization seems to have appeared among the Pelasgians. The barbarism of the Hellenes was greater, and more durable. THE HEROIC AGE. THE Greeks did not rise from the state of animal rudeness, until new colonists, who brought civilization and wealth with them, immigrated, some from Asia Minor, by the ways long since passed, some further over the sea, from Egypt and Phoenicia.. Their arrival makes an epoch in Greece, and is worthy of the attention of the general historian. Already before the deluge of Deucalion, (namely 2426 according to Petavius, or 2401 according to the marbles,) Cecrops had come with an Egyptian colony from Sais to Attica, where the Pelasgians, since the times of Ogyges, had wandered about in a savage state. He built the mountain fortress, Cecropia, whic1 gradually, when temples and habitations were built around it; * According to Petavius.-According to the marbles of Paros, 2454. The ancient traditions mention divers revolutions of nature which Greec2 experienced in these times. Among these is the deluge of Ogyges, the first Pelasgian king of Attica.

　

　

96 6 E:N GENERAL HISTORY. arose to the city of Athens, so named from its chosen tutelary goddess, A6Jvr1. By instruction and example, he prevailed upon the wild inhabitants scattered around in that region, to upite by the ties of society, and forsake their savage habits and roving life, to adopt the sacred hymenial laws, and to revere the gods; and thus became the proper founder of the state, from which, in aftel times, a beneficent light irradiated into all countries. Two generations after, Cecrops, the Phoenician Cadmus came to Boeotia, built Cadmeis, (that was for Thebes, what Cecropia was foir Athens) became a benefactor, by the culture of the soil, and by improving the inhabitants, to that region, and to all Greece, by the communication of the art of writing. Now for the first time a firm foundation of civilization was laid. The Peloponnesus received by Danaus, from Chemnis in upper Egypt, 2472 or 2509, according to the marbles, or Petavius and more than two centuries later, by the Phrygian Pelops, a higher civilization. But the rest that we read of their leaders and heroes, is disfigured by fable, and horrible by crimes. While, by such colonists, the seed of foreign civilization was scattered among the Greeks, the songs of their own poets and the early established mysteries, had diffused milder manners, and the pirates who had long prevented the cultivation of the Grecian coasts, were conquered by Minos (about 2550?) king of Crete. Now for the first time the Greeks were able to enjoy the advantages of th6ir situation, and practice the arts of peace. These are almost the only names which are noticed by general history, among the great multitude of gods and heroes, which fill the pages of Grecian history for more than 500 years. Indeed their mystic and heroic periods, which insensibly flow into one another, may be reckoned from Inachus till the conquests of the Heraclidae, and, in this long space of time, in general only gods, sons of gods, or adventurous heroes, appear upon the stage. Many astronomical and physical fables are also mingled with these historical fables, which the enthusiasm of gratitude and admiration, or of national pride, fabricated, and they are of importance merely to the philologist and man of polite literature. A view upon the map may also be of advantage in the estima tion of the interest of these histories in relation to general history The whole of Greece together with the isles of the Archipelago, comprises an extent of something more than 9000 square miles

　

　

GREECE. 97 In this area, hardly amounting to the fifth part of Germany, perhaps a hundred nations appear under what are termed kings, i. e. hordes under their caciques. What kindof an interest can they claim, before fhey are civilized and united into a larger commonwealt? We have spoken of their first steps towards civilize - tion; let us also examine their gradual concentration into one national mass. THE NATIONAL UNION OF THE GREEKS. HERE the wide spreading of the Hellenes now comes first- into consideration. We see them proceeding from one root, in four races, replenish the countries of Greece. It is from the sons of Hellen,.Eolus and Dorus, and his grand-sons, (by Xuthus) Achaeus and Ion, that the names of these races, the AEolians, Dorians, Achaeans and Ionians are derived, which, though they remained constantly separate among themselves by several characteristic peculiarities, yet, taken together, they constituted one principal race, which preserved its common tradition and langiiage, not only as a national stamp and peculiarity, but also communicated them to, or urged them upon other hordes, and by this means united with them. This chain of common tradition, and still more of language, in which it was propagated, must have united the many small nations of the Greeks, although different in their origin, and variously mingled among one another, with the fundamental mass of the predominating race into one nation (in opposition to those, who were not Greeks), and, notwithstanding their internal dissensions, preserved that union. This natural tie was soon strengthened by positive institutions. To these belong the council of the Amphictyons, about 2480, a Hellenic confederation, which assembled twice annually, at Delphi, and at Anthela, the oracle of Delphi, and the Olympic games.* When now it happened, that the Greeks gradually abolished the'monarchical government (it was effected by a uniform manner of thinking) and similar relations, and established universally among themselves the republican form of government; a new and * The Olympic gamesd therefore, which were regularly celebrated every four years, and also numbered in order, serve for the basis of the Greciar chronology, which, however, is not definite until the 28th Olympiad, and even subsequently, not without difficulties. VOL. I.-X 7

　

　

98 GENERAL HISTORY. powerful common interest arose by this means, which made al the Greeks natural allies againstforeign kings, anq armed their,for their mutual defence, as for that of fireedom against tyranny. Among the multitude of these allied republics, some, according to the common course of human affairs necessarily became, sooner or later, preponderant, and around these, afterwards, as around the common centre of gravity, the destinies of the others turned. Particular accidents favored the increase of Sparta and Athens, and later of Thebes. The destiny of all the others depended upon the interests and passions of these three, predominant by turns, especially in the following period, and their history contains or obscures that of the others. GENERAL HISTORY OF GREECE UNTIL THE FOUNDATION OF THE REPUBLICS. OF this union of the Greek tribes thus established, several indications appear already in this first period, and these had a powerful retro-active effect upon the relations from which they had proceeded. General history keeps in view only these general concerns of Greece. To these belong the much sung Argonautic expedition, the Theban war, and the siege of Troy; (2790-2800,) to the fall of which, succeeded disorders of long duration in Greece, which finally resulted in an entirely new order of things, in relation to the residences of the separate tribes, as well as to their internal organization. The claims of the Heraclidae were the first cause. Heracles, (Hercules,) the most famous of the Grecian heroes, was deprived of the dominion over a great part of the Peloponnesus, and his descendants were completely dispossessed of their inheritance by the Pelopida. They made, before the Trojan war, a vain attempt for its recovery, and renewed it after the destruction of Troy. But the Heraclidae were not until the fifth generation so fortunate as to substantiate their claims by the assistance ofthe Dorians, (and some tribes of the wild XEtolians,) and to subject to their dominion the powerful Argos, (with Sicyon and Myce ne,) afterwards Messenia, and finally Laconia, (2880.) These conquests had the most important consequences for Greece. Before, the Achaeans were predominant in Peloponnesus, now the Dorians became so in Argos, Messenia, and Lace.

　

　

GREECE. 99 dwemon, but the Agolians in Elis. The Acheans, driver from their ancient residences, conquered iEgialus, the possession of the Ionians; now the name, Achaia, first came into use, and the (onians found a refuge in Attica. The vibrations of this great motion continued a long time. Thus we see (2913) Athens vigorously attacked by the Heraclidae, but savetl by the magnanimous self-sacrifice of its Codrus. Many emigrations, a long continuing weakness, and returning barbarism, were the consequences of this war. At this time, however, the states of Greece were consolidated, which, until its fall, maintained themselves under the same names, in boundaries but little altered, and there arose upon the ruins of monarchy, everywhere overthrown, the multiform republican constitutions. It is to be regretted that only a few accounts remain of this remarkable period, and we are able to form only conjectures concerning the causes of that general revolution. But when the darkness is dispersed, we see young republics everywhere successively rise in place of the old principalities. OF THE SEPARATE STATES IN PARTICULAR. IN this transition from the obscure to the more luminous history of Greece, we will survey with a cursory view, and once for all, its principal countries and states. Later we shall have to consider almost exclusively the preponderating states. In the centre of Peloponnesus (Morea) rises the pastoral land Arcadia, in the beauties of nature almost as rich as Switzerland, and as this, a long time the residence of good-nature and rural mirth. The inhabitants ascribed the mildness of their manners to music and poetry; but higher civilization remained foreign to them. They were of the Pelasgian race, and prevented, favored by their mountainous situation, foreign conquests. Their inclination to the harmless pastoral life remained always predominant, although they later possessed cities. Almost every one of these constituted a particular republic. From the elevation of Arcadia many rivulets flow towards all the cardinal points; southerly towards Laconia and Messenia, westerly towards Elis, northerly towards Achaia, and easterly towards Argos; many ranges of hills and mountains extend around from it as far as the extreme limits of Peloponnesus.

　

　

100 GENERAL HIlSTORY. Two of these, which descended towards the south, inclosed( with the gulf of Laconia, the remarkable vale of the same name, where the Eurotas flowed between laurel and myrtle groves, and where stood imperious Sparta. The Leleges, nomades of Pelasgian origin, were its first inhabitants. Later, the Hellenes appear; afterwards the first princes of the house of Perseus, and finally of that of Pelops. The last were drivern away by the Heraclidae. This revolution laid the foundation of Sparta's grandeur. On the west of Laconia lies Messenia, almost equally beautiful, but renowned only by its misfortune. It became a prey to the Spartans, although the sovereigns of the two states belonged to the race of the Heraclidce. The city of Messene was not built until the following period. Elis, divided into three parts, embraces the greater part of the west coast of Peloponnesus. Here was Pylos Tryphyliakos, the kingdom of the wise Nestor, and Elis, for which religious reverence served instead of walls,-but between these lies Olympia the celebrated theatre of the most important among the Grecian games. In other respects, Elis is unimportant. Achaia and Argolis awaken a greater interest, of which the first includes the northern part of Peloponnesus, but the last forms a considerable peninsula extending southeast from the first. In the most ancient Grecian history, no country is more important than Argolis. All the Greeks were frequently called Argives. Argos, Mycene, Tiryus, with all the other cities, adorned the country, in which Inachus, Danaus,Perseus,Pelops, Agalnemnon, &c., played their parts. Agamemnon's descendants lost their kingdom by the Heraclidwe, and later (about 3000) the cities of Argolis adopted the republican form of government. Phidon, one of the Heraclidaw gave Argos wise laws. The Argives were generally enemies of the Spartans. Achaia, called by the races which immigrated one after another, first IEgialus, (the sea-shore,) afterwards Ionia, and finally Achaia, extends along the gulf of Corinth. Twelve cities, which had concluded a particular alliance amongst themselves, flourished in Achaia Proper. But the ancient Sicyon, friendly to the arts, which for a long time constituted a particular kingdom, and Corinth upon the isthmus, rich by commerce, with harbours on two seas, the metropolis of Syracuse, and many other cities, the

　

　

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GREE(E. 101 key of the Peloponnesus, were included in Achaia in a wider sense. In Corinth the house 6f the Bachiadte ruled. Cipselus and the sage Periander were kings of Corinth. The narrow isthmus, which unites the Peloponnesuswith the main land of Greece or Hellas,* (Livadia,) is from its situation an extremely important military point. The famous Scironian rocks are passed in going from this to the small Megaris, which defended its freedom with success against Corinth and Athens, with the courage of mountaineers. Attica, into which we pass next, is one of the largest, and incomparably the most important among the countries of Greece. It forms likewise a peninsula extending to the southeast. The land on both coasts was once called Paralia. The sad form of these coasts, and the comparatively more sterile soil of Attica, which allured foreign robbers but little, and compelled the inhabitants to be industrious, were the principal causes of Attica's early civilization and strength. North of Paralia, rose the less sterile mountainous country Diacria, according to tradition, the primitive residenee of the Attic people. They were of Pelasgian origin. We have mentioned above, their king Ogyges (2428), and the deluge named after him; also the Egyptian colonist Cecrops, (2426) who laid the foundation of Athens. The region around this city, the most beautiful in all Attica, richly adorned with olive-trees, and watered by the rivulets, Cephissus, Ilissus, and Eridanus, was called Pedion. Later, the territory of Eleusis was united with Attica, where, according to tradition, upon the field Rharia the first gifts of Ceres germinated, Beyond Megares and Attica, from the Alcyonian as far as the Eubdean Sea, is situated Poeotia, not the territory of one predominant city, but it had almost as many independent governments as cities, although the greater part of them later entered into a confederation, at the head of which stood Thebes, renowned by its founder Cadmus, and many other brilliant names in the history of heroes. But several cities, and particularly Platmea, strongly attached to liberty, disdained constantly this yoke. This disunion, and the defective constitution of the Baeotian re* Hellas Is a name of an unimportant city in Thessaliotis, but all Greece is sometimes thus called from it, or rather from the Hellenes, but generally only the central pari.

　

　

102 GENELRAL HISTORXY. publics-eveh the wise Philolaus, the legislator of Thebes, had imperfectly solved the problem —permitted Bceotia not to obtain the power, for which it seemed destined by its extent and situation. The damp atmosphere, disposing to indolence, gave this country a bad reputation with the ancients, which, however besides many heroes, produced a Hesiod and Pindar, a Corinna, a Plutarch, a Pelopidas, and an Epaminondas, and possessed, upon the height of the Helicon, the most lovely grove of the Muses. West of Baootia, from the Corinthian gulf, as far as the lofty`,twaan mountains, lay the small countries, Phocis, Doris, and the triple Locris. The first, remarkable' for the temple of Delphi, upon Parnassus; the second, as the point from which the Heraclidae commenced the conquest of the Peloponnesus. The Dorians and Phocians were Hellenes, and likewise the Locrians, of which the Ozole dwelt on the extremity of the Corinthian gulf; but the Opuntii and Epicnemides on the Eubcean Sea. Into the country of the last, the narrow pass of Thermopylae led between the steep rocks of CEta and the sea, which is hallowed by one of the most sublime remembrances of antiquity. The Locrians themselves have a smaller share in the Grecian glory. The same may be said of the inhabitants of AEtolia and Acarnania, in the west part of Hellas. The _Etolians were notorious as savage, predatory hordes, and always remained true to this character. In the decline of Greece, after the time of Alexander the Great, they first played an important part. In northern Greece, Thessaly (Janniah,) alone is comprised by some; others add Epirus also, which bounds it on the west. But the greater part of the inhabitants of the last, among which the Chaones, Thesprotiae and Molossi, are chiefly named, were not of the Grecian race, and were considered, for a long time, by the Greeks, as barbarians. They revered, however, the ancient oracle of Dodona, and the royal race of the _tEacidae, in Epirus, were of Grecian origin. Epirus is not remarkable until the succeeding period. Thessaly is more brilliant in ancient times. Thessaiy is inclosed on three sides by the chains of CEta, Pindus, and Olympus; and on the fourth by the sea. Several ranges of mountains extend through the interior of the country, the waters of which are for the most part conducted by the Peneus through the beautiful Tempe into the Thermaic gulf. In mythology apd

　

　

GREECE. 103 heroic history, Thessaly is exceeding'ly important. The Titans, Lapithae, Centaurs, (tamers of horses?) Japetus, and Prometheus, and indeed the most famous leaders of the two principal Grecian races, Pelasgus, (Thessalus and Grawcus, his descendants,) and Deucalion, besides Achilles, Philoctetes, Jason, &c., belong to Thessaly, and it was a long time the battle field of almost all heroes. About the time of the Trojan war, Thessaly contained ten states, which aspired to freedom, and almost all were in the confederation of the Amphictyons, but yet were often ruled by tyrants-those of Larissa and Pherae are mentioned in particular. THE GREEK ISLANDS. THE isles on both coasts and as far as Asia, were populated throughout by swarms of Greeks, who expelled gradually the earlier inhabitants-in the _Egean Sea-mostly Phoenicians and Carians. In the Ionian Sea was Corcyra (Corfu), a Corinthian colony, important by commerce and navigation. Cephalonia and Zacynthus deserve also to be mentioned. Those isles situated on the eastern coasts, and towards Asia, especially the four large islands, Euboea, Crete, Rhodes, and Cyprus, are remarkable. Euboea (Negropont), situated along the eastern coast of Hellas, was large and fertile, and contained several republics, among which, Chalcis on the Euripus, the mother of many colonial cities, and Eretria were the most remarkable. Later, it was not able to defend itself from the dominion of Athens. The still larger Crete, the inhabitants of which, however, were not all Greeks, remained independent, and it would, perhaps, have ruled over Greece if it had been united. But its principal cities, Gnossus, Gortyna, and Cydonia, enfeebled one another by incessant wars; and Crete, which had been flourishing and formidable under its two Minos (2550 and 2700), which had chastised the Carian pirates, compelled Athens to pay tribute, and obtained the glory of the wisest legislation, lost nevertheless, gradually its splendor and glory by division, internal dissension, and revolutionary storms, although it remained opulent by commerce, and free from foreign invasion.

　

　

104 G ENERAL HISTORY. Cyprus, a beautiful and fbrtile island in the Pamphylian Sea was also enfeebled by division. It contained nine states, denomi nated kingdoms, of which Salamis was the most powerful. Its population consisted of Greeks, Phoenicians, and Africans Its situation made it mostly dependent on Phoenicia, and after wards on Persia. Rhodes on the Carian coast was peopled mostly by Dorians, and had already at this time an extensive commerce. Its grandeur, however, and the construction ot its magnificent city of the same name, belong to the following period. THE GREEK COLONIES. BUT the blood and name, the dominion and manners of the Greeks extended yet much farther over all the coasts of the Mediterranean and Black Seas; and a particular consideration of these colonies is of manifold interest. We comprise here, for the sake of unity, all the colonial cities founded from the times of the Trojan war until the Macedonian dominion, (therefore those of the following period,) consequently with the exclusion of the military colonies, established by Macedonia itself. The numberless emigrations of the Greeks were effected by many and diverse causes. The times were disquiet and stormy for Greece, from the Trojan war until the continuation of the Heraclidue in the Peloponhiesus. Many a nation, oppressed or expelled, sought and found in foreign lands a better fortune. But even afterwards we never see the Greeks in repose. Sometimes there were furious wars among the neighbouring states, sometimes internal revolutions and factious contentions. Often no means of preservation remained to the vanquished except flight into foreign countries; many went from chagrin, others as exiles. Indeed, even after the consolidation of the constitution, many ambitious men, who were not able to revolutionize their native cities, went to seek adventures, and founded colonies. Finally, many of them were founded from commercial causes, by a formal decree of government for securing and enlarging the commercial intercourse, or from political causes, for the increase of power, for the removal of a superfluous population, or for delivering the country from a menacing ferment.

　

　

GREECE. 105 Of these colonial cities, first those in Asia Minor justly claim our consideration. They were there more numerous and less remote from one another than elsewhere; became early power ful by industry and commerce, and exercised by their rapid progress in civilization, an animating influence upon that of the mother country. The conquests of the Heraclidae occasioned their foundation. For, when the Dorians attacked.Peloponnesus, a multitude of AEolians went north to Hellas and Thessaly under Penthilus, and under his descendants, gradually further, to where the narrow Hellespont afforded an easy passage to Asia. They passed it, and built in that fertile province, which was called after them iEolis, twelve cities, among which were Smyrna and Cumme, but they settled also upon Lesbos, Tenedos, and Hecatonnesus (the hundred isles). Mytelene, upon Lesbos, attained the greatest splendor. It was rendered renowned by Pittacus, its wise dictator (_Esymneta),Alceeus and Sapho. The IEolian cities remained free until Cyrus. Athens oppressed them later. Smyrna, after it had entered into the Ionian confederation, was destroyed by the Lydians. In the succeeding period it arose from its ruins with renewed splendor. In the south of Eolis, flourished the Ionic confederation. After the Ionians, driven from iEgialus, had lived sixty years in Attica, they went, according to the command of the Delphic oracle and the council of the Amphictyons, under the conduct of the younger sons of Codrus, to the coast of Lydia and the north of Caria, where they built or peopled thirteen cities, which, in this beautiful country, under the mildest sky, and in a situation peculiarly adapted to commerce, rapidly rose, became wealthy and populous, and as fruitful hives of bees, sent their swarms far around. Among the Ionian cities, we notice particularly Miletus, Phoc-ea, and Ephesus. The first (as Ephesus was already built by the Carians) is said to have founded, on the shores of the Black Sea and the Palus AMaeotis, about three hundred cities. Its commerce by land extended as far as the centre of Asia; in the following period it was destroyed by the Persians, and reflourished once more, although with diminished splendor. Phoceea, wealthy and powerful by its commerce, in the west of the Mediterranean Sea, was the mother of divers colonies upon the Italian, Corsican, and Grallic soil, and venerable for its inhabitants' love of freedom. For, when the Persian power under Cyrus inundated all Asia VOL. I.

　

　

.G GENGENERAL HISTORY. Minor, the Phocians thought that their father-land was only where freedom existed, forsook their paternal walls, and, aften divers adventures, founded Marseilles, at the mouth of the Rhone, which soon became very important. They had brought with them the vine and olive-tree, precious gifts for Gaul. After the fall of Miletus and Phocaea, Ephesus arose to still greater splendor. Tejos (Teios), where Anacreon sang, Smyrna (having withdrawn from IEolis) the natal city of Homer,and Colophon, famous for its formidable navy, Samos, (Polycrates about 3450) sacred to Juno and Chios, and abounding in vineyards-belonged to the Ionic confederation. Its history remains constantly interwoven with the general history of Greece. The Doric alliance, on the south coast of Caria, and also upon Cos and Rhodes, was much more feeble. A colony of the Heraclidae founded it about 3000. The temple of Apollo Triopius, was for its six cities-among which were Cnidus and Halicarnassus-what the temple of Neptune, at Mycale, was for the Ionians. All the coasts of the Palus MAeotis and the Black Sea, also of the waters which flow into the /Egean, and finally the Thracian and Macedonian coasts, on the /Egean-the last, however, generally from Athens —were successively peopled with colonies from these flourishing colonial cities upon the west coast of Asia Minor-chiefly from Miletus-several of which became celebrated and powerful. Such in Colchis, when commerce flourished in the most ancient times, were Phasis and Dioscurias; Panticapaum, Theodosia (Caffa), in the Chersonesus-Taurica; Phanagbria and Tanais (Assov), at the mouth of the river of the same name. At that of Borysthenes (Dnieper), was Olbia; Tyras, on the Dniester. Heraclea, in Bithynia, Sinope, which produced Diogenes, in Paphlagonia,Trapezus in Pontus, adorned the southern shores of the Black Sea; Appollonia, Tomi, Salmydessus the western. But, where the Black Sea is connected with the Egean by the two channels of the Thracian Bosphorus and the Hellespont, Byzantium was seen; on the former, which was destined later to play so brilliant a part, and on the opposite shore, the less favor. ably situated Chalcedon; further, on the beautiful Propontis, Lampsacus and Cicycus on the Asiatic, and Perinthus on the Thracian side; but on the winding Hellespont, Sestus, Cardia,

　

　

GREECE. 107 and the iEgos-potamos, so fatal to the Athenians; afterwards Maronea, and Abdera, the native country of Democritus; finally, on the Macedonian coast, the cities of Amphipolis, Chalcis, the powerful Olynthus, and Potidea, belonging to Athens, partly as a maternal city and partly as a mistress. As in the eastern waters, settlements were founded for tlhe most part by Athenians, mediately or immediately, so in the western —in Lower Italy and Sicily-they were made mostly from the states of the Peloponnesus. The most ancient colonial city upon the beautiful fertile soil of Sicily was probably Zancle, afterwards Messana; but Syracuse, the most powerful, was built by the Corinthian Arcllias (3249). Its grandeur belongs to the following period. We shall speak also hereafter of Gela, the foundress of Agrigentum, the rival of Syracuse (its tyrant, Phalaris, is well known), then of Leontini, Himera, Selinus, &c. Of the colonies in Lower Italy, the most ancient Argos-Ilippion, Canusium, Beneventum, were founded at the time of the Trojan war; then Cumae (2923), founded by a colony from Chalcis, upon Eubcea, and, as it is believed, the maternal city of Naples; Sybaris, a large and populous commercial city, but enervated by luxury, was founded by Achaeans and Trcezenians (3233). Therefore, although it numbered 100,000 inhabitants and ruled twenty-five other cities, it was conquered by Crotona. and destroyed (3443). Thirty years before,Crotona, which had also been founded (3243) by Achaeans from Argos, received a remarkable reform by Pythagoras, but of short duration. Later, it became subject to the Romans with the other cities of Grecia Magna. It was occasioned by the war of Tarentum. On the innermost recess of the beautiful gulf of the same name, this celebrated colony of Lacedaemon arose, full of magnificence and amenity. The Parthenii, offended by the contempt of their illegitimate birth, had founded it (3281). Tarentum resembled Sybaris in effeminacy of manners. Two other cities, Thurii and Locri Epizephyrii, were illustrious for their great legislators, Charondas and Zaleucus. Both were pupils of the Pythagorean school. Rhegium, also, founded by natives of Cholcis, was large and powerful, but finally became a victim to the rag!3 of the Dionysii of Syracuse, and to the treachery of the Roman soldiers.

　

　

1t)8 GENERAL IIISTORY Among the colonies, scattered on the other coasts, yet more isolated, we observe Caralis and Olbia upon Sardinia, then Alalia upon Corsica, founded by the Phocians. They founded. afterwards Massilia; in Spain we find Rhoda, Emporium and the unfortunate Saguntum (the last founded by Zazynthus); in Illyria, Apollonia and Dyrrhachium; on the southern coast of Asia Minor,Telmissusand Selga; the important Tarsus and Mopsvestia in Cilicia. Finally in Africa, Naucratis in Egypt, and Cyrene in Libya; the second with four other cities (Pentapolis) formed a considerable principality, which fought with various success against the Pharoahs; later, became tributary to the Persians, afterwards adopted the republican form of government, and finally was made an Egyptian province by the Ptolomies. HISTORY OF SPARTA. —LYCURGUS. IN this survey of the Greek provinces and colonies, we have preceded in part the chronological order. It was required by the natural connexion of the object. We are able now without a confusing intermixture of particular histories, to pursue the thread of the general events of the Greeks, which now gradually-as to the principal countries of Greece-is united to the destinies of some preponderating states. Here Sparta presents itself first to our view, which after the conquest of the Heraclidae, gradually subjected all the Laconic communities to itself, and. punished the resistance of some-as of Helas-by slavery. Since the twin brothers, Eurysthenes and Procles, of the race of the Heraclidwe, who had conquered Sparta together, according to the direction of the oracle, were both recognized as kings; two of their descendants also, the Agidue and Eurytionidee, always reigned at the same time. In such a government there was naturally a want of unity, and consequently of strength, and therefore the need of a firm legislation became the more perceptible. Sparta received the precious gift of such a legal organization from the great LYCURGUS, (3100,) whose name and legislation, however', have obtained a very exaggerated veneration both in ancient and modern times. His work bears throughout the stamp of original genius, and is an admirable masterpiece of profound sense and accurate deduc

　

　

GREECE. 109 tlons, but far less indeed of pure, legislative wisdom. It is equally condemned by justice and humanity, as will appear from what follows. So much cannot be easily mistaken, that the regard of Lycur: gus was limited to the Spartans alone. They alone constituted the republic; their relation towards the other inhabitants of Laconia was despotic, but towards the Helots (and later, towards the Messenians, considered equal to them) at the same time tyrannical. The Spartan civil community was organized, in its substance, democratically, yet with a mixture of aristocracy. The legislative power, and the election of magistrates, belonged to the Ecclesia, the assembly of the citizens, with the exception of those who were too poor to contribute to the common meals. The affairs were prepared, some also despatched,. by the council of old men, Gerusia, which consisted of twenty-eight persons above sixty years of age, who were elected for life. The two kings also had a seat in the senate, but each had only one vote. They were, besides, the executors of the law-yet limited and responsible-as descendants of Hercules-consequently of Jupiter-the superintendents of religion, and in war,. from their office, leaders of the army. By the side of them and the Gerusia, or properly over them, stood the five Ephori, the administrators of the most important state affairs, the presidents of the senate and the ecclesia, and the judges of the kings. The short duration of'. their office (which was only one year,) limited their power. The ephorathy, however, later was converted into a true oligarchy. Yet what distinguished Sparta's constitution from all other ancient and modern constitutions, lay not in the organization of the republic; it was in the spirit which animated these forms, and to which the whole system of laws and manners was subservient. In Sparta the political and civil laws, public and private rights, and all manners and usages in peace and war, were combined into one whole firmly connected, designed according to one principle, and animated by one fundamental idea. A state, in which the private will might not only be subordinate to the public, but always the same, in which the citizens might have no personal inclinations and interests, but patriotic solely, in which they never should think and feel themselves independent beings, but only members of the state —appears to be the

　

　

110 GENERAL HISTORY. predominant idea in this bold master-work of Lycurgus. He sought, therefore, and these are the nearer objects of his laws, to produce a complete equality among the citizens, to subjugate their naturally selfish inclinations by an education which incessantly resisted them, and to give the Spartans, with the will, also the strength, to preserve the state. It is true, the distinction between the nobles and the commons continued even in the bosom'of the purely Doric-Spartan races. Among these the two regal families, and in general the race of the Heraclidal were the principal. But this distinction had no political influence. All citizens were equal before the law, all might arrive to. the highest dignities-the royal excepted,-all gave their vote at their distribution, and he who obtained them, remained the officer of the people. But Lycurgus especially directed his chief care against the distinction of property, which, in defiance of all democratic forms, produces the most odious and dangerous inequality; and, since he perceived the insufficiency of all merely remedial means against such an evil, he endeavoured to eradicate it. He induced, therefore, his fellow citizens-a wonderful victory-to renounce all property from which any important inequality might arise, and consequently one of the most valued advantages of civilization, in order that the ties of society might be the more firm. Therefore, every thing immovable ceased to be private property; and moveable property-for this could not possibly be common property, was extremely limited. The former, the land, was measured out into so many parts, that a piece might be allotted for usufruct to every Spartan, and also to every Laconian, sufficient for his own and his family's support. But he himself was not permitted to cultivate it, otherwise the industrious would have become richer than the indolent; this the Helots were obliged to do, and in order that not even the idea of wealth should arise, all gold and silver were proscribed, iron money was introduced, and the Spartan was cormpelled by severe laws to adopt the greatest simplicity in his habitation, furniture, and vestments. Not only agriculture, but also other mechanical arts, were prohibited to him, but stil more the speculative and liberal sciences. His fatherland required of him only civism, strong arms, and an undivided heart. But whence did Lycurgus obtain such citizens, full of selfdenial, full of burning patriotism and active strength? This was

　

　

GIEE:.CE.. lil the result of education, which commenced with the birth, and even before, and continued the whole life. The Spartan girls were accustomed, like men, to gymnastic exercises and games, which indeed were fatal to modesty, but which hardened their bodies, and enabled them to give birth to strong children. A great number of prescriptions, in part severe and immoral, concerning the choice of consorts, the hymenial relation, and the hymenial rights, were designed to secure to the state suitable marriages and vigorous children only; and if feeble children came into the world, they were doomed to die. Those which were found strong enough for their Spartan destination, the state took possession of, after they had passed their first years under the care of their mothers, as its own property, for their public and uniform education, the principles of which were frugality, the hardening of the constitution, military skill, and early infusion of patriotic feelings. Hence tie incessant gymnastic exercises, the trying by hunger, thirst, and corporeal pain, the encouragement of the youth to the most active emulation, the inculcation of implicit obedience to every aged citizen, of silent attention to the instruction of patriotic virtue, everywhere resounding, even during their short meals, and finally, the precepts of a modest, prudent and dignified deportment. Such an educacation, adapted to the successive ages, continued during life. The public meals (Sussitia,) were for the old and young. The most illustrious citizen did not escape public inspection, and the smallest fault received severe censure. The law watched over all actions. The chase, military exercises and gymnastic games, were interrupted only by real campaigns, and the latter were considered less fatiguing than the former. The Spartan found everywhere and incessantly recollections of duty, demands of valour, precepts of virtue, and occasions for the manifestation of strength. Thus, he learned to govern himself and to obey the laws; thus, he became strong, active, always ready for battle, full of inflexible courage, and his soul, influenced by no other passion, gave itself up undividedly and enthusiastically to patriotism and freedom. This constitution indeed effected the greatest wonders: it subjugated the strongest natural inclinations, produced the most heroic deeds, formed the bravest warriors, the most enthusiastic patriots, and even heroic women; it elevated Sparta to the head

　

　

112 GENERAL HISTORY. of all Greece, and, after an unshaken duration of more than 500 - ears, commanded reverence even in its decline, and at last in its ruins. However, from a purely human and truly civil point of view, (if we bear in mind the object of political society) it must appear to the unprejudiced examination, monstrous rather than excellent. In the first place, Lycurgus's soul did not rise to the acknowledgment of the dignity and rights of man. Otherwise would he have built the freedom of 10,000, and the tolerable condition of 30,000 citizens upon the misery and the most revolting oppression of several hundred thousand? The ignominy and cruel slavery of the Helots was inseparable from a constitution Which declared this kind of men the property of the state, and built the preservation of the predominant race upon their labor, exposed their own property to wantonness, and their lives, like those of wild beasts, to a youth delighting in combats. Among other nations we meet unfortunately with slaves, and what is viciously called the slave-right:-but nowhere was such an outrage so inwardly interwoven in the constitution itself, nowhere carried to so horrible an excess. We ask further: what did Lycurgus do for the noble freemen of Sparta? The Spartan sacrificed to his state his property, ease, and real enjoyments of life; he renounced civil industry, as well as domestic happiness; disdained the service of the muses as well as the cherishing of purely human sentiments, and received as a compensation for all this, military pride and patriotic vertigo. Did he not neglect the object for the means? Military exercises and patriotic conversation do not exhaust the destination of man, and it is impossible that the Spartan, in the punctual adherence to Lycurgus's laws, should not feel sad chasms in head, heart, and occupation, and that nature, forcibly oppressed, should not sooner or later be avenged. It did avenge itself, and the constitution of Lycurgus gave birth to the most terrible monstrosities. The succeeding period will present their picture. In consequence of Lycurgus's constitution, the Spartans became, notwithstanding their limited territory, formidable to all their neighbours, whilst they braved every enemy, although superior in numbers. The two Messenian wars gave the first

　

　

　

　

,DEATH OF SOCRATES 113 l113. o. 1. _~ -ill'''i.,.:~

　

　

GREECE. 113 striking proof of Sparta's swelling strength, and also of its hardiness and its military superciliousness. The first of these wars-occasioned by a great injustice of the Spartans-was distinguished by the bloody deed of the MIesse. nian king, Aristodemus, who killed his own daughter from patriotic and religious fanaticism. This horrible crime did not pro. pitiate the gods; and after the taking of Ithome, (3261,) the Mcssenians were obliged to condescend to the most humiliating and oppressive peace, which, indeed, did not last longer than their exhaustion. With the high interest which heroism, if it contends against an unjust ascendency, awakens in our minds, we read the deeds of the noble Aristomenes, the hero in the second Messenian war (3299). He defended the mountain fortress Ira, eleven years, against the Spartan forces; and, when the fortress fell by new treachery, with his sword he cut his way through the hostile troops, and after various adventures, finally founded, with his fellow votaries of freedom, a new home, Messana, upon the Sicilian soil. The rest of the Messenians were treated like the Helots. Arcadia was preserved from a similar fate by the natural fastnesses of its mountains, and Argos by its more remote situation upon its own peninsula, which presented only a few points of attack. The last, however, was hard pressed, and experienced more than once the perseverance and artifice of the Spartan tactics. It was king Cleomenes I., especially, who by his artifice and arms elevated the power of Lacedremon, so that it was universally acknowledged the first in Greece. HISTORY OF ATHENS. -SOLON. WE turn to Athens, the noblest city of Greece, with the name of which many sublime and pleasing recollections are associated. It was called Cecropia from Cecrops (2426), its founder, who scattered the first seeds of civilization upon the Attic, soil. Theseus (2754) extended his sceptre over all the towns of Attica. The life of this prince, replete with great actions and crimes, may pass for a general characteristic of the Grecian heroes. In his character, however, the noble predominated, and Athens, which had received from him strength, and the basis of a repubVOL. I.-P 8

　

　

114 GENERAL HISTORY. lican constitution, might with just pride claim to be called ti e.city of Theseus. From his time, the kings were obliged to content themselves with the dignity of generals and supreme judges. The legis]alive power was given to the people, yet with a great ascendency of the nobles, by whoin the two other classes, the ag'riculturers and artisans, were frequently oppressed. The'successors of Theseus, however, were called kings, until the noble sacrifice of the heroic Codrus (2913). The throne, which no one appeared afterwards to fill with equal glory, remained vacant, and archons supplied the place of kings. Medon, the son of Codrus, commences their series. Although at first this power was for life and hereditary, as that of the kings, yet after the death of Alcmaeon the 13th archon for life, the will of the people limited without opposition their office to ten years, and later (3297) to one year; and they always invested nine men with this dignity at the same time. In the' mean time, the Athenians now felt the oppression of the aristocratic power, and the want of written laws favored tyranny. The people commissioned Draco to digest a code of laws. He wrote one (3361), but with blood, as the Athenians said, and therefore it was not supported. New confusion arose, and the violent contest between the aristocratic and democratic parties enfeebled the state so much that the small Megara was enabled to conquer Salamis. From this dangerous state of affairs, Athens arose, regenerated and powerful, by means of its citizen, SOLON,whose name justly shines among the noblest and wisest of all times. To avert the imminent danger, Solon published the Sysachtia (3390), that famous edict, about the annulment of debts, which, it is true, was entirely opposite to the strictest idea of justice, but an expedient imperiously demanded by the exigency of the time. The whole legislation, which he afterwards devised-being commissioned by his country-displayed a spirit, that considers men and circumstances, and as he himself said of his laws, they were not the best in themselves, but only for the people of Athens. Besides, they had not, as the constitution of Lycurgus, political freedom for their exclusive oDject; but were designed, whilst they surrounded this freedom with the protective forms of a democracy, moderated by aristo cracy, at the same time also to promote as much as possible the

　

　

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GREECE. 115 czvil fortune of the Athenians with regard to their situation and character, and' confer upon them especially, civilization and humanity. The substance of his political laws consists in what follows. I Solon wished for freedom, i. e. the dominion of the will of the feople, and not of the populace; neither of the unguided will of the people, often foolish and passionate, but of the considerate will of the people, determined by the principles of reason. Therefore, he considered the forms of a pure democracy dangerous, and preferred to moderate them by an addition of aristocracy. Hence, the highest power, i. e. the right of legislation and the election of magistrates, the right of deciding about war, peace, and alliances, about imposts, and all other great interests of the state, was given to the national assembly. It consisted of all the actual citizens of Athens, who lived partly in the city, and partly in the Attic boroughs, (of which there were one hundred and seventy-four,) and amounted to about 20,000. Already, before Solon, they were divided into four tribes, and these were divided into families. Solon retained this division, but he made another, which was divided into classes, which he established according to the gradation of property. Magistrates could be elected only out of the three first, but the judicial assessors out of all. However, the law prescribed for eligibility to important offices, still particular qualities; among candidates who were equally qualified for offices easy to perform, the election was determined by lot, yet this did not exclude examination. The members even of the great council were appointed annually by lot. This consisted, according to the institution of Solon, of four hundred persons-one hundred from each tribe, who were at least thirty years of age, and who sustained an irreproachable character. During the course of the year, the classes of the senate, (the deputies of a tribe constituted a class,) were, by turns, at the head of affairs. The members of every directing class were called prytanes, and were maintained in the prytanaeum at the expense of the state. Every other member of the senate received a drachm each day. The prytanes were again divided into smaller companies, which, in like manner, had by turns the precedence. Their members were called preedri, and the one who presided in the senate and kept the public seal, was called epistate: his office lasted one day only.

　

　

l6 GENERAL HISTORY The current affairs were managed by the senate: it could also make regulations, which, however, remained in force no longer than the same senate existed, i. e. until the end of the year. But its most important right consisted in the proposal of laws; for the people were permitted to deliberate only upon those propositions which had received the approbation of the senate. The members of the senate presided in the assembly of the people, and directed its deliberations. In this, speeches were made for and against the proposed law, and it was decided by the majority of votes. But what the senate had prepared, and the people decided, could not become a law until it had received the sanction of the Areopagus. The Areopagus was a very acient institution, established by Cecrops, or his first successor, and originally only a criminal tribunal; but Solon permitted it to retain its judicial power, and conferred upon it apolitical sphere of action, since he made it the supreme inspector of the state and guardian of the laws. By the establishment of all these powers, the aristocratical or oligarchical power of the archons was shaken to its foundation; Solon retained it, however, as an organ of execution, and in part as a judicial power. It was a characteristic, but unfortunate point in the Athenian constitution, that the people possessed the supreme judicial power, even in cases concerning the state itself. In Sparta, the highest magistrates, the gerusia, the kings and the ephori, were also the supreme judges, but in Athens it was the ecclesia itself, which exercised final jurisdiction. There were, however, for common law-suits, particular judges in civil and criminal causes, and indeed-which again is characteristic-they were appointed in extraordinary numbers. Besides the Archons and Areopagus, of which we have already spoken, there were in Athens four criminal and six civil courts. Ostracism, by means of which, whoever by power and consideration, and even by merit, became suspected by his fellowcitizens, or appeared dangerous to republican equality, without further cause, and without the permission of defence, could be exiled, if six thousand voices demanded it, was not so much an effluence of the judicial authority as of the complete political

　

　

GREECE lil power of the Athenian people; Several republics, for example Syracuse, had a similar institution, which was called petalism. The civil laws of Solon deserve still greater praise than the political. No legislator ever had more humane objects and more liberal views. He wished to form no heroes, no exalted beings, but rmeu He wished, it is true, the Athenians to be lovers of freedom, an( valiant, but at the same time refined, industrious, opulent, honest, and civilized. Solon entered into all the details of particular occupations and arts, and regarded all classes of citizens with equal love and discernment. Even in the slave, he honoured the dignity of man, as much as the spirit of the times permitted, and confirmed the natural duties between husbands and wives, parents and children, as well as general philanthropy, gratitude, and other virtues, by positive ordinances. The punishments were mild, not such as an angry master, but such as a father inflicts. His laws, however, were observed, for they were beloved. He was indulgent to the weakness of human nature, and tolerated what could not be suppressed without injurious rigour; but he attacked the principal source of transgressions, idleness, at the root, and made-because the most depends upon the example of superiors-the intoxication of an archon, a capital crime. Almost all which was great and good that proceeded from Athens, may be considered as the fruit of Solon's laws, and whatever deformity and evil was generated there, was generally a deviation from their spirit. Solon was still alive when Pisistratus usurped the monarchical power in Athens (3424); a man of great talents, and who, when, after a repeated change of exile and triumph, his power was finally established (3439), encouraged the arts, and governed with mildness and wisdom, and throughout according to liberal principles. But what compensation could Pisistratus give those who were murdered by his ambition; with what could he recompense the survivors for their loss of freedom; those who were no longer fortunate by their own strength, and under the protection of the law, but by the mercy of a lord? Pisistratus was succeeded by his sons, Hippias and Hipparchus (5457), Inen of superiour endowments —and Hipparchus, at least, possessed a benevolent character. But his love for the

　

　

A18 GENERAL HISTORY. beautiful Harmodius, induced him to commit a violence, which the offended and his friend, Aristogiton, bloodily avenged. Hipparchus was slain in the throng of a public festival, and Hippias, whose imprudent rigour completely inflamed the irritated minds of the Athenians, was expelled by the assistance of the Spartans (3474). He fled to the Persian court. The ancient parties now distracted Athens anew. It was happy, however, in the recovery of its freedom. But the Spartans repented that they had obtained for their rivals this precious good, and the unworthy pupils of Lycurgus, impelled by miserable enyy, sought to restore in Athens, by artifice and power, the oligarchy, and even the dominion of the expelled Hippias. The Persian war interrupted the contest about these internal affairs. ITALY. ETRUSCANS. - LATINS. THE principal race of the population in the northern and greater part of Italy, was of Gallic origin, therefore the Romans called the country Gallia Cisalpina. In Lower Italy, many Greek colonies were gradually established, from which the earlier civilization of this region, and the name Graeca Mlagna, was derived. But in Central Italy, the Gallic and Iberian races mingled with Greek; probably, also, with diverse Asiatic and African colonies. Their immigration falls, however, in the obscure, and in part ante-historical time, and an impenetrable darkness rests in general upon their descent and fates, even in later times. But even, if we saw distinctly, we should find but little interest and instruction in the history of these semi-barbarians. Only one people among the many Italian races, by its early civilization, and its peculiar, remarkable character, deserves to be noticed in General history. The Etruscans are this people. We must notice them, and then the Latins, from whom the Romans descended. The Etrurians, Etruscans, Tuscans, and later the Tyrrhenians,

　

　

ITALY. ) 19 named probably from a Pelasgian colony, were, without doubt, principally a northern race, it is believed the Iberian. Their empire once extended from the Tiber to the Alps; they had extended their colonies over Southern Jtaly and the isles of the Medliterranean, and were at the time of the Trojan war, renowned for their commerce and navigation, and for their knowledge of human and divine affairs. Their form of religion became the foundation of the Roman, and their alphabet.is recognized in all the European alphabets. Earlier than the Greeks, they had found out the principles of a free constitution, and earlier than they, possessed a humane and equitable legislation; finally, they practised earlier the mechanical and liberal arts. They never reached, however, the later civilization of the Greeks. It was prevented by their more gloomy national character, and their political disasters. The fertile valley of the Po was taken from them by the Gauls. Bellovesus with seven tribes marched from the Rhine over the Alps, conquered the Etruscans, and founded Milan. A part of the vanquished concealed themselves in the Rhmtian mountains. Later, the southern settlements became the prey of Samnites; and finally, the fierce Romans fell upon this people, enfeebled by luxury and by their pacific character. Twelve confederated commonwealths were then formed in Tuscany. The chiefs of them were called lucumones, of whom Porsenna was formidable to the Romans. But pressed on both sides, here by the powerful Gauls, there by the indefatigable Romans, and not united firmly internally, the Etrurians were obliged to submit. We shall see them in the following period subjugated by Rome. South of Etruria, was Latium, a battle-field of many native tribes and foreign colonists. The traditions of Saturnus and Janus, Picus and Faunus, are mere fables, which, however, indicate an early commencement of civilization in this country. It had made important progress, when an Arcadian colony, under Evander, went thither, and built Pallantium on the Tiber. According to tradition, the people around received the name of Latins, from Latinus the son of Janus, and under his reign, (2800) AEneas arrived there with his company of fugitive Trojans, married Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus, and built Lavinium. According to the same tradition, Alba Longa was founded by Ascanius, but from JEneas Sylvius, (these were t'Ae sons of

　

　

120 GENERAL HISTORY. Eneas,) the royal race of the Sylvii; descended, whose posterity leigned in this country more than 400 years. FOUNDATION OF ROME. ROME UNDER THE KINGS. NI;MITOR, according to tradition, was deprived of his hereditary power by his brother Amulius, but reinstated by his twin grandsons Romulus and Remus, who were miraculously preserved, and by whom Rome was built upon the territory given them by their grateful grandfather, on the banks of the Tiber. The foundation of Rome is said to have happened in the year of the world 3230, in the third year of the sixth Olympiad, and in the seven hundred and fifty-third before the Christian era, on Mount Palatine. But since this, as well as the Capitoline, was already earlier peopled by Grecian colonies, it appears that instead of the foundation, is to be understood only the enlargement of the city by a new colony from Alba Longa. The beginning was still feeble, consisting of a small band of rude shepherds and hunters, who could hardly defend themselves against the small tribes around. The Roman writers themselves relate, that Romulus, by the establishment of an asylum, and therefore by the conflux of fugitives and lawless malefactors, increased the number of his citizens, and that they obtained wives for themselves by the seizure of the Sabine women. The successful termination of the war with the Sabines, gave Rome the first foundation of its strength. Romulus founded his state upon agriculture and war, and gave it an internal organization, of which the principal traits remained discernible until the latest times. He could not, perhaps, according to the spirit of the time and his people, assert absolute power. He therefore surrounded himself with a senate chosen firom the most illustrious of his nation, and composed of one hundred men, (called patres, as their colleagues patricians,) who, ilr common with him, exercised the control of the government

　

　

ROME. 121 yet, in the most important affairs, the final decision was referred to the whole community, i. e. the whole of the citizens who were politically free, and divided into tribes and curiae. In the rmeantime monarchy made considerable progress, by the ambition of Romulus; he had sacrificed to it his own brother, and later his colleague on the throne, by compact, Tatius, the prince of the Sabines; and by the incessant wars with the neighboring communities, which habituated the Romans to the military command of one man, until the jealous senators stifled the rising tyranny in the blood of their king. The horde, which had been led on by Romulus to war and plunder, needed milder manners in order to form a civil society. The laws of the-wise Numa Pompilius (3260), who was elected king after a turbulent interregnum, produced this salutary effect. The fear of the gods, which he instilled into his citizens, remained for centuries, the most important spring-wheel of the Roman political machine, a support of the constitution and civil obedience, and the aegis of the pure, innocent, private life of the Romans, the principal object of his noble exertion. In a pacific reign of forty-three years, he saw the arts of peace and all its blessings prosper- and strengthen, and was able to pass away with the rewarding consciousness of having consummated a humane, great, and durable work. Fate itself seemed to direct the infant grandeur of Rome, since it bestowed upon it, a thing unheard of in the history of other nations, a series of seven able princes in succession, and indeed with such a change of abilities and characters, as was always demanded by the exigencies of the time. This extraordinary merit of all the Roman kings, and at the same time the long duration of their reigns, belong to the strongest arguments against the authenticity of their histories. But it is equally hazardous to consider it mere fiction. These doubts still continue through some centuries of the republic. Tullus Hostilius (3313) now led the Romans again to battle and victory. Alba Longa, the first of the Latin cities, and from which Rome was founded, now yielded to the power of its rising colony; it was destroyed, and the remnant of its citizens was incorporated with the victorious state. Ancus Martius (3345), Tarquinius Priscus, (3370) and Servius Tullius, (3407) were the succeeding kings. Equally great in VOL. I.-Q

　

　

,22 GENERAL HISTORY. peace and war, they extended the power, and elevated the refinement, the prosperity, and even the splendor of their populous city. The last altered its constitution. Until his time the plebs, or the common freemen-as they were not permitted to vote in the curiae-were politically minors. Servius formed them into a particular class, by establishing a new kind of comitia, namely, the centuriata comitia, whereupon all freemen voted, but by a wisely devised division enjoyed only a proportional weight of the votes. To understand these things, the distinction between the curice, centurice, and tribes is first necessary. The curiae constituted mereiy the class of patricians, the great council of the patrician families; the centurine were the national community, or the union of the two principal classes, the nobles and the commons, into one whole; the tribes in fine were the purely plebeian class. The ancient or original three tribes, which were, according to tradition, established by Romulus, must be distinguished from the more modern, i. e. the thirty made by Servius Tullius, four of the city and twenty-six of the country, which, indeed, later, were greatly diminished by the conquests of Porsenna, but gradually increased again, and amounted in the whole to thirty-five. The first was a division of the people assembled about the patrician families, according to races; the second, a division of' the plebeians, according to districts or regions. Each of the three tribes of Romulus, the Tities, Ramnes, and Luceres, was divided into ten curia; each curia contained a determinate number of races, probably ten. Each race did not consist of one family, but included free families connected by a hereditary common name; which was that of the most noble, or an originally predominant house. From these races of the tribes, and indeed, at firsr only from that of Luceres, (or priests?) but afterwards also from that of the Ramnes, (warriors?) and finally, by Tarquinius Priscus, from the third, the Tities —(therefore, patres minorum gentium,) one hundred men were selected, consequently three hundred in all, for the formation of the senate, as well as the committee, or smaller council of the more noble part of the people. This could not act, however, in important affairs without the assent of the great council, i. e. of the curiae, and indeed of all the tribes, even already at that time, when only one of them was represented in the senate, much

　

　

ROME. 123 more, therefore, in the time of the succeeding kings, wi1en the representatives of the two other tribes had a voice in that body. The right of suffrage in the curia belonged to all noble or patrician citizens, but only those; among which the knights especially were distinguished (either those whose opulence fitted them for the noblest military service upon their own horses, or in general the patrician youth, perhaps, also, a particular race, a military noblesse with the sacerdotal). But if the clients were not excluded, who belonged entirely to the races, yet it is quite certain that the plebeians were, who were originally essentially different from the clients, i. e. the class of the common free land proprietors (not belonging to the connexion of the ancient Roman people) which gradually increased from the foreigners, who were naturalized, the Latins in particular, and remained, until the time of Tarquinius Priscus, without any political rights. But this king, and his equally wise successor, Servius Tullius, perceived the justice and utility of admitting the plebs also into a participation of the political rights, and effected the same. The first, since he associated to each of the three ancient tribes, a second by the same' name, composed of the more distinguished and wealthy plebeian families, and by this means doubled the number of knights; the last, because he elevated all the plebs to a political rank, and embraced the two ranks with the bond of a common constitution. As the patrician races were divided into thirty curiae, so the plebs were likewise now divided into thirty tribes. But these plebeian tribes did not signify races, but the inhabitants of particular districts. Those foreigners who had been naturalized, formed originally one tribe, to whom land was assigned in one of the four regions of the city, or of the twenty-six regions of the country around. The descendants of the original members with those gradually naturalized, continued afterwards the union. The two opposite ranks, thus divided into the curiae and tribes, were united into the national community in the centuria. Servius Tullius divided the whole of the citizens into six classes, according to the gradation of property. Now 193 centuriae were formed from these six classes-yet, so that the first class (in which before, all the knights, divided into eighteen centurias, voted,) numbered ninety-eight, the others together only ninetyfive, (the 2d, twenty-two, the 3d, twenty, the 4th, twenty-two,

　

　

124 GENERAL HISTORY. the 5th, thirty, but the 6th, only one,) according to which, the first class, if it was unanimous, decided against all the others. But the burdens (imposts, military services, or the supplying with arms,) were also divided in the same proportion, and the sixth class, in which with the poorer plebeians, most of the clients were also included as non-proprietors, because they were merely usufructuaries, subject to hereditary dominion, served not at all in war, although they paid, at least in part, a moderate tax. Thus Servius believed that he had satisfied all parties. It was not forgotten, however, that he was the son of a slave; and in the eyes of the proud nobles, the wisest and most beneficial government could not efface the stain of low birth. He was assassinated in a conspiracy, at the head of which were his sonin-law, Tarquin, and his daughter, Tullia. Consequently, Tarquinius ascended the throne by a crime (3451). But we must not forget in this, and the following narration, as well as by the appellation Superbus, that they originated with the enemies of the house of the Tarquins, who were incited by passion and interest, to represent him in the most odious light, in order to justify his expulsion. The talents of this prince for government cannot be mistaken, who by arms and negotiation, almost doubled the power of Rome, embellished the city with important edifices, and refined the citizens. The cause of Tarquin's expulsion was not his own severity, but the misdeed of his son, who, by the violation of the noble Lucretia, enraged every husband and father, and summoned them all to the defence of their most sacred rights. This tragical occurrence might be acceptable to the proud patricians, whose pretensions effected the revolution which made their cause popular, and gave the people as a willing instrument into their hands. But whatever the secret springs of this revolution were, we must always admire the order, tranquility, and noble moderation, with which, under such an excitement, the new order of things was established (3495). Without any bloodshed, without any violent proceedings, the sovereign people abolished the royal form of government, banished the family of Tarquin from Rome, yet his private property was unmolested, and adopted a republzcan constitution.

　

　

CARTHAGE. 125 CARTHAGE. FOUNDATION OF CARTHAGE. THE longest and most important part of the Carthlaginian history, although the most deficient in precise accounts, from the foundation of the city until the Sicilian war, falls almost entirely in the first period. It contains, in four centuries (from 3098 until 3504), the greatest increase of Carthage's power in Africa, and in foreign islands and countries lying on the sea, the establishment of its constitution, the principles of its policy, and its system of war and commerce. The general notices, in relation to this, apply also to the later times, those of the protracted Sicilian war (from 3504 until 3719), and then of the Roman wars (from 3719 until 3838). One hundred and thirty-two years before the foundation of Rome (3098), Carthage (Carthadath, the new city) was founded on the north coast of Africa, opposite to Sicily. Tradition names queen Dido the foundress, who, having artfully escaped the rapacity of her brother, Pygmalion, sought an asylum on the beautiful coast, which was already related to her father-land by ancient Phoenician colonies. The site, upon which Carthage rose, was most fortunately chosen. Carthage, which originated not from a resolution of the motherstate, but from the emigration of a discontented band, asserted directly a free relation, and made use of its excellent situation for commerce, without any restraint except its primitive weakness. It had acquired its little territory from the ancient inhabitants of the country by pacific purchase, and was therefore obliged to pay long, an annual tribute. But the power of Carthage gradually extended over the tribes of the inhabitants as far as lake Triton, and west to the river Tusca, and easterly to the boundary of Cyrene, beyond the Syrtis Major. They had been before wild nomades, now they were brought, although reluctantly, to agriculture. Beyond the Tusca, as far as the Atlantic Ocean, the free Numidians wandered about, who, by commercial intercourse

　

　

'26 GENERAL HISTORY. and as mercenaries, were often subservient to the Cartharinian interest, but yet they always maintained their independence, and nomadic habits of life. Along the coast only, as far as the pillars of Hercules, an almost uninterrupted line of Carthaginian castles and small cities extended-called mostly the Metagonitic -by which, the mother-state maintained, at least, the empire of the shore, and a secure passage by land to Spain. The immediate colonial cities of Phoenicia upon the whole of the northern coast of Africa, as the Sidonian Leptis, then the powerful Utica,-both were founded before Carthage-Adrumetum, Hippo, Liptis-Minor, Tysdrus, and many others, which were built for the most part at uncertain times, entered gradually into a closer connexion with their stronger sister, by which, although they retained the name and right of indepen dence, they'mostly became dependent, and were treated frequently as actual subjects. POWER, COMMERCE AND CONSTITUTION. THE basis, the all-vivifying principle of the Carthaginian republic, was commerce. War and conquest were to serve merely for its protection and enlargement. After it had confirmed, by the subjugation of its nearest environs, its condition, which was before precarious, and had secured to its industry the necessary elements by domestic production, we see it aspire to the most extensive intercourse by land and water; its fleets in unknown seas, its caravans sent through the sands of the desert; but in relation to its political enlargement, we see it maintain throughout, in negotiation and war, that character of moderation which builds more upon voluntary submission than upon compulsory obedience, and prefers the innocent gain of commerce to the extortions of the ruler. The security of its commercial routes, convenient marts, and more extensive intercourse, are the sole objects of its conquests, which are generally limited to coasts and islands easy to be defended, or to isolated settlements. Thus the Carthaginians acquired gradually, the Baleares and Pityusae, Corsica-about which they contended with the Phocians-the fertile Sardinia, a part of Sicily, Malta, and other islands of the Mediterranean Sea; thus they entered into a connexion with the Phoenician colonial city Gades, upon the Spanish coast, and

　

　

CARTHAGE. 127 established there divers colonies. Thus they founded, also, tneir settlements beyond the pillars of Hercules, on the west coast of Africa, as far as Senegal, peopled the Canary isles and Madeira, and penetrated in the north, as far as the British and Prussian coasts. A rigid policy was indeed necessary to defend so many scattered possessions, to support that lucrative commercial greatness which destined the colonies, at their very foundation, to a state of weakness, and checked their efforts for independence by a continual restraint; which preserved, most carefully, the geographical discoveries, as secrets of the state, and vigilantly restrained all foreign concurrence in commerce. But, by all its wisdom and foresight, the Carthaginian state could not obtain what nature had denied it, a basis large and strong, sufficient for the immense structure. The city of Carthage was, indeed, stronger than any single one of its strictly watched colonies, but it might reasonably tremble before the hostile combinations of several; the distant Libyan tribes, indeed, obeyed it, but their hearts were averse to it. The foreign government which compelled them to exchange their free nomadic manners for the servile life of agriculture, was odious to them. The commerce by land and sea brought into the country rich treasures; but the navy and army, and the protection of nations so widely scattered, consumed them. Mercenaries might indeed be hired, as long as the gold fountains flowed and the barbarians were venal, but they were troops without zeal and fidelity, and in times of necessity, often became the most dangerous enemies. Hence, although Carthage appeared great and imperious externally, it was tottering upon its own foundations. Two parts of the world were tributary to it, and if a moderate hostile force should come to Africa, a war of extermination would ensue. We shall see Carthage sustain several such contests in the following period, and finally submit, in a terrible, although glorious manner. The constitution of Carthage appears to have been a mixture of aristocracy and democracy, yet to have been produced without formal fundamental laws, gradually friom inherited customs, and the 1nfluence of circumstances. At the head of the government stood the kings, called the Suffetes, (this was a Phcenician apellation) who were often compared by the Romans

　

　

-28 GENERAL HISTORY, with their consuls, but by Aristotle with the Spartan kings; from which it is concluded that two reigned conjointly, and that their office was for life. It was not, however, hereditary, but conferred by the choice of the people. The generals were also elected. This choice was conceded to the people in their meetings, where also even those affairs of legislation and government were decided about which the senate and the Suffetes could not agree. But in case of agreement, it depended upon their will to refer the affair to the people, or' not. The people had not the power of jurisdiction. There was a nobless in Carthage, which, however, was not hereditary, but only a silent fraternity of the most illustrious families, i. e., it appears to have been of such, as by wealth, popularity, and merit especially, had attained the first offices, and of which an individual sometimes by fortune and abilities soared above all others. Agriculture was the wealth, civil and military dignities, the pride of the nobility. From'the nobless the senate was formed, which had principally the charge of foreign affairs: its members were numerous, and elected for life, and, according to Polybius, divided into two chambers. Deputies from the senate were often placed beside the generals, and a committee of a hundred men exercised a civil inquisition, which went as far as despotism against those, who, by ambitious projects, or even by eminent merit, appeared to endanger the constitution. By this means repose was attained, and Carthage was much less disturbed by internal storms than other republics. HISTORY OF NATIONS ON AND WITHOUT THE LIMITS OF ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY. ETHIOPIANS.-IN PARTICULAR, THE STATE OF MEROE. WE embrace here a multitude of small nations, differing in origin, manners, and destinies, and extended over vast tracts of countries; the Ethiopians, Celts, Scythians, Indians, and Chinese.' But their distance is common from the properly historical theatre, and, for this reason, from historical knowledge

　

　

ETHIOPIA 129 The first four names are not true national names, but desig. nate in general or geographically, those tribes-much divided among themselves-which extended on the south, west, north, and east, from the boundary of the precise knowledge of the earth to indeterminate dista;ces. It is evident that there are no coherent histories of them extant, but only extremely scanty, fragmentary accounts, which, however, in relation to the Indians, have been greatly enriched by later investigation of native sources. But the Chinese remained totally unknown to the ancients; and the little which we have discovered from Chinese sources, about their most ancient condition, we may properly adjoin as a short appendix to the Indian history. Ethiopia, notwithstanding the mysterious veil which surrounds it, awakens, perhaps for this very reason, a peculiar interest, which is not foreign to the historian of the world, and it is much increased by the wonderful sayings which prevailed in relation to it among the most cultivated nations, in the most remote antiquity. These famous traditions refer, however, only to the country which Ptolemy calls lEthiopia supra _Egyptum, and which includes the countries called at present, Nubia, Abyssinia, and Adel, with the adjacent countries. What lies further to the south and west, beyond Sahara, remains-although the African nations, and in particular the Carthaginians, knew much by means of their commerce-for the rest of the world altogether a fabulous country. But many a region of Ethiopia in Upper Egypt remained unexplored, and, of others, only uncertain accounts and names, which sound fabulous, appear. Our view is attracted only by the Troglodytes, the Macrobians, and before all, the inhabitants of Meroe. The Troglodytes (inhabitants of caves) dwelled in the chain of mountains which bounded Abyssinia on the south, and then extended along the Arabian gulf. These mountains have innumerable natural caverns; the nomadic tribes of these mountains enlarged them, and found in them a refuge from the heat of the sun, and the periodical rains. Farther to the south, and probably in the vicinity of the promontory Guardafui, the enigmatical Macrobians resided, the neighbours of the land of incense, who, according to Herodotus accounts, possessed some civilization, and more gold tkan iron VOL.. -R 9

　

　

130 GENERAL HISTORY. and were proud of their strong bows, and foltunately escaped the ambitious designs of the Persian Cambyses. But the glory of all these countries was obscured by that of Meroe, the venerable seat of civilization, commerce, and div ine worship, in the most remote ages.; By the two streams, Astanoras (Tacazze,) on the west, and Astapus (Bahar el Abiad, properly an arm of the Nile,) on the -east, a large island is formed, which constitutes the present kingdom of Senaar in Nubia and the northern part of Abyssinia, and was once the state of Meroe. Here a powerful caste of priests had been earlier formed, who worshipped Ammon (Jupiter) and Dyonysos (Osiris, Bacchus), and ruled by superstition and their lucrative commerce, possessed a hieroglyphical writing and divers sciences, and by sending out colonies extended their beneficent'influence. Thebes in Upper Egypt, Ammonium (Siwah) in the Lybian desert, Axum and Azab in Abyssihia, (the last on the sea, where the distance is shortest to Arabia,) were the most considerable of these colonies; all were important places for commerce, and chosen seats of at least comparatively high cultivation. A close connexion always existed between the state of Meroe and that of Egypt, produced by the affinity of the predominant castes, and generally peaceably maintained by commercial intercourse, but often by arms. Sabaco, who ruled over Egypt, and Tirhaca, before whom Sennacherib fled, were kings of Mer6e, and the military caste, which under Psammetichus left Egypt from discontent, found there a friendly reception. THE CELTS. THE great Celtic race, comprehends several subordinate races, of which, according to the opinion of diverse scholars, the Vaskes and Gales, which in truth were one nation, were the most an. cient; but were afterwards so much restricted, driven away by the Cimmerians, (Cimbri) who, also, driven away by the Sythians, proceeded west, that, on one side, only Spain and the part of Gaul next to the Pyrenees remained to them (where they appeared under the names of Iberians, Celtiberians, Biscayans, Eus caldunacs and Aquitanians,) but on the other, a part of them, (under the names of Caledonians, Deucalidonians, Ghels,) went to the highlands of Scotland and to Hibernia, and after this sepa

　

　

SCYTHIANS. 131 rated forever from their brethren. The Vaskes were then separated from the Gales by the Cimmerians, who, besides some provinces of Germany, possessed principally the northern part of Gaul, (where they later took the name of Belgce,) and the south of Britain, but in the interior of Gaul, by intermixture with the more ancient tribes, formed, what was afterwards called in a stricter sense, the Celtic nation. The expulsion of the Cimmerians by the Scythians, took place about 3350, by which their immigration into Gaul may be fixed with some degree of precision. But when, and by what way, the Gales and Vaskes —both of which existed before in Italy-came into Gaul, and whether they were more ancient in this or that place, about this, as about all the early relations of the Celtic tribes, scholars labor in vain to arrive at certainty. The advantage of such researches can never be important, for we can never go back to the first source. Who were these Cimmerians themselves, from whom the Belgai and the inhabitants of the south of Britain are descended, or the Maeonians, (Ascanii Mediterranei), from whom, according to Gatterer's hypothesis, the Gales and Vaskes are descended? Should we here recur to Gomer and Ashkenaz, in the genealogy of Noah? Moreover, it is evident that the principal mass of the nations in most of the European countries did not descend from the most ancient immigrants. Other swarms came afterwards, of an entirely different origin, and variously intermingled with one another. The aborigines were gradually driven away, exterminate&d or scattered here and there, so that-as language and customs show-their pure remnants no longer exist, except in some remote parts of the countries. Therefore, let it be sufficient for us first to know, that the Celts, as all European nations, are of Asiatic origin and migrated to Europe in times anterior to history. We shall not give a further account of them until the following period. SCYTHIANS. THE Scythians are included in this period, for they produced already, at this time, a revolution which extended over Europe and Asia. The country which they inhabited is immense. We find Scythians in almost all the northern part of our continent, from the Carpathian mountains to the Altai. The accounts of

　

　

)32 GENERAL HISTORY Herodotus, who wrote only 100 years after Cyrus, must here serve us for the principal source. He distinguishes the European from the Asiatic Scythians, between which dwelt the Sarmatians, (Sauronmtes, Medes of the north,) in the steppes of Astracan, from the Don as far as the Wolga. The European Scythians were also of Asiatic origin. Driven away by the Massagetes, a kindred race, they had removed from the east side of the CasDian Sea, over the Wolga to the present country of Russia, and had established themselves north of the Cimmerians. They are said to have dwelt near these nine hundred years, until finally (3351) a part of the last, to escape the attacks of the Scythians, fled to the peninsula, Sinope, in Asia Minor, and another part commenced its remarkable migration to the west of Europe, to Germany and Gaul. The irruption of the Scythians, pursuing the flying Cimmerians into Upper Asia, we have related in the history of Media and Lydia. After their return to Scythia, we find this powerful nation extended from the lower part of the Danube as far as the Tanais, and north as far as the vicinity of lake Ivan and Mohilow, but divided into different tribes. Among them, those called the Royal Scythians, on the lower part of the Don, were distinguished. The Tauri, in Crimea, appeared to be a remnant of the Cimmerians. Greek colonies, from Miletus, had settled among them and the Scythians, on the northern and western shores of the Black Sea. West of the Scythians, dwelt the Agathyrsi, rich in gold, on the Carpathian mountains, and the Neuri in Lithu4*ia; but north, in the regions of Moscow and Smolensk, the Malanchleni and the Anthrophagi. In these cannibals of Herodotus, clad with raw skins, our scholars have discovered the Bastarnaw, who belonged to the German race. Among the Asiatic Scythians, divided by later geographers, mostly into those on this and that side of the Imaus (Mustag), Herodotus names theArgippao ans. They lived at the foot of the lofty Uralian mountains, where the Kirgheese now dwell, and resembled, in their description, the present Calmucks. On the east of them were the fabulous Issedones(Soongares). Many other hordes wandered about in the Uralian countries, and in those, through which the Oxus and Jaxartes flowed. But the Persians called all the hordes in the immense steppes beyond the Jaxarteq, by a general name, Saces: among them the Massagetes were the principal people. Beyond these Massagetes, the geo

　

　

INDIANS. 133 graphy of Herodotus terminated, although he had heard accounts which appeared to him incredible, of the mountains situated in the north, which it was impossible to ascend; (the chain of the Altai,) and the inhabitants beyond, who slept six months in the year, (who does not discover here the long Siberian nights?) This extensive knowledge of Scythia was the sole effect of commerce, which, principally by the Greek colonial cities on the shores of the Black Sea, was carried to the extreme north and east. INDIANS. THE knowledge of India was far from perfect, although it was the productions of this country which directed the course of the caravans eastward. The distance of this country, and the marts of its merchandise being situated on the boundary, or on this side of it, made more accurate researches respecting it difficult and superfluous. Herodotus, who knew so much in other respects, is extremely parsimonious in his accounts of India. It is considered by him to be the last inhabited country in the east; but he;hardly knows the nearest provinces which form its boundaries, and what he relates of its inhabitants is unprecise and fabulous. Later writers, also, do not know much more than to give the division of India into the country situated on this, and that side of the Ganges, with some detached, appropriate notices; and those relate only to the western boundaries. The traditions of the expeditions of a Bacchus, Hercules, Sesostris, and other heroes to India, refer, in part, to the idea of danger and trouble which were associated with a journey to India, and, in part, are derived from the Indian Fables. It is said that Semiramis was vanquished by an Indian King, and that there was also a contest between the Assyrians and Indians. Foreign writers give us no more light upon this period. But from the comparison of the histories of other nations, geological considerations, and finally, from the Indian books which have become known in modern times, we have obtained some light in relation to this country and nation, and concerning its appropriate place in the history of mankind. We know that India, situated next to the probable seat of our first ancestors, was one of the earliest populated, and orobably the first civilized country; that, not only by its valu

　

　

_34 GENERAL HISTORY able productions, which in early times became objects of luxurious enjoyment, and in part necessaries; but also, and perhaps still more, by the doctrines and traditions which proceeded from it-spread by the ways of commerce as well as those of emigration-it exercised a powerful influence upon the civilization, religion, and customs of the principal nations of antiquity, and consequently, mediately upon those of modern nations. Of the religious ideas of the Hindoos, we shall speak in another place (in the History of Religion). We will heretouchupontheir Constitution. It was formed upon the system of castes, which has always prevailed in India, and, according to the opinion of the people, rests upon a sacred foundation. For Brama, one of the principal Indian gods, created, according to the fable, put.of his head, the symbol of wisdom, the philosophers and priests, the Bramins; from his breast or arms, the symbol of strength, the Klschetris, or warriors; from his belly, the symbol of nourishment, the Bise (Waischi), or the husbandmen; from his feet, the symbol of subjection, the Shouder, or artisans. There were, besides, the Burun-Sunker, or shop-keepers, and finally the Tschandalas, called also Parias, who were in a more abject condition than the swine-heirds of Egypt, and might be killed with impunity by the Bramins, whom their mere look profaned. Not only the mythology, but also the history of India mentions a Brama, the wise vizier of the ancient king, Krischen, whose son made a division of the people by law into four principal tribes. The banks of the Ganges were the original seat of this institution, which extended gradually over nearly the whole of India. India was besides divided into many kingdoms, and all the kings were from the caste of warriors; but the Bramins were far above them; and their rank, as well as their authority, exceeded that of the Egyptian priests. They appeared to be not only missionaries, or confidants of the divinity, but also gods themselves. from the profound respect which was paid them, and from their own pride.' Their government, however, was not severe. Over. looking the oppression under which the unfortunate Parian groaned; overlooking the impossibility of a higher mental im provement with their passive obedience, the Hindoos lived a quiet, harmless, and fortunate life, in the pacific enjoyment of the fruits of their soil, and the productions of their industry and commerce.

　

　

CH ti ESE. 135 India, upon which nature has bestowed, in part exclusively, and in part profusely, the most precious productions, as the finest stuffs for vestments and colours, aromatics and spices, precious stones and pearls, was already, at the most ancient times, the goal of the most important commerce. The nations which were the most favourably situated to have intercourse with India, immediately or mediately, or to convey their productions to more distant nations, and all those who were desirous of obtaining these productions, came, by this means, into close and multilateral relations, which constitute the most interesting part of the ancient history of commerce. India itself, proud of its natural riches, and, by its early industry, not particularly needing the artificial merchandise of foreign countries, appears to have been engaged externally only in a passive commerce. The foreigner was obliged to make long and dangerous journies thither, to purchase, with gold and silver -the Indians desired little else-the Indian merchandise; except, perhaps, the merchandise was conveyed towards him as far as the boundary, to convenient emporia. The principal emporia of the west, were towards the north, Bactra, whither the inhabitants of Little Thibet or Belurland generally brought their merchandise, and, towards the south, Ceylon, (Tabrobane,) and the opposite coast of the adjacent peninsula, whither Phoenicians, Babylonians, and Arabians navigated. A commercial route also proceeded from Central Asia, by Prophtasia, Arachotus, and Ortaspana to the countries of the Indus, which, likewise, did not penetrate far into the interior. By these channels India received the tribute of three parts of the world for its native productions; the gold of high Asia (from the desert of Cobi) and Ethiopia, Spanish silver, Arabian incense, Babylonian and Phcenician merchandise. CHINESE. WHAT we know of the Chinese is drawn, for the most part, from their own sources, which have lately become known China was unknown to the Greeks and Romans. What they call Serica and Sinarum terra, is probably Little Bucharia and Cochin-China. The Syrians and Arabians are the first who mention this country distinatly, which they called Dschina.

　

　

'.36 GENERAL HISTORY. The Chinese Empire is very ancient, although its vaunts of millions of years are ridiculous, and its sacred books contain fables, astronomic cycles and philosophemes, rather than historical facts. Wuwang, who came (about 2862) with a colony from the west, was not the founder of the Chinese nation, although, he perhaps, exercised an influence upon its civilization. A horde of Monguls came down from the desert of Cobi, or Schamo, which is connected with the chains of mountains of Central Asia-in times anterior to history, indeed, but it is certain, however, as we shall be convinced by a view upon the map, and a comparison of skulls —into this large, well-watered country, which, encompassed by seas or by high mountains and deserts, sufficiently extensive to contain a vast population, and sufficiently rich in the productions of nature to need nothing from foreign countries, soon formed a particular world, and became a theatre, entirely isolated, of a particular course of civilization. A theatre which affords but little pleasure! For there arose gradually from the many small states into which China was divided, the dominion of one over that vast realm, a universal monarchy in the Chinese world, a prostration of all freedom and rights by the exaltation of one. For the Emperor is the image of God upon earth, the son of heaven, the holy and exalted ruler, (called Tien, or God himself) and the highest, and indeed in a certain degree, the sole priest of the empire. But, if in other states despotism was moderated by religion, it obtained in China, by this very means, its most formidable strength. For the Emperor is, at the same time, the head of the families of the great Chinese nation, and the paternal despotism, existing according to the custom of the Monguls (which, however, in proper family circles is moderated by natural sentiments, but by extending over a vast empire, becomes a boundless tyranny) preserves here still the character of sanctity. The despot is not only feared, but adored; in comparison with him, all in the nation are in the same abasement, and among the people themselves, there is no rank except the resplendence of the imperial majesty. From this time the civilization of the nation appears to have remained stationary, and that worthlessness and apathy to have been impressed upon its character which took away even the possibility of a further advancement, and condemned the Chinese, although they preceded other nations in the arts and inventions.

　

　

CHINESE. 137 and even in the knowledge of writing —only an unserviceable writing indeed!-for thousands of years to the most commiserable and ignominious condition. Before this sad order of things commenced, a great man had arisen in China, who, by precept and example, operated powerfully upon all succeeding times. Confu-tsee (Confucius) was called the wise (about 3450), a cotemporary of Pythagoras, who, elevated by merit far more than by his birth, although it was illustrious, as prime minister of the prince of Lou, (Shantong,) improved the State, manners and religion; and when the inconstant favor of the court expelled him on' account of his rigid virtue, as a fugitive and exile, he yet attracted thousands of scholars, and, although persecuted in life, he obtained after his death, a lasting veneration, and even altars and temples. But what can the voice of one sage do against the spirit of the times and the course of nature? He instituted much good in particulars, but the character of the nation-the generic and climatic-he could not vanquish, and, upon the whole, it is much more wonderful, that, among the Chinese, a Confucius appeared, than that he did not completely reform them.

　

　

SECOND PERIOD. GENERAL HISTORY FROM THE FOUNDATION OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE TO THE OVERTHROW OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. OR, FROM CYRUS TO AUGUSTUS.-FROM THE YEAR OF THE WORLD 3425 TO 3953 GENERAL VIEW. SUMMARY OF THE POLITICAL EVENTS. THIS period is commenced with a great revolution; the first world-embracing empire now originates, and extends its power over vast countries of three portions of the earth. The great king of Persia ruled from the Indus and Oxus over all Central and Eastern Asia, and on this side of the Strait, as far as the lofty Olympus, and in Africa, as far as the Libyan desert. One victory had given CYRUS, the Median, another, the Lydian, a third the Babylonian kingdom. Persia had no longer any rival. Every nation which she had subdued, increased the means of extending her conquests. Proud Egypt fell; Thrace and Macedonia swore allegiance; India trembled. But Scythia, protected by its poverty and wilds, bid defiance to this formidable empire, and the little country of Greece, humbled, shook, and undermined it. Oriental despotism with its sad attendants, the regency of the seraglio and of the satraps, had made it a colossus with feet of clay. This immense, ill-connected state, incessantly distracted by insurrection in its provinces, and contention in the (ilBJ

　

　

- _ THE BIRTH OF CHRIST| L -.*m. & I.

　

　

　

　

GENERAL VIEW. 139 royal family, without any conservative principle except-fear, generally as odious to its own people as to foreigners. was doomed to fall by slow, internal dissolution, or at once by an energetic attack of an outward foe. Fate decreed the latter. The Macedonian hero ALEXANDiiER destroyed suddenly this tottering kingdom. The wars against Persia contributed more than all other causes to the exaltation of Greece. The common danger had united closely all its various tribes, the fortunate issue had increased their pride, and their emulation produced general heroism. Free at home, famed and respected abroad, they might have become a happy and noble nation, and constantly extended their power in peaceable ways, by means of commerce and colonies, had they remained united, simple in their customs and wants, and true to virtue,the palladium of freedom. Or, had they established a moderate ascendency among themselves, and committed the guardianship of the general interest, the direction of the general strength to a legally organized central power, they would have had, it is true, less national liberty, but would have been more formidable abroad. Neither of these took place. The ascendency, which Sparta at first, and Athens afterwards, possessed, was neither determined by law, nor generally recognized, acting indifferently upon the whole, and tyrannically upon particular parts, odious, the tinder of jealousy, and the source of desolating wars. Sparta arose to dominion the second time upon the ruins of the Athenian grandeur, and abused it more than before. The general, well deserved hatred, and the sudden rise of Thebes, by means of its two heroes, humbled the pride of Sparta; but after Epaminondas's death, Thebes sunk to its former insignificance. Had not the Persian government been utterly destitute of wisdom and strength-Greece, whose states blind by passion, sought by turns its assistance-would have become the prey of the great king. What the latter indolently neglected, was accomplished by a small neighbouring power, Macedonia, which subjugated Greece without much opposition, and, united with it, founded a new universal empire The spirit and perseverance of one man, Philip II., laid the foundation of this greatness; his son Alexander completed the fabric, and after his death it fell to ruins. The conquests of Alexander had an entirely different character from those of the

　

　

i'1O GENERAL HIS'rOR Y. Asiatic conquerors. His object was to subject the whole earth to himself in the strict sense of the word; but only to make it happy, as he solemnly declared; and for this, he has received the applause of deluded authors. During his life, he pursued this dazzling object, walking over ruins and the dead, and the fruit of his victory was an unmanageable military despotism. At his death, this immense Empire fell to pieces; for it had no other basis than the ruler-spirit of its founder; his generals, each according to his military desert, seized upon the bleeding portions of the earth in savage warfare; and soon, the powerful kingdoms, New-Macedonia, Syria, Egypt, and the Federal Republics of Greece, besides many smaller states, were in a hostile position towards one another. The constant discord of these Macedonian states, connected with their internal distraction, made it easy for their enemies to overthrow them. The warlike Parthians conquered all the countries beyond the Euphrates; and what lay west of this river, in the three parts of the world, became a prey to the Romans. No other empire, in ancient or modern times, can be compared with the Roman. At first the city of Romulus defended itself with difficulty from its small hostile neighbours, and acquired the dominion of Italy by a hard and protracted contest; but then, when this foundation was laid, when the might of Carthage, its sole formidable rival was broken, Rome soared upon the wings of the storm to be the Empress of the world. It is not difficult to find, partly in the internal, civil and religious constitution of this imperial city, partly in its maxims of state, then in its artful, crafty, ever-vigilant policy, but particularly in its cunningly regulated relation to the vanquished, who, under the name of allies, were made the instruments of new victories; finally, in the internal and external position of all powers, with which Rome gradually entered the theatre of war, the immediate grounds of a hitherto unexampled enlargement of power. which swallowed up all the environs of the great Mediterranean, the fairest, the most populous, the most cultivated countries of the three ancient portions of the world, and properly almost all that was then known and belonged to the great system of important nations, and accordingly subjected mankind to the will and passions of one city, or its demagogues. But what we call fate, consists in this very concourse of all these internal and

　

　

GENERAL VIEW 14k external circumstances,.which to effect is beyond the limits of human power and wisdom. No state, after the power of Rome had grown thus formidable, could maintain its independence. Macedonia might complain of the imprudence of its last kings, Syria of the vain presumption of its Antiochus, Greece might deplore its internal discord, Numidia the crimes of its Jugurtha, Egypt, in fine, the complete degeneracy of its court and people, as the causes that conduced to their ruin. What, on the contrary, did its strictly observed alliance avail Pergamus? What availed the inflexible courage of Mithridates of Pontus? How did their heroic devotion profit the Carthaginians? How did the talents of a Viriathus, Numantia's noble desperation, and the obstinate defence of many places naturally strong, profit the Spaniards? Could the brave Gauls resist the fortune and genius of a CASAR? It was decreed by the powers of destiny, that ROME should become the capital of the world, and that she should found a new order of things. But the benefits, enlightenment and civilization, which flowed from it upon many nations, were dearly purchased by streams of blood, and the annihilation of nationality; and Rome herself was not rejoiced at her dominion. The more a state is extended, the more energetic, the more concentrated its government must be. The Empress of the world could no longer remain a Republic. Internal corruption, want of a balance of power, excess of private wealth, ambitious personages, &c. accelerated the decline of freedom. Disturbed by stormy factions, lacerated by long civil wars, visited by all the terrors of anarchy and the rage of the victorious party, Rome at length found, comparatively speaking, happiness in the unlimited power of one. After the battle of Actium, the name, the idea of freedom vanished, for a long time, in the most beautiful and the most important countries of the earth. The intercourse of nations was now far more active, far more multiplied, than in the former period. But, setting aside extended commerce, the relations were generally hostile that arose from multiplied points of contact. In the east the change of dominion is multifarious. But generally it is decided by the sword merely, without the arts of policy. Particular governments only, and later, the influence of Rome, form exceptions to this. In the west, on the contrary, a large field remains open for external policy, no less than for internal, by means of its numerous

　

　

142 GENERAL HISTORY. S'ates, its greater enterprise, and its complicated relations. The many Grecian Republics, existing near one another in the most various situations, formed alliances, but each preserved its own interest, and watched constantly the rest with a jealous eye; what an arena for the exercise of political wisdom for the Greeks themselves and for their enemies! The Greeks, and afterwards the Macedonians, were certainly excellent masters in policy, but its cold prescriptions, although they were well known, were frequently neglected from passion and delusion. Seldom did this happen with the Romans, whose policy throughout, was the most refined, the most persevering, the most successful; but it was also, it must be confessed, the most unjust, the most intriguing, the most corrupt of all. The conquest of the world was more the work of the senate, than of the legions; and the Roman negotiators were more dangerous than the generals. There is hardly one political negotiation of the highly refined modern times, of which a prototype or a counterpart might not'be found in the Roman history. And so also, the plans and combinations of the enemies of Rome which generally failed; their often imprudent, often unfortunate efforts, their division and narrow selfishness, their want of consequence, of firmness and union, form a mirror which instructs, warns, and enlightens. SUMMARY OF THE HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION. GRADUALLY civilization assumes a more beautiful form, and is extended over the countries of the earth. There are two nations in particular, the Greeks and Romans, which share the glory of commencing and promoting this revolution. In the one, civilization flourishes luxuriantly, as a native plant; in the other, it thrives, it is true, as foreign, but well-fostered fruit. One disseminates the seed further by instruction, the other by power, and it shoots up around, promising much: not, however, to ripen immediately, but (as we shall see in the sequel) in order to afford a profitable harvest to later generations, after the long winter frost and storms have passed away. That civilization was a native plant in Greece, is to be understood in the sense, that, if the seed came from abroad, it was developed in the Grecian soil, and according to its nature, in a different and more beautiful manner, than in its native country

　

　

GENERAL VIEVW 143 Among the causes which conduced to this, besides those arising from peculiarity of climate and locality, FREEDOM, the mother and nurse of all that is great and beautiful, may be enumerated as the most important of all. No people of the old world, not even the Romans, had so ardent a desire for this, as the Greeks. Not only were their constitutions free, their manner of thinking and feeling was so, even under their chiefs, before the Republics -were established. Hence, Grecian civilization was neither an obtrusion nor an imitation, but a civilization (although it was occasioned and promoted by foreign influence) developed by its own action, and stamped according to the peculiar character of the nation, full of strength and life. No powers of the body or soul remained undeveloped, to none was the form of developement prescribed; every citizen, every community, was independent, and from the various mixture of personal and national characters, proceeded, as a general character, quickness, versitality, proud self-esteem, and emulation for perfection. Grecian civilization, however, was not pure, and not without great faults, generally more aesthetic than rational; excellent for the enjoyment of life, and the free activity of the faculties, yet with a partial preference of the beautiful to the useful, and favourable neither to cosmopolitism, nor to true morality —an attractive impress of the gay bloom of youth. Therefore, it would be folly to desire its return or imitation among us. We cannot be Greeks, "but we will rejoice, at least," as an intelligent author has said, "that there were once Greeks, and that as every flower of the human' mind, so also this found its place and its time for the most beautiful developement." How far the Grecian civilization was extended by colonies, commerce and conquest, is made known in political history. But an equal degree of civilization did not prevail everywhere among the Greeks. Climatic circumstances, influence of foreign customs, or political revolutions, caused a great diversity; distant colonies, surrounded by barbarians, could not keep pace with the mother country; and the Macedonian military colonies, in particular, never equalled the republican settlements of the Greeks. All the power of the Egyptian, Assyrian, &c;. kings, — even if they were, so disposed,-was unable to produce or preserve what freedom required, in order to thrive. On the contrary, the spread of the Grecian language, far beyond the boundaries of

　

　

144 GENERAL HISTORY. its political and commercial dominion, promoted also that of the Grecian civilization and science. The Grecian language is by far the richest of the ancient world, in intellectual treasures. But the Greek enlightenment and manners, have preserved their most extensive and durable influence through the Romans, who exchanged their own rudeness for Grecian civilization, and carried this far around in the lands they had subdued, the sole atonement for their earlier misdeeds. The higher civilization of the Romans did not commence until after the second Punic War, and the conquest of Syracuse. The subjection of Macedonia, Greece, and Asia Minor, established the closest intercourse among the nations that spoke the Greek language; now their warlike ferocity was softened by the song of the Muses, proud Latium received instruction from the vanquished, and Grecian civilization-modified, it is true, by the Roman character-flourished upon the Gallic, and afterwards upon the British soil. The spreading of the Roman language, a consequence of the great extension of the political power of Rome, afforded a great aid to civilization and intellectual improvement, and made even isolated acquisitions the common property of all. With the Romans, as with the Greeks, climate, freedom, limitation of sacerdotal power, and native force of genius, were favorable to intellectual cultivation; in addition to these, they received the most excellent instruction; but they never equalled their teachers, whilst the Greeks so far surpassed theirs. It is not difficult to discover the causes of this: 1. There was only one Rome, the Grecian states were many; generally small, it is true, yet full of peculiar life, independent, active and emulous. Hence the variety of mental developement, notwithstanding its general prevalence. Roman civilization could not be otherwise than partial, being solely determined by the tone of the predominant city, which received the obedience of Latium, Italy, and finally a world of subdued countries. 2. Rome was a city of war. Upon this its grandeur, nay even its existence was founded; all its laws, all its civil institutions, and also its manners and customs tended to military greatness; the triumph was the summit of glory. But the arts of peaoe will not thrive amid the tumult of arms, and the more re fined sentiments and manners flee from camps.

　

　

GENERAL YIEW. 145 3. And these appeared to the heads of this state scarcely worthy of care, and even dangerous. With what ardour the older Cato opposed the Grecian arts! Thus there were no institutions for the promotion of civilization, no encouragement of an active and beneficial emulation, no public games, like the Grecian. Nothing else was required but valour, political virtue, and Roman pride. 4. The Roman religion was subservient solely to the state. It may, indeed, be termed a cold prosaic religion, when compared with that of the Greeks. Neither poets nor even priests, but statesmen had devised it, and they arranged its dogmas and rites, and made it altogether a political machine. Hence, it left the heart cold; to the imagination, it gave no wings; to the arts. no inspiration. 5. Moreover, there was a sudden transition in Rome, from rudeness to refinement, by the power of circumstances; and just at the time, when, by the rapid career of its conquests, immense treasures, and with them, all passions and vices were drawn into this city, intoxicated by fortune. Now, came suddenly, instead of the ancient simplicity, not the refined Attic enjoyment of life, but Asiatic debauchery; no arts were esteemed except they were subservient to luxury; there civilization entered in the train of corruption-nay, of the deepest depravity. The Greeks, also, had sunk into corruption; but not until after they passed a beautiful period of cultivation, and its traces and effects have continued to the latest times. 6. Finally, the Romans lost theirfreedom soon after the introduction of civilization, after they had experienced the terrors of the most violent civil wars. How could the Muses and Graces settle in such a country, or choose the temples there, for their favorite abodes? Civilization and science were never more in Rome than a dim resplendence of the Grecian. VOL. I.-T 10

　

　

I 4t GENERAL HISTORY. II. DETAILED Il[STORY. THE HISTORY OF THE PERSIANS. FORMATION OF THE EMPIRE. —CYRUS. CYRUS, the f6under of the Persian Empire, descended from the noblest Persian races, the Pasargadwe, and the illustrious house of the Achmmenidae, became, by talent and fortune, the head of the nation. Before his time, this nation was not much celebrated; it was known, however, as a bold uncorrupted people, of simple and natural manners. The Persians were obliged to recognise the supremacy of Assyria, and afterwards that of Media; they lived, however, almost independent, protected by their mountains and their courage, in their ancient and native manner. They were divided into ten tribes, three of warriors, three of agriculturers, and four of shepherds, and had 120,000 men capable of bearing arms. Cyrus (he was called before Agradatus, but when he became the head of the tribes,-he assumed the name of Khores-Cyrus-from Khor [the sun]) led them rapidly to victory and dominion (3425). At Pasargada he defeated the Medes; in the plains of Sardes, the Lydians; Babylon he took by stratagem. Nothing resistel him. In a few years, Central and Eastern Asia were his. Now, he with his Pasargadw adopted the effeminate manners of the vanquished, chiefly those of the Medes,* and surrounded his throne with great splendor, by introducing the ceremonies of the AMedian court, and gave, by favoring the magian caste of priests, to Zoiroaster's doctrine, a secure and extensive dominion, and a religious restriction to his own power. We have mentioned already his liberation of the Jews from the B3aby lonian captivity *These Medes always maintained the first rank among the conquered nati)ns, This is commonly called the Medo-Persian Empire.

　

　

PERSIA 147 The last scenes of hislife are narrated by Xeno]phon and Herodotus, as differently as the first. The stream of the Persian power continually swelled: it was viFltorious. Cambyses, who succeeded his father in the Empire — his brother Smerdis was to rule over Bactriana-invaded Egypt. One battle at Pelusium, one short siege of Memphis, and the throne of the Pharoahs lay in ruins. Ammonium in the Libyan desert, and Ethiopia, situated beyond the Dead Steppe, and even Carthage, in the distant west, were obliged to yield obedience to the Persians. But of the armies that marched thither, one was buried in the sand, the second was destroyed by famine, and Tyre refused its fleet against Carthage. Cambyses was convinced in this perplexity, that he was not omnipotent, and raged now in Egypt against gods and men. Hence, there arose in the minds of tile Egyptians, a bitter hatred against the Persian dominion, and Egypt was, as long as the Persian empire lasted, the theatre of insurrection. After Cambyses had murdered his brother, his sister and wife, many faithful friends, and servants,-sometimes villians also, but even these in a tyrannical manner —a dangerous conspiracy was machinated against him. The magi were at its head, in order to bring to the throne a Median family, or one of their own order. Sfendadates, the brother of an ancient Magian, declared himself Smerdis,-pretending that he had fortunately escaped execution-and, because the king was so odious, obtained many adherents. Cambyses, upon the expedition against him, fell accidentally upon his own sword. The Persians swore allegiance to the impostor (3462). But soon the time of vengeance arrived. Seven Persian grandees conspired against the king, and murdered him (33&,3). After a remarkable deliberation concerning the fqture form: of, the government, in which the government of the heads ofthe tribes, and even that of one whole selected tribe was proposed, a monarchical government was preferred, and the person.:of the monarch was determined by lot. It fell to Darius, (among the Persians Darab,) from the race of the Achmemenidae, the? son:o'f Hystaspes, (Gustasp), and governor in Persia.

　

　

148 GENERAL HISTORy. DARIUS HYSTASPES. -CONSTITUTION. DARIUS I. vindicated the decision of his good fortune, or liis artifice, by a wise and energetic government. Under him the empire was first properly organized, although Cyrus had already established the despotic power of the king, and the authority of the predominant tribe of the Persians, and among those of the Pasargadae. He divided the empire into twenty Satrapies, determined the tribute more accurately, appointed civil and military powers, and maintained a regular communication of the provinces with the residence by a kind of posts. Cyrus, it is true, had laid the foundation for the latter. It must be acknowledged, that the seraglio-government was completely formed under him, with all the corruption attending it for the court and people, and the nation was enervated by slavery and effeminacy. ~The Persian constitution rested upon this principle, (i. e. upon the impudent assumption on the one side, and the base acknowledgment on the other,) that the king is not only lord, but the absolute owner of the whole country and its inhabitants. According to this, he was exalted above all laws, and might dispose of persons and things as he pleased; might consider all the performances and tributes of the people as his private property, and proclaim his dreaded majesty by his haughty ostentation, and even by the forms of adoration. But this majesty was visible only to a few, and produced terror and awe only in its immediate vicinity. The fate of the people lay immediately in the hands of the Satraps, who ruled with almost royal pomp, and unlimited-as representatives of the despot-in the provinces. The oppressed inhabitants had not only to pay their taxes, (which were regulated in a certain measure after Darius,) and to supply large gifts to the king, and to maintain a numerous and ostentatious court, but also to bear the costly support of their debauched governors and their brilliant train; then, also, they were obliged to provide for the troops, and all those to whom the king gave the direction of particular places or districts. Even the property that was left to them, and their persons, were continually exposed to danger, by violence or arbitrary law. Even under the good kings, the minions, eunuchs, and women practiced an insolent tyranny. For the monarch, generally cor

　

　

PERSIA. 149 rupted in youth by being educated in the seraglio, afterwards enervated by voluptuousness, and shackled by tile stiff etiquette of the court, was not much more than a pdppet in the hands of his slaves. The succession to the throne was not determined; but tlhe right of the reigning house was generally recognised. The king commonly declared, according to his own choice, one of his sons his successor, (Cyrus divided the empire;) but the eldest had a l'reference. This was the cause of many intrigues and crimes. The most violent passions raged in the seraglio; eunuchs and women gave away the throne of Cyrus, and almost every accession to the throne was stained with the blood of brothers or relations. The natural consequences of despotism, weakness and insurrection, were seldom visible' during the reign of Darius. He subdued with a strong arm rebelling Babylon and Barca, conquered the countries bordering on India, and imposed upon them a tribute of 360 talents. He was less fortunate in his war against the European Scythians, between the Don and Danube-their country fought for them; but, in this expedition, he subjected Thrace and Macedonia. He reigned with great power in three parts of the world-the Persian Empire was at the height of its glory. A people of little power, small in number, but strong in spirit and courage, overthrew it, and Darius himself began the war that was to shake the foundations of his throne. Cyrus had already acquired the Grecian colonies of Asia Minor, partly as a dependence of the Lydian kingdom, partly as his own conquest. But these flourishing cities had not lost the recollection of their origin, and the ardent love of freedom manifested by the Greeks. When the undertaking of Darius against the Scythians failed, an extensive insurrection broke out from Miletus, the capital of Ionia, at the instigation of Histious, which at first was attended with success,-the insurgents had even burnt Sardis, the seat of the Satrap,-but terminated with the conquest of all the cities, and the destruction of Miletus. The support which Athens-irritated at the protection which the exiled Hippias found with the Satrap Artaphernes, and the iittle Eretria on Euboea, afforded the Ionians,-gave Darius an acceptable pretext for the invasion of Greece. The disasters which happened to the Persian armies in this war, we shall re

　

　

1 50 G E~T R 4 L GENERAL HIS.OR1iiY. late in trhe history of the Greeks. Vanquished by arms, Darius notwithstanding, overcame his enemies by magnanimity. The noble treatment of thA captive Eretrians, whom he might have slain, as expiatory sacrifices for his heralds and for Sardis, betrayed a goodness of heart, which, in a despot and warrior, deserves admiration, and of which no Greek would then have been capablle. Darius hoped, when he renewed the war, to take a more glorious vengeance, and died during the long preparation. XERXES.-RUIN OF THE EMPIRE. HIs son Xerxes continued the preparation for war. Not the Persians and the royal mercenaries alone-all vanquished nations were to engage in this war-which was declared a national concern. According to Herodotus" account there were not less than 5,283,220 men assembled in this manner, and we may believe thus much, notwithstanding the fictitious appearance of this description, that Xerxes' army was sufficiently numerous to overwhelm Greece, and to threaten the subjugation of all Europe. But what is a mass without an animated spirit? Xerxes had not the talents necessary for the conduct of such an army, and it was impossible to inspire his soldiers with zeal and courage. Therefore, the greater the mass, the more terrible was the confusion, the more irremediable the misfortune, the more complete the ruin. The Persian force, even where it was victorious by its superior numbers, was humbled by the exploits of its enemies, and, where it was conquered-which happened in the decisive battles by sea and land-was slaughtered in a most terrible manner, and retreated forever from Greece and Europe. The allies also, the Carthaginians, experienced a similar fate in Sicily; and thus the whole undertaking, which was framed with an unexampled application of power, was defeated in a most ignominious manner. Henceforth the Greeks fought with the advantage of a proud consciousness of ability, and the Persians were depressed by humiliating recollections. The king himself renounced civil arnd military affairs, and endeavoured to stifle his chagrin on account of his defeated plans, by sensual enjoy ments. From the time of Xerxes the seraglio-government appears in all its horrors. When Xerxes, after a reign of twenty years, was killed (3510)

　

　

PERSIA. 151 by Artabanus, the captain of his body-guard, the king's second son, Artaxerxes I, Longimanus, (Ahasuerus?) established himself on the throne by the death of the traitor, and also by that of his own brothers. The p6ace of Cimon, (3535) by which the Greeks, after a fifty years' war, obtained, besides other glorious conditions, the liberation of their brethren in Asia Minor, and on the islands, was a humble confession of the weakness of Persia. Only one hope remained to the Empire, which had lost the glory of its arms, and confidence in its power-the disunion of its enemies; and Artaxerxes himself saw the eruption, and fanned the flame of the great Peloponnesian war. it continued to rage during the reign of Darius II., (Nothus,) 3560. He concluded a treaty with Sparta against Athens, and saw the fall of the city which had produced the victors of the Persians-Miltiades, Themistocles, and Cimon. Internal disorder, and the almost incessant wars of the Satraps, prevented the king from taking further advantage of the misfortunes of the Greeks, and the military spirit in the Empire of Cyrus had so much declined, that at this time the Greek mercenaries formed the flower of the Persian armies. Hence it happened, that even the timorous Egyptians threw off the yoke, and maintained themselves until the time of the cruel Ochus, under their own kings, who only pretended to acknowledge the Persian supremacy. ARTAXERXES MNEMON.-DARIUS CODOMANUS UNDER Artaxerxes II. and III., (Mnemon and Ochus,) the kingdom again shows some signs of power. The reign of Mnemon (3579), who is celebrated for his talents, was clouded by the intrigues of the cruel Pharysatis, the queen-mother, who cherished a passionate predilection for the younger son, Cyrus. Cyrus, confirmed in the dignity which he had obtained from his father, by the improvident Artaxerxes, as Satrap and commander of the troops in Asia Minor, raised the standard of a dangerous revolt, and penetrated with a powerful army,-the flower of which consisted of 13,000 Greeks, commanded by Clearchus, a Spartan, -as far as Cunaxa, in Mesopotamia. Here Cyrus, fell, in the tumult of the battle, by the hand of his brother. His army dispersed or joined the enemy. The Greeks alone —whose battalion consisted yet of 10,000 men-remained unconquered, and re

　

　

1 52 GENERAL HISTORY. turned to the Hellespont-although their generals had fallen by Ierfidy, under new leaders, among whom was the excellent Xenophon-by a remarkable retreat from the heart of the Persian Empire, in sight of the Persian myriads, for a distance of many hundred miles through a hostile and unknown country, contending without intermission with all the difficulties of nature and war. These events revived the animosity of the two nations. The Spartans-then predominant in Greece-conducted the renewed war with superior strength. They invaded the Persian Empire, and Dercyllidas, and after him the great Agesilaus, made such rapid conquests in Asia Minor, that the terror of their arms penetrated as far as Susa. Perhaps Agesilaus would now have done what Alexander accomplished two generations after, had it not been for the dissensions among the Greeks. The Spartan dominion was odious in Greece, and the Persian king excited the other Greeks to desertion. In this war, Conon, an Athenian, as Persian admiral, and Agesilaus, who had returned with his army from Asia Minor to Greece, acquired the principal laurels; the one by sea, the other by land-at Coronea. But Sparta preferred internal dominion so much to foreign conquest, tyranny so much to glory, that she concluded a precipitate peace through Antalcidas with the Persians, by which the Grecian colonies of Asia Minor, which had been liberated sixty-two years before by the peace of Cimon, besides. several islands, and even the large Cyprus,were subjected again; but the European Greeks, although nominally free, were left to the dominion of Sparta. Artaxerxes enjoyed the fruits of this ignominious peace without interruption until his death. Artaxerxes III., Ochus, succeeded him, who was a tyrant without a parallel (3618). A great insurrection had broken out in Phoenicia, and was supported by the Egyptians. Ochus marched with a formidable army against the insurgents. The inhabitants of Sidon, driven to desperation, committed their city and themselves to the flames; the other cities entreated for mercy, and Egypt also surrendered to superior power. The latter, under nine kings, had enjoyed during sixty-four years a glimmer of freedom, but now the days of Cambyses returned; the country was deluged with blood, the treasures of the country were plundered, the sanctuaries desecrated, and even the gods mas

　

　

GREECE. 153 sacred. But Bagoas, an Egyptian eunuch, who had become the favorite of the king, became the avenger of Apis, poisoned Ochus, whose corpse even was mutilated by his holy rage. All his sons were also slain, except Arses, the youngest (3646), who shared somewhat later, the same fate. The wretched Bagoas now called to the throne the only surviving descendant of the house of Hystaspes, the unfortunate Darius Codomanus (3648) He, who according to the accounts of authors was a good prince, succumbed to the destiny which had decreed the ruin of Persia. The tempest was gathering under Ochus. The disunited, degenerated Greeks, therefore less formidable, were suddenly united under the Macedonian power, and all their force which had been restrained by domestic contentions, was now directed to one great object, the Persian war. The combined powers of Macedonia and Greece under a leader so well skilled in civil and military affairs as Philip II., was in itself superior to the great, but disordered empire of Cyrus. This natural disproportion was increased, when, after Philip's assassination, his son, Alexander M. applied the whole weight of his genius, and the impulse of his fiery soul to the Macedonian scale. On the Granicus, at Issus, and in the plains of Arbela, the decree of fate was fulfilled, notwithstanding the efforts of the Persians. The throne of Cyrus fell, but its fall cannot be lamented. Mankind were but little benefited by the Persian Empire. Despotism was firmly established in it, and carried to an immense extent. The nations of which it was composed, had exchanged all manly virtue foi passive obedience; the animated feelings of life, for dead apathy and had lost, in their idolatrous veneration of their king, all self esteem and worth. HISTORY OF THE GREEKS. DIVISION. THIS history is divided most naturally into three periods, distinguished by entirely different characters. Thefirst-from the VOL. l.- U

　

　

154 GEN\ERAL HISTORY. most ancient times to the Persian wars-exhibits to us in a long succession of centuries, the rudeness and weakness of Greece. which was divided into many states, having generally monarchical governments. But the origin of Republics, and the foundationi of the Spartan supremacy, are contained within the limits of this period. We have already treated of them, as pertaining to the first period of General History. The second period, from the commencement of the Persian war (3484), to the battle of Mantinea (3621), represents to us Greece, although in continual dissension, united by common danger and by the variable supremacy of particular states, endowed with manly strength, free in her constitutions, and glorious. The third period, from the battle of Mantinea to the destruction of Corinth (3838), includes the second division, the subjugation, and, after a short revival, the complete oppression of the Greeks. The last two periods are the subject of the following narration. THE PERSIAN WARS. WE have already explained the principal as well as the more immediate causes, of the great war between Greece and Persia. This war is in itself, and in its consequences, of the highest interest, and is conspicuous among the great events that have happened in the world. Had the Persians been victorious, the flower of Grecian civilization would have been crushed in its first expansion, and the vast Empire of Persia would have become either the theatre of constant barbarian tumult, or, if it arose to eminence, a western China. Then no Phidias and no Praxiteles would have animated the marble, no Pindar would have charmed with his lofty song, no Euripides would have drawn sweet tears. No Herodotus, no Xenophon, would have proclaimed with far-sounding voices, great achievements; no Plato, no Aristotle, would have discovered treasures of wisdom; no Socrates, no Epaminondas, would have shone with exalted virtue. The most beautiful types of a free constitution would have vanished from the world before they had borne fruit; and the savage Roman, had he not been oppressed by the Persian power, would not have been softened by the song of the Muses. He might have been able perhaps to conquer the earth, but not to civilize it; and it might then have been, that a friendly fate

　

　

GREECE. 155 would have effected this miracle in an entirely different way, yet much later; even modern civilization, which is connected so intimately with the ancient, notwithstanding the night lying between, would not have arisen. It was of so much importance, that, at Marathon, at Salamis, and at Plattea, freedom should triumph. But had there been no Persian war, common danger would not have compelled the Greeks to unite, awakened enthusiasm and proud consciousness of power among them, and developed every talent; then they would not have performed their greatest actions, and slowly, perhaps never, filled the career of glory which was now opened to them. THE WAR OF DARIUS. IMPELLED by ambition and thirst for revenge, DariusHystaspes, the only worthy successor of Cyrus, sent his myriads first under Mardonius, and as these had suffered much from storms, and were destroyed by the Thracians, he sent a more numerous army to subjugate Greece, under Datis and Artaphernes. Most of the communities had already submitted to the heralds which preceded the army. Sparta, Athens, and a few others, rejected the demand of submission with scorn. Then the Persians made their appearance in Euboea, which they easily conquered, and soon after in the plains of Attica. Hippias was with them. Salvation seemed impossible. Distance and superstition prevented Sparta from granting speedy assistance. All the others were restrained by terror; Plataea only sent one thousand warriors. But Athens had in great haste prepared herself for war. Nine thousand brave men marched under ten leaders, according to their tribes, and encamped opposite to the Persians in the plain of Marathon, bounded on one side by mountains, on the other by the sea. Miltiades, one of the ten generals, gave the signal for battle (3494). For the first time, the astonished Persians perceived the force of. enthusiasm, and how much more effective moral power is, than that of an inanimate mass. The Greeks gained the most glorious victory which ever any nation has obtained; and, the Persians, as their intended attack on Athens was defeated by the quick return of Miltlades, fled to their ships, and hastened back to their homes.

　

　

156 GENERAL HISTORY. The great M;ltiades experienced, soon after this, the effect of republican envy. The victor at Marathon, the saviour of Athens and Greece, died in prison. Themistocles and Aristides became the leaders of the people. The first, whom the deeds of Miltiades deprived of sleep, the second, who loved virtue as ardently as his rival did glory. The intrigues of Themistocles' party effected during the suspension of arms the banishment of Aristides. A glorious banishment! as it was acknowledged that the exile had offended the republic only by his eminent justice. But he was recalled as soon as the hosts of Xerxes approached. In the meantime, Athens was elevated under the direction of Themistocles, by success in war, and civilization. Sparta was disturbed by internal dissention; but it was considered the first of the Grecian cities. A dangerous rivalry had arisen between the two already; but it was suspended by the renewal of the Persian war. XERXES' WAR. THE preparations of the great king, in order to revenge the disgrace of Marathon, were not unknown to the Greeks; many were terrified; but Sparta and Athens, over whose heads the storm was principally impending, sought and hoped for presevation by a general confederation of the Greeks for their common defence, and by foreign aid. Their exertions produced little effect. Some states were restrained by fear, others by the answers of the oracles, from affording assistance. The union of the Greeks was prevented by private passions. Nevertheless, the two principal states adhered to their resolution of defence. The Spartans were a, nation of heroes, and the Athenians were exalted to an equal height by the trophies of Marathon, and the ardent zeal of Themistocles. Now the numerous hosts of Xerxes approached. The Persian warriors were seven days and seven nights marching over the bridge which the king had made over the Hellespont; the baggage was a month in passing. An immense fleet accompanied the movements of the army. The stream was constantly swelling. Thracians, Macedonians, Pweonians, joined the army of their sovereign. Slowly, but irresistably, they extended over the

　

　

t 7THE 1BANISHMENT OF ARISTI1ES. _ _...,.,,1

　

　

　

　

G ItC: E CE. 15. plains of Thessaly, as far as a difficult pass between mount CEta and the sea, called Thermopylae, from its warm springs, which leads to Locris. Here Leonidas, the Spartan king, encamped according to the decree of the assembly of Corinth with 7,000 men, to prevent the barbarians from entering Hellas. But a traitor, Epialtes, showed them a foot-path over the mountains, which conducted them to the rear of the Greeks. Now Leonidas sent his troops back, in order to save them from useless destruction. But he himself, with three hundred Spartans, together with some hundred men from Thespiae and Thebes, devoted themnselves to death in a hopeless battle: after performing miracles of valour all these heroes died, oppressed by myriads of enemies, in "4 order to obey the laws of their country," and to excite later generations by their example, to perform great actions. (June, 3504.) This glorious self-sacrifice effected more than a victory. The Persians overwhelmed Hellas in vain. The citizens of Athens, by the advice of Themistocles, forsook their houses and temples, and took, refuge in their ships. Only a few weak old men stayed behind. Soon the Persians appeared, massacred them, and reduced the city of Theseus to ashes. The Greek fleet in the meantime, which had fought a glorious battle at Artemisium, had arrived after the affair at Thermopyla, in the gulf of Salamis. Eurybiades, a Spartan, was the commander; the greater part of the ships belonged to Athens; and Themistocles by the superiority of his mind was first in the council of war. The great victory, which the Greeks gained in this memorable strait, over fearful superiority of numbers, which occasioned the ignominious ruin of the enemy, was the work of Themistocles (23 Sept. 3504). Confounded by this defeat, the Persian king fled precipitately with the principal part Aof his army over the Hellespont to Asia, but left a select army under Mardonius in the northern part of Hellas, three times as numerous as all the Grecian forces, and really more formidable, than the unwieldy, immense mass, which had accompanied Xerxes. At Plataia, the decisive battle was fought (25 Sept. 3505). The Greeks had assembled a considerable army. Pausanias, the guardian of the young Spartan king, was commander in chief, and Aristides commanded the Athenians. The unity of spirit and emulation of the Greeks effected equal wonders.

　

　

158 G ENERAL IIISTORY. Tle Persians fought not ingloriously; but they fell by ihe swords of their enemies, who were glowing with patriotism and revenge. Mardonius was slain; the booty was immense; the power of the barbarians was destroyed-it matters not how many escaped-and Greece was never afterwards invaded by a Persian army. On the day of the battle of Salamis, the Carthaginians, allies of Xerxes, were completely defeated at Himera in Sicily, by Gelon, prince of Syracuse. According to the Greek accounts, a naval victory was gained near the Ionian promontory, Mycale, the same day on which the battle of Platuea was fought. Leotychides, a Spartan, and the Athenian Xantippus, acquired there so signal a victory over the Persian fleet that the Ionians had the courage to throw off the odious yoke of the barbarians, and joined the confederacy of the Greeks against the king. TIE PEACE OF CIMON. Now the character and aspect of the war changed. It was no longer a war of defence for the Greeks, but one of revenge and invasion. The liberation of all the Grecian colonies from the Persian dominion was the next object, to the accomplishment of which, invasions of other Persian provinces, support of insurgents, &c., were to be subservient. The leaders of the Greeks desired the prolongation of a war, which had given rise to a closer union, and by which it was constantly confirmed. Personal interests received satisfaction also in this war. But the violence of this war was naturally diminished by its duration. The expulsion of the Persians from Cyprus, and then from Byzantium, by Pausanias and Aristides, several fortunate enterprises of Cimon against various Persian possessions, a glorious victory gained by him at the mouth of the Eurymedon in Pam phylia (3515), further, an assistance for many years given to the Egyptians rebelling against Persia, under the Libyan Inarus, which at first was attended with success, but at last proved destructive to the Athenian fleet, and then after some suspen. sion, two glorious victories, which Cimon gained at Cyprus (3535), are the most remarkable events of this war, which immldiately after these victories was terminated by the peace, which has been justly called after the hero who obtained it. If we

　

　

GREECE. 159 reckon the beginning of this war from the rebellion uf the Jonians against Darius Hystaspes,it lasted more than fifty years. In consequence of this ever-memorable peace of Cimon, Artaxerxes Longimanus, the son of that Xerxes who had designed to subject all Greece, acknowledged the freedom of all the (;recian colonies situated within the limit of his Empire, which were principally on the coast of Asia Minor. No Persian ship of war was to appear in the Grecian waters, no Persian army was to' approach within three days' journey of the Ionian coasts. INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE GREEKS.-ASCENDENCY OF ATHENS. WE turn to the domestic affairs of the Greeks. After the expulsion of the Persians, Athens arose quickly and more beautifild than before from its ashes. Its citizens full of vigour and self-esteem aspired to higher objects, Themistocles expecially elevated their spirit and power. Till then, the Spartans had been the leading people of Greece. Athens itself acknowledged their predominance. Now the supremacy passed gradually into the hands of the latter. The. pupils of Lycurgus had always offended by their' military insolence; they were forgiven as long, as their manners commanded respect. But when Pausahias, the victor of Plataea, and conqueror of Byzantium, assumed the authority of a ruler, and by his splendor, worthy of a Satrap, scorned the republican mannlers; when the modesty of the Athenian Aristides, and the affability of Cimon (the noble son of Miltiades), appeared in the mnost striking contrast with this; when, finally, Pausanias — although to his own destruction-machinated treacherous plans against the freedom of Greece; then the allied states desired to he henceforth un(ler the direction of Athens, and no longer under that of Sparta. The latter submitted to its rival, because the (circumstances of the times forbid a forcible resistance, but she continued to harbor in her heart the feelings of envy and revenge towards Athens. The first author of this glory, Themistocles, became suspected, afterwards was banished from Athens, which through him had become great, outlawed in all Greece, which he had preserved, and found refuge only in Persia, which was still bleeding with his blows. The astonished Artaxerxes treated the filugitive mag

　

　

1O0 C GENERAL HISTORY. nanimously, and gave him for a support the produce of three cities. I_ Athens now, Aristides and Cimon were the leaders of the people, and there were never better. It is a beautiful and rare phenomenon, to find the purest virtue united with brilliant political talents. It was resolved, that a treasury should be formed for the prosecution of the Persian war, by the contributions of the allies, and that it should be kept under the supervision of Athens, in Delos, which was sanctified by religion. By a general compromise, Aristides was appointed to determine the contributions, and all found his assessment just. He administered many years the public treasury, and died so poor, that he was buried at the public expense. His successors, asPlutarch says, filled their city with riches and woeks of art. He sought to enrich it with virtue. The amiable hero, Cimon, took him for a model in many things. He resembled Aristides in talents and accomplishments, mn patriotism and extensive knowvledge of affairs. He surpassed him in military glory. But he had not the moderation and simplicity of manners of Aristides. Tile victories which he obtained for Athens, he made subservient to his own interest. The tasteful life, propitious to the arts, which he led in palaces, and in gardens richly ornamented, were-:although he invited in the most liberal manner all the citizens to participate in his enjoy ments-dangerous to republican customs; and the members of the confederacy, which were made to feel severely the supremacy of Athens, were able to mingle in the general praise of his virtue the discord of just complaints. For Athens, intoxicated with its glory, and conscious of its power, converted gradually the tone of the leading state into that of the ruler, punished resistance as insurrection, and imposed upon the European continental and insular Greeks, a yoke which was in some respects more severe, than that from which those of Asia Minor were to be delivered. But it cannot be denied, that as long as Athens was predominant, Greece, notwithstanding some oppresssion, was on the whole, prosperous and glorious; that Athens compensated for the oppression of its dominion by cherishing commerce, the arts and sciences, and produced such talents, such virtues, and such brilliant characters, that their consideration almost reconciles us with the abuse of its power.

　

　

GREECE. 161 PERICLES. AMONG these characters, Pericles especially attracts our attention-one of the greatest men, that ever directed a commonwealth. The influence of Pericles commenced, when Cimon was in the zenith of his glory (3515); after Aristides' death (3525), he obtained the supreme authority and retained it during his life, so that he maintained the supreme power for forty years generally without a colleague, over the most inquiet and inconstant people of the world. He enjoyed this not as a possessor of any civil dignity-as he was never an archon or a member of the Areopagus-but as a general, or rather as a simple demagogue, by the mere superiority of his mind and the voldntary obedience of his fellow-citizens. Pericles, although descended from one of the noblest families, favored the democratic party, as those men generally do in republics, who aspire to dominion. Before this, under the administration of Aristides, it was enacted contrary to the laws of Solon, that the lowest class of the citizens should not be excluded from the highest dignities. Democracy was now limited almost only by the Areopagus. Pericles divested this of all political influence, and by this means made that complete. The authority of the people was.finally converted into the dominion of the populace, especially by the compensation granted to those citizens appearing in the assemblies, and therefore Pericles is responsible for all the evil, which naturally resulted from it; for the infinite confusion, and the horrible crimes that disgrace the later history of Athens. But as long as he was at the helm, such consequences were not visible. And Pericles never abused his power for private purposes, nor maintained it by unworthy means. His objects and measures were great, well calculated for the welfare and glory of Athens, and notwithstanding his partial predilection for this city-setting aside some cruelty and injustice-were beneficial to all Greece by the elevation of its power and civilization, by the improvement in the arts and sciences, which under him flourished more beautifully: than ever before, or generally afterwards. In surveying the picture of this great man, we must not forget that he loved peace. He possessed distinguished military talents, as is shown VOL. I. V 11

　

　

162 GENERAL HISTORY. by his fortunate expeditions against Eubaea, the Thracian Cher sonesus, and Samos, his victories over the Boeotians and Spartans, and several inventions in the art of war; but his heart was tender, and, therefore, when he was compelled to make war, his tactics were sparing of human blood. It was a misfortune —but inevitable by the rivalry of their ambitious aspirations, and the difference of their political views, — that Cimon and Pericles were enemies. The former, was an aristocrat and a friend of the Spartans; the latter, in both points altogether opposed to him. Cimon, overcome by the democratic party, was banished by ostracism. He was recalled, however, in the fifth year of his exile. He came, reconciled the Greeks, led their united forces against the king of Persia, and died, when he had gained the victory which compelled Artaxerxes to make peace. After Cimon's death, his brother-in-law, the elder Thucydides, as defender of the aristocrats, opposed Pericles. He too was overcome in the unequal contest, and was exiled. PELOPONNESIAN WAR. HARDLY had the swarms of Xerxes left Greece, when internal dissension, which had been temporarily suppressed by the common danger, revived with renewed violence. Thus, there arose an almost uninterrupted series of internal wars in the country of Solon, Miltiades, Leonidas, and Aristides. The best blood and the principal power of the Greeks was spent in civil wars; and, after Cimon, almost all the Grecian heroes became great, not in foreign war, but in war against Greeks. It would be useless to enter into the detail of these wars. We advert to the great and general storm into which they finally passed, and which closed the beautiful days of Greece. This is the Peloponnesian war. Sparta could not forgive Athens for depriving her of the supremacy; and Athens no longer knew any bounds to her ambition; this was the real cause of the war. The immediate occasion of it is indifferent to us. The Spartans lent a willing ear to all the complaints of the smaller states, wished to become the liberators of Greece, because they could not be its masters, -equired of Athens to give an account of the injustice she was

　

　

GREECE. 163 ace ised of having committed, and declared war when her judg ment was rejected (3553). Almost all the Grecian states took part in this war-most for Sparta. The whole Peloponnesus was on its side-with the exception of Argos and a part of Achaia; on the continent, it was joine4 by the Megarians, Locrians, Phocians, most of the Baeotians, and a part of the Acurnanians. Sixty thousand Peloponnesians overwhelmed, in the first campaign,'the territory of Attica. On the contrary, Plataia, and afterwards Chios, Lesbos, Corcyra, Zacynthus, were united with Athens. Many other islands, as Eubaea, Samos, almost all the Cyclades, and Sporades, obeyed the same; and the large territory of Attica itself, with its many colonies and tributary provinces, far off in Ionia, on the Hellespont, in Thrace and Macedonia, supplied it with abundant resources. The first years of the war passed in a pretty uniform manner, with the desolation of Attica by the Peloponnesians, and with xeciprocal devastation of the Laconian and other hostile coasts by the Athenian fleet. Pericles, according to a wise plan, avoided a decisive battle, and founded his hopes on the fleet, and foreign resources. But a fearful plague ravaged Athens. A numberless multitude of fugitives had collected there from all parts of Attica, the contagion spread terribly, and the flower of the population was swept away by a cruel death. The Athenians, in the painful feeling of this calamity, accused Pericles of being its author. This long-revered leader of the people was divested of his dignities, and fined. Domestic trouble accompanied this unmerited misfortune. The plague deprived him of two sons, of whom one was his favourite. Then the people felt compassion and repentance, for the mistreatment of the hero. His dignities were restored to him, which he did not long enjoy. He died in the third year of the war. After administering the public treasury many years, he left less property than he had inherited from his father; and he who acquired an almost unbounded power over the most inquiet people, could boast with truth, "that he had never caused a citizen to put on mourning." Wat continued with all the fury which commonly attends civil wars, and in this instance was aggravated by the passions of the Populace, who were predominant in most of the states.

　

　

164 GENERAL HISTORY. The most bloody atrocities were perpetrated on Lesbos. which had withdrawn from Athens, on the part of Athens; and in Platea, on the part of Sparta. A terrible corruption of manners prevailed. The Spartans, distrustful of the superior number of the Helots, invited some thousands of them into their city, as if they were about to confer upon them the rights of citizens. The ceremony of emancipation took place, and during this ceremony the Helotb were murdered. A number of the noblest Spartans had been taken prisoners on Sphacteria, and the Athenian populace thirsted for their blood. On the other hand, the Athenians had lost Amphipolis against Brasidas. In order to regain this city, Cleon, a tanner by trade, but a favorite orator, marched thither with an army A battle was fought in which Cleon and Brasidas were slain, but the Athenians suffered great loss. This made them incline to listen to the proposals of peace which the Spartans made, anxious concerning the fate of their fellow citizens, who were captives. Nicias, a man of penetration, and skilled in war, a mild citizen, and, in his manner of thinking, a pure Greek, confirmed them in these sentiments, and a truce, called after him, was concluded for fifty years (3561), which, however, was neither general nor lasting. ALCIBIADES. FOR the unsettled interests of different members of the confederacy, the alliance of Athens with Argos, Mantinea, and Elis, but especially the disgraceful intrigues of Alcibiades, soon caused it to be broken (3563). This extraordinary man now commences his remarkable part. Of illustrious parentage, and the nephew of Pericles, wealthy, talented, cultivated by an excellent education and the instruction of SOCRATES; amiable and beautiful, but vain, frivolous, voluptuous, thirsting for glory and dominion, he seemed to unite in himself all vices and all virtues in full measure, and to be equally fitted to make a state prosperous or to destroy it. The destiny of Greece appeared to be joined to the person of this one man, and more than once, merely by the weight of his talents, the scale of Athens or Sparta was made to sink. But his influence was not limited to the direction of great affairs;

　

　

GREECE.-SICILY. 165 it penetrated into all the relations of civil and domestic life, and produced a remarkable, and almost destructive revolution by the power and abuse of a dangerous example, in,the manners and principles, and in the whole manner of thinking and acting of the Athenians. The most important enterprise of the whole Peloponnesian war, and which, at the same time, was the foundation of the final catastrophe-the attack of the Athenians upon Sicily, was the work of Alcibiades. The inhabitants of Egesta implored assistance against Selinus and Syracuse. Alcibiades supported the petition with enthusiastic zeal. He saw already in his mind, Syracuse, and with it all Sicily, subjected to the power of Athens. Carthage and Greecia Magna would then become an easy conquest by this great increase of its military resources, and the Peloponnesuswould not dare to make any further resistance. The inflammable youth of Athens were pleased with such brilliant prospects, and although the considerate Nicias, and many of the older citizens opposed it, the enterpise was agreed to by a decisive majority, and put into operation with enthusiastic zeal. Never yet had a European city prepared such a fleet as now sailed from the harbor of the Piruaus to Sicily, ufnder the direction of Nicias, Alcibiades and Lamachus, directed by the sanguine wishes of the citizens. SICILY. TRHE primitive history of this very remarkable island is extremely fabulous, and only thus much is known, that it was early-inhabited. It is said to have derived its name from the Siculi, who removed thither from the central part of Italy. It was otherwise called Trinacria, from its triangular form. The immigrations from Asia Minor, Phoenicia, and Greece, especially, happened in later times. These Grecian colonies were situated generally in the eastern part of the island. On the western part the Carthaginians settled, and supplanted the Greeks. Violent disturbances arose from their efforts to make themselves masters of the whole island. They would indeed have become victors over the isolated cities, had not the powerful Syracuse opposed their progress.

　

　

166 GENERAL HISTORY. This famous Corinthian colony had early become great by commerce, and glorious by arts. The basis of its constitution was aristocratic, but there often arose tyrants, great princes in part.o whom it was principally indebted for the elevation of its power. The noble Gelon, prince of Gela, and afterwards ruler of Syracuse, commences this series (3503). We have already mentioned his victory at Himera over the Carthaginians the allies of Xerxes. His brother, Hiero (3511), a friend of the sciences-Simonides, Pindar, and other great spirits adorned his court-and then Thrasybulus (3527) succeeded him. The last was expelled. Syracuse now adopted a democratical form of government, and, invigorated by freedom, was still more prosperous. Many colonies proceeded from it; several cities, even the opulent Agrigentum, were conquered, and Sicily seemed to have as much reason to fear the loss of its independence from Syracuse as from Carthage. The island was in this situation when Athens resolved to invade it (3570). It could depend upon numerous adherents among those who envied the power of Syracuse, and Alcibiades as skilled in negociation, as he was valiant in war, might have brought the enterprise, the consequences of which would have been immense, to a successful termination, and then, perhaps, Athens instead of Rome would have become the Empress of the world. But hardly was the first step taken in the execution, by the conquest of Catana, when a severe accusation was brought against Alcibiades on account of impiety, and he was summoned to appear before the tribunal of the people. A vessel was dispatched to bring the accused home; but he escaped, fled to Argos, and thence, when he heard of his condemnation, to Sparta, with vengeance against his fellow citizens in his heart. In the mean time Nicias had advanced before Syracuse. The besieged thought of surrendering already, when Gylippus brought them assistance, and inspired them with new courage. There were many engagements, which were glorious for both sides But a hostile destiny prostrated all the exertions of the Athenians Vanquished repeatedly by land and sea, they at length, after the loss of their fleet, commenced a retreat by land. Their army was still numerous, but dispirited, and enfeebled by sufferings. [

　

　

GREECE. 167 G(ylippus had gained possession of the passes. The retreat was one continual battle. By the river Asinarus, into the waves of which, the soldiers exhausted by thirst, had thrown themselves, it came to a dreadful decision. On the other side and around stood the enemy. Now there was a general attack. In vain Nicias endeavoured to restore order in his ranks; the Athenians permitted themselves to be slaughtered without resistance, until their general, overcome by pain sunk at the feet of Gylippus, and prayed not for his own life, but for the lives of his unfortu nate fellow citizens. Gylippus, moved with compassion, com manded his soldiers to c6ase from the slaughter, and dragged the remainder of the Athenian army-7,000 in number-.captives to Syracuse. The rage of the people threatened them all with death, and it was with difficulty that the more moderate citizens obtained the decree that they should be sold as slaves; but the honest Nicias was put to death. This was the end of an enterprise, which commenced with such brilliant hopes, and to which Athens during three years, had applied all her forces! Syracuse itself did not enjoy the fruits of this victory. It was now more violently disturbed than ever by in'ternal commotions. Hermocrates, the general, and Diodes, the legislator, were the leaders of the two principal parties. But military power at length gained the ascendancy over legislative wisdom, and a general, Dionysius, obtained the sovereignty (3579). MISFORTUNE OF THE ATHENIANS. -PROSPERITY. ALL terrors were now accumulated upon the Athenians. They were without a fleet and without an army-their treasury was exhausted-their allies, especially Eubcea, Chios, Lesbos, Miletus, in consideration of their helplessness, refused to grant assistance-the Peloponnesians threatened to invade Attica, and the Spartans had gained possession of Decelia, near the city itself. All the movements of their enemies were directed by Alcibiades. He endeavoured to excite even the Persian arms against Athens, whilst there was a violent fermentation in this unfortunate city, and the form of the government had been changed several times in succession, and at the same time the persons and number of its rulers. Then Alcibiades, until now the soul of the Spartan council,

　

　

168 GENERAL HISTORY. fell out with the king Agis, and was induced by the persecution this occasioned, to think of returning to his native country. Now he mitigated the zeal of the Satraps of Asia Minor, and endeavoured to change their sentiments in favor of Athens. The Athenians had already long repented of the injustice which they had done him, and he was recalled. But he, who had in the meantime, placed himself at the head of a newly manned fleet, overcame first the enemy in various brilliant battles, conquered the most important places on the Hellespont, made an immense booty, and then marched in glorious triumph through the ranks of rejoicing citizens into his paternal city.' Thrasylus and Thrasybulus had also fought with success. Sparta again sued for peace, which, Athens in the intoxication of victory, rejected with scorn. Alcibiades conducted the fleet anew against the enemy, at whose head was Lysander, an intriguing man, skilled in military affairs, and unprincipled, who in public as well as in private matters, sacrificed all regard for honour and justice to policy. By cringing solicitation, he obtained the friendship of the younger Cyrus, governor of Asia Minor, and considerable pecuniary aid. Alcibiades went to Lonia to raise subsidies. Then, during his absence, Antiochus his representative was beaten by Lysander, and he on this account was again condemned by the enraged people, and compelled to go into voluntary exile to Thrace. Ten generals, among whom was Conon, supplied his place; a splendid naval victory near the Arginusae renewed the courage of Athens. FALL OF ATHENS..- LYSANDER. FINALLY, in the twenty seventh year of this war, the decisive battle of XEgospotamos was fought (3579). Lysander there attacked and destroyed the army and fleet of the Athenians. Three thousand prisoners were slain in cold blood after the battle After this, Lysander subdued the maratlme places around, which still obeyed Athens, sent all its citizens back, and this unfortunate city, overfilled with men, deprived of the means of support or of defence, saw itself soon besieged by sea and land, by a merciless enemy. Athens sued for peace; but Sparta granted it only on the severest conditions. This once far-ruling city was obliged to renounce all its foreign possessions; the queen of the sea was to keep only twelve galleys; the powerful rival of

　

　

GREECE. 169 Sparta wa~ now to fight for her in all wars as a subjected ally, and her proud rampart, the long walls and the fortress of the Piraeus, were to be destroyed. Lysander with haughty insolence ordered them to be torn down amidst the sound of musical instruments, and then in order to make fast the bonds of Athens, abolished its old constitution, and gave all power to thirty men — with justice called the " thirty tyrants" —who, he had reason to expect, as elevated by him, would govern for the interest of Sparta and himself. This was conformable to the principles, which both parties had pursued for a long time. Wherever Athens was powerful by its influence or arms, democracy was favored; and where Sparta was victorious, some form of aristocratic government was introduced. This policy —although artful, and but too well calculated-increased the animosity; since with the war of arms it associated that of opinions, and aggravated the misery of the people, because it united the horrors of an internal, with those of an external war. The thirty tyrants, after they had secured their dominion by a Spartan garrison, and by arming some citizens who were devoted to them-a sufficient disgrace that such should be foundcaused the Athenians to feel all the ignominy, and all the misery of the hardest slavery. Their persecution reached every wealthy and every honest citizen; he was lost who incurred the hatred or suspicion of them or their adherents; nothing was heard of but banishment, confiscation, execution, and shameless violence. Those who had the best sentiments, and the nobler portion of the people, left their native country in crowds; but Sparta had forbidden the reception of the fugitives. They wandered about unsettled; some found with difficulty, in Thebes and Megara, a miserable asylum. There was only one among the thirty tyrants (Theramenes), who respected justice and humanity. He was dragged to death by the command of Critias. In this affliction, some turned their looks to the long-exiled Alcibiades. He, also, at a distance, was occupied with plans of deliverance. In vain he had warned the generals on the -,Egos; now he designed to arm the Persian king for Athens; but Iysander's vigilance and Pharnabazus' treachery stifled the plan in his blood. Thrasybulus was more fortunate who, without foreign assistVOL. I.- W

　

　

170 GENERAL HISTOIY. ancte, by the resolution of a few citizens, accomplished the libte ration of his country. At the head of a small armed band, which Lysias, the orator, had assembled, Thrasybulus, with other exiles, made an irruption into Attica, overcame the mercenaries of the tyrants, marched into Athens, and effected the removal of the thirty. But, when the ten men who were substituted did not manage better, and Sparta protected by force of arms the oligarchs, Thrasybulus effecfed-by courage and prudence, and favored by the moderation of the Spartan king, Pausanias-the abrogation of all tyranny, and the restoration of the old consti tution, which was a consolation for the loss of power. This was the end of Athens' dominion, 75 years after the battle of Salamis, the time of its origin. Much that is great, this city had accomplished during that time. It had established forever the empire of taste and wisdom, and at the same time the glory of the Hellenes; had broken the power of the Persian king, and had liberated Greece, at least from foreign dominion, although it had oppressed the same. SPARTA'S ASCENDENCY. THE history of the Spartan supremacy, from the battle of /Egospotamos to that of Leuctra, exhibits to'us an almost uninterrupted series of crimes; and, notwithstanding the continued splendor of arms, the decline of the nobler glory of the Greeks, and the foundation of their corruption. For it was no more that old Sparta, which atoned for much evil with as much good, and reconciled us. with its rudeness and military insolence by the honourable virtues of self-control, moderation, patriotism, and love of freedom. Now, enriched by war, extortion and tribute, it had combined the vices of rudeness with those of corruption; it had augmented them: the passions, which were for a long time forcibly suppressed by Lycurgus' laws, had at length found vent, and exercised now, as a wild stream which' has broken through the confining dam, a boundless rage. Besides this, the spirit of the constitution was altered, although the form remained. The ephori had become haughty, and real oligarchs. The kings, as well as the people, feared them. The limited duration of their office (one year) urged them to be the

　

　

GREECE. 171 more assiduous in their robbery. They were insatiable; everything, even the lives of the citizens, they sold,-since they received gold instead of troopS from their allies, and, therefore, levied their own citizens, but for less pay,-and their example authorised a general, shameless corruptibility, and even forcible extortion, Of the Spartan character, nothing remained but its insensible hardness. The pretended liberators of Greece became its tyrants. Opposition to their commands, or only the manifestation of aversion, was considered a capital crime. Lysander caused eight hundred of the inhabitants of Miletus to be put to death, because they had incurred his displeasure, and the decemvirates, established by Sparta in most of the cities, were governments of terror, as that of the thirty in Athens. It is difficult to say whether the Greeks at this time deserve more compassion, or more contempt; for everywhere the Spartans found ready assistants, as well as passive victims of their tyranny. For the sanguinary Lysander, to whom human rights, words and oaths, were only playthings, altars were erected, and Socrates was put to death. NEW PERSIAN WAR.-PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS EVEN the fame of the Grecian arms was now stained, because it was generally acquired in unjust and disgraceful wars. The victors of Salamis and Plataa, became Persian hirelings, sometimes to support a rebel, sometimes to fight against their own brethren. Such was the expedition of the 13,000 Greeks in the service of Cyrus, governor of Asia Minor, against his lawful king and brother. But we have already spoken of this in the Persian history. The further war occasioned by this, the unjust triumphs of a Dercyllidas, and of an Agesilaus, are also mentioned there. This last named Spartan king owed his elevation to Lysander; but he soon freed himself from his influence, and by this means, caused that imperious man to form a treacherous project. This was, however, discovered, before it was ripe, and Lysander escaped punishment,only by his death, which happened in a battle against the Thebans.

　

　

172 GENERAL HISTORY Then, whilst Agesilaus was pursuing his victorious caet. In Asia, internal war had broken out again in Greece. Too late the smaller states perceived, that' their fate had grown worse by the fall of Athens, and that despots void of all shame had acquired the Hegemonie. So lively was this feeling that all particular relations and enmities were forgotten, and even Thebes and Corinth made common cause with Athens. In various battles Sparta had fought with disadvantage. Then, she called Agesilaus away from his victorious career in Asia, to protect her domestic power. He obeyed the call, fled to the plains of Coronea, beat the enemy in an extremely obstinate battle (3590), and confirmed, by that'means, the Spartan dominion. But the Athenian, Conon, had already annihilated this by sea. This skilful admiral had prevailed on the Persian king to fit out a fleet against the formidable Spartans. Conon commanded it; and obtained, at Cnidos, a decisive victory over the enemies of his country. He entered the Piraeus in triumph, and restored by Persian gold, the works that had been destroyed by Lysander. The war was continued seven years with various success. The Persians inclined again to the Spartan side. Athens regained its prosperity by Iphicrates and Chabrias. Then, the Spartans concluded with Persia the notorious peace (3597), called after the negotiator, Antalcidas, which was the most humiliating counterpiece to the glorious peace of Cimon. For the Asiatic Greeks, who had been liberated by the former peace, were subjected again to the Persians. Of the islands, Lemnos was to belong to the Athenians, but the rest were to be free. By this peace the Spartans maintained the preponderance in Greece. But a too insolent attempt-which might be a warning example for all times-wrested this power from them forever. On an expedition against the rebellious Olynthus, Phebidas, in the midst of peace, and without any provocation, attacked Thebes, which was disturbed by internal dissension, and took possession of the citadel Cadmeis (3606). Sparta established an oligarchy in Thebes, which, with other acts of violence, banished four hundred of the best citizens. Among these was Pelopidas, who, as Thrasybulus had done before for Athens, but with less resources, liberated his paternal city from tMhe tyrants, and drove the Spartans from Cadmeis.

　

　

GREECE. 173 This was the beginning of the war, which precipitated Sparta from its high power. The Athenians united with Thetes. Many battles were fought by sea and land. Timotheus, Conon's son, obtained more glory than Pelopidas, who for the first time in the battle at Tegyra, exhibited the formidableness of the Theban arms. By the mediation of the Persian king, a peace was now concluded between the Greeks. Thebes was alone excluded. The whole weight of the Spartan power now fell upon Thebes a strong army under the king Cleombrotus, made an irruption into Boeotia, but the battle at Leuctra (3613), where Epaminondas and Pelopidas, with one fourth of the forces of the enemy, gained a brilliant victory, terminated the odious dominion of Sparta. EPAMINONDAS AND PELOPIDAS. -THE GRANDEUR OF THEBES. THEBEs had till that time played a very subordinate part. It was almost without influence abroad, internal dissension consumed its strength, and Sparta trampled upon its rights without fear. Then two men appeared, Eparinondas and Pelopidas, who liberated and elevated their fallen country, composed the civil contention, obtained acknowledged ascendancy over the Bceotian people, formed its youth for well disciplined warriors, and collected around themselves an invincible band of heroes, (the sacred band of three hundred Theban youths, all of whom wisely fostered patriotic enthusiasm, elevated by desire of glory and enthusiastic feelings of friendship-made heroes,) and then with powerful blows they overthrew the formidable dominion of Sparta, gave laws to Thessaly and Macedonia, and made the Theban name great in all Greece. But when they had accomplished this, anid had completed their heroic career, which was too much shortened by a severe destiny, Thebes awoke from her dream of dominion, and her grandeur fell to ruin, as a structure the foundations of which have given away. After the battle of Leuctra, Epaminondas fell with great power into the Peloponnesus. Sparta, which a little before ruled to a great distance, could now hardly protect its own walls. The flower of its youth was slain, those subjected to its sceptre and its allies, deserted. In this storm, Agesllaus showed

　

　

174 GENERAL HISTORY. himself as a hero worthy to fight against Epaminondas. With all his military art and efforts, he was unable to make himself master of Sparta. The Athenians concluded an alliance with their old enemy, and the proud victress on the./Egos, gianted to Athens a common direction. Epaminondas avoided in his retreat, the army of Iphicrates, and left the Peloponnesus. He had sufficiently humbled Sparta. He had restored to the recalled Messenians the country of their fathers, and had imposed a check upon the Laconian power, for the future, on two sides, by the new-built Messene, and by the strong place of arms, Megalopolis in Arcadia. Epaminondas and Pelopidas at their return were summoned before a criminal tribunal because they had retained their authority beyond the time fixed by law. With difficulty they escaped condemnation. Now, for six years there was a kind of armistice in Greece. Pelopidas in the meantime, invited by the nations of Thessaly, made some splendid expeditions against Alexander, the tyrant of Pherae. In the last he lost his life. He had before adjusted a contention for the throne in Macedonia by his decision. On this occasion the young Philip was brought to Thebes, as a hostage. By his intercourse with Epaminondas, the genius of this prince was cultivated, which was to prove afterwards so destructive to all Greece, and to Thebes in particular. A quarrel between Tegea and Mantinea caused now a new expedition of Epaminondas into the Peloponnesus. In the vicinity of Mantinea was fought the memorable battle, which was to decide Thebes' or Sparta's greatness (3631). Epaminondas' excellent order of battle gained the victory. At the moment when he was about to secure it he was struck by a spear. He was carried into his tent, and, when he perceived that his shield was saved, and the enemy had fled, he drew the steel joyfully from the wound, and the hero's soul took its flight. Thus died "the first of the Greeks," according to Cicero's judgment. GREECE SUBJUGATED BY MACEDONIA. AFTER the battle of Mantinea, most of the states concluded peace. Sparta and Thebes only were not reconciled, but weakness prevented them from continuing the war. Agesilaus, who

　

　

GREECE 175 had seen the humiliation of his country, and had indeed occasioned it, fled from its sight, by an adventurous mi itary expedition into Egypt, on which he died. Athens carried on a three years' war against its faithless allies, such as Chios, Cos, Rhodes and Byzantium. The excellent generals, Ipicrates and Timotheus, in accordance with the will of a fickle populace, were obliged to yield to the frivolous Chares. Much blood was spilt in vain. Tile allies remained free. The relation of the Grecian states was now similar to that which had existed before the Persian wars. The Hegemonie had ceased. The system'was isolation, under the name of freedom. Yet, as Greece possessed the same extent of countries, and the same number of inhabitants, and with its increased prosperity, certainly more military stength, than at the time of Xerxes, the same political ties also, as formerly, still existed, with the exception of the Hegemonie-so it might have been as formidable abroad as then, unless between now and then the essential difference had existed, which is between youth and the weakness of age, or between the condition of a union first forming itself, and that of commencing dissolution. The ideas of fatherland, freedom and noble glory, had lost their power of inspiration; their place was supplied by base selfishness, miserable sensuality, insolerne, envy, and inveterate hatred; the recollection of ancestors caused vain pride, no emulation; a degenerated race walked over the still recent graves of heroes. Besides, destiny gave to declining Greece, in the neighbouring Macedonia, which was in youthful vigour, and in its great prince Philip, its most formidable enemy. The subjection of Greece was the object of his efforts from the moment of his accession to the throne, which he pursued with unshaken perseverence for many years, and with incessant labor, and finally attained. Employing by turns flattery and menace, artifice and power, gold and iron, he was enabled to use the Greeks tllern selves as instruments for the ruin of Greeks. With the trea sures of one city, he purchased adherents in the second; with the blood of one people, the subjugation of another; and when the flame of public spirit, wakened by imperious necessity, blazed up once more in the degraded, dissevered and betrayed Greece, and once more the watch-word "fatherland and freedom,"

　

　

176 GENERAL HISTORY. resounded in the Grecian ranks, then it was suppressed by the victorious phalanx, in Chaeeronea's deadly field (3646). The dominion of Macedonia commences with this catastrophe. With its history, that of the Greeks is now connected. MACEDONIA. PRIMITIVE HISTORY. THE primitive history of Macedonia, as well as that of the neighboring Thrace, is obscure and of little interest. Civilization, which had here very early emitted a faint light-Orpheus was from Thrace-was lost again, and complete barbarism prevailed for centuries. In Macedonia, when Caranus, a Heraclide, went thither from Argos, and established himself in Edessa (3170), about 150 hordes are said to have wandered around. His conquests formed, according to tradition, the foundation of a kingdom, which was afterwards considerably increased by Perdiccas, his greatagrandson (3271), and lasted till the Roman dominion650 years. Darius Hystaspes subjected Macedonia and Thrace on his Scythian expedition. Both countries became again free by the victories of the Greeks. The colonies of the latter increased its population and its prosperity. Perdiccas II. (3548), prudently took part in the Peloponnesian war against Athens. At the court of Archelaus (3571), Euripides' tragedies were played. The country arose from barbarism, cities were built, highways were constructed, and agriculture flourished. But afterwards it was ravaged by long internal wars, particularly under the sons of Amyntas II. (3614). Illyrians, Thracians, Athenians and Thebans mingled in these; Pelopidas carried the youngest prince, Philip, as a hostage to Thebes. He, when his two elder brothers had died, and new pretenders to the crown had arisen, escaped from Thebes, and was at first declared guardian of his young nephew, Amyntas III. by the Macedonians, but soon after (because the exigency of the times required an energetic ruler) king (3625).

　

　

G R E E C E.-MACEON I A. 17 PHILIP II. WiHEN Philip ascended the throne, Macedonia was in extreme disorder, lacerated by internal discord, and was the derision ano prey of its neighbours. Twenty years later, it had arisen to a high degree of power, was full of youthful courage and prosperity. Its dominion had extended widely over the barbarian nations, from the Adriatic to the Black Sea, and over the woody neights of Haemus to the waves of the Ister. The great king, who had previously considered Macedonia as the least of his tributary countries, already regarded its increasing greatness with foreboding apprehension. The Thracian, Illyrian, and Dardanian tribes, which Philip conquered first, aided the king by their military virtue, in the extension of his conquests. The country between the Strymon and Nestus was a precious acquisition, the mines of which, in Pangrus, yielded him annually a thousand talents. But all this, and also the conquest of the coast cities, Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, and the powerful Olynthus, was only a preparation for the accomplishment of his chief design-the subjection of Greece. The Grecian people had indeed sunk low. The sons of Greece possessed no longer public spirit or patriotism. Republican strictness was supplanted by effeminacy and luxury; narrowminded selfishness had banished zeal for the general welfare, intestine discord had consumed the best forces of the Greeks. The Greeks could no longer be free and independent, because they had ceased to deserve this. Yet the conquest of this people was a gigantic undertaking for the princes of Macedonia, whose ancestors had considered themselves honoured by being placed on the list of Athenian citizens, and whose throne was for a long time dependent on the mercy of Thebes. What patriotism no longer did, could be effected in the minds of the Greeks by smaller, more immediate interests-nay, the burning words of a Demosthenes, were able to inspire the most indolent to manly resolves; and one moment of concord among the Greeks, had crushed the power of Macedonia in its origin. To delay this dreaded moment, was Philip's most important concern; and in this, he succeeded by the trirmph of his political adroitness, his perseverance, and impenetrable dissimulation. Since the name VOL. I.- X 12

　

　

178 GENERAL HISTORY. and influence of a Barbarian was odious, he endeavoured to pass himself for a Greek, and to prove this by his language and manaers. In all the cities he gained adherents-particularly among the public speakers-since he corrupted theIm by flattery or gifts, or by the loans which he received, and united their interest with his own. He disseminated distrust and discord among the Greek states; one, he amused by promises and concessions of little value; occupied another, by the excitement of internal war; and, by his apparent moderation, lulled them all into a dangerous security. When he interfered in the affairs of the Greeks, he did it by invitation, as mediator, defender, or executor of the public resolutions. Thus, he was invited by the chiefs of the Thessalians, the Aleuadae, to come to their assistance against Lycophron, tyrant of Pherae. He conquered him (3632), and now ruled himself, in Thessaly. Soon after this, the Thebans implored his aid against the Phocians and, opened to him, by this means, the gates of Hellas. This holy war-it was thus called, because it was carried on for the interest of a god-was the immediate cause of the ruin of Greece. The Thebans, from old enmity, had obtained a sentence of punishment from the Amphictyons against the Phocians, who had cultivated some of Apollo's fields, and had brought the latter to the desperate resolution of robbing the Delphic temple of its treasures. By this means, they were enabled to offer a most desperate resistance. This war, which was carried on with fanatic rage, lasted ten years. Athens and Sparta fought for the Phocians; they, themselves, were inflamed to valour by the three brothers, Philomenus, Onomarchus, and Phayllus, who, as generals, died in succession the death of heroes. Thebes, wearied with this war, called the wily Philip to its assistance. He came, vanquished the Phocians, and obtained as a reward, with the glory of a religious prince, two votes in the council of the Amphictyons, which the robbers of the god had before possessed; and, by this means, a legal influence in Grecian affairs (3640). But two men, Demosthenes and Phocion, checked him in hiscareer; the first, by the enthusiasm which he communicated to the people from the rostrum, by the searching look with which he penetrated the designs of Philip, by the indefatigableness

　

　

G REECE.-MACEDONIA. 179 with which he opposed him; the second, the saviour of Perinthus and Byzantium, by his great military talents, and ancient Grecian virtue. A second sacred war brought on the final catastrophe. The Locriansof Amphissa,who had made themselves masters of the harbor of Cirrha, claimed by the Delphic Apollo, were proscribed by the Amphictyons. Philip obtained the commission to execute this decree. He marched through Thermopylae, and-dissimulation appeared to him no longer necessary-made himself master of the strong Elatea. The Greeks awoke from their slumber and were dismayed. Then Demosthenes' overpowering eloquence effected an alliance between Thebes and Athens, notwithstanding their mutual hatred. The Achaeans, the Corinthians, and others, hastened to the defence of freedom. It was a last ebullition of patriotism. At Chueronea, in Boeotia, the armies met (3646). The battle was bloody. Philip's discretion gained the victory over the impetuous ardour of the Greeks. This was the last day of Grecian freedom. The moderation of the king completed the subjection of Greece. Some severity was practiced against Thebes only; Athens obtained good conditions of peace. Deputies from all the Grecian states were to meet at Corinth, to hear the proposals of the victor. All was lost; further opposition appeared impossible. Now the friends of Macedonia triumphed everywhere; patriots were dumb, resigning their hopes to the far future; the multijude, astonished and spiritless, looked for their welfare to the victor's mercy. Yet Ph'ilip dared not proclaim himself king, knowing well, that this people adhered more to names and forms than to things; he, however, caused himself to be appointed generalissimo of the Greeks, by the assembly at Corinth, against the Persians, who were pursued by the nation's hereditary hatred. Sparta alone sent no deputies to Corinth. The armies were already assembled-the court of Susa already trembled-when fate interfered, and carried off the king. In the midst of his friends and servants, surrounded by relations and favorites, he was struck, on a day devoted to joy and reconciliation, by the fatal sword, which his own wife had given to the murderer, and which his son had not wrested from him (3648). i_.H~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~'

　

　

GENERAL HISTORY. ALEXANDER THE GREAT. THIS soil, Alexander, upon whom at least the suspicion of his farther's murder rests, had already, in his early youth, attracted the admiring and apprehending looks of nations, by his early maturing talents for ruling, and his burning desire for glory, which exhibited itself in word and deed. His father, himself, with a prophetic spirit, told him to seek another kingdom, that Macedonia was too small for him; and nations might forebode in the tears which the young Alexander shed at the news of Philip's victories, because his father would leave nothing for him to conquer, those streams of blood and tears which his greatness would cost them. When Philip died, the vanquished nations seized their arms-as had the general signal of freedom sounded -to overthrow Macedonia's odious dominion. In this threatening position, there were many who advised Alexander to conjure the storm by mildness and concession. But he, feeling the whole importance of the moment, rejected these timid counsels, and resolved to paralyze internal and external rebels separately, by sudden force and terror, before they had gained time to unite for his destruction. Therefore, he marched suddenly and formidably around with his trusty soldiers, crushing all opposition, but granting mercy to the penitent. The descqndants of the victors of Marathon and Platena, sought, now, their welfare in speedy submission. They considered it fortunate for them that Alexander was pleased, as previously his father, to [e called the general of the Greeks against the Persians. But when the king went far away from the composed Greece, to subdue the bolder barbarians, a second insurrection broke out, principally in Thebes, which, however, Alexander suppressed by an exceedingly quick return, and by the conquest of Thebes. This unfortunate city was destroyed amidst the sound of trumpets-a terrific example to others-and, with the exception of Pindar's family, all the inhabitants were put to death, or sold as slaves. Now, the debasing flattery of the Greeks knew no bounds. Alexander's appointment for generalissimo was renewed with rejoicing, and the bloody work was soon commenced. The defensive preparations of the Persians were without energy or con

　

　

MACEDONIA. 18I oexion.. Instead of defending the Hellespont, they established themelves on the Granicus (3650), and were easily overpowered by the first impetuosity of the Macedonian hero. Asia Minor was the reward of this victory, and the fleet, fitted out from the cities of Ionia, an important reinforcement. Darius, following his destiny, had conducted the Persian army into the Cilician passes, forgeting what once at Marathon, and what at Salamis had brought destruction upon condensed forces. He saw the ruin of his army, abandoned his rich camp and his family to the victor, and fled, full of grief and astonishment, into the interior of his Empire. Alexander marched irresistibly through the flourishing maratime countries of Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, down as far as the Egyptian boundary. Tyre only, mistress of the sea, which under the Persian sceptre enjoyed a mild government, strong by its fleet and insular position, resolved to resist. Its conquest, after a fearful contest of seven months was the triumph of military art and inflexible perseverance; but the terrible lot, which now happened to the city and the noble Tyrians, is perhaps the most detestable stain in the sanguinary history of Alexander. The immense sacrifices which Darius now offered to obtain peace, were rejected by the haughty victor with scorn, and, after the conquest of Gaza, Egypt, which always hated the Persians, was easily subdued (3652). With trouble and danger, Alexander now made a pilgrimage through the Libyan desert to the famoTus oasis, where the ancient temple of Jupiter Ammon stood. the priests of which declared him the son of the god (3659,). From Egypt, where he erected the most magnificent monument to his glory by the building of Alexandria, he set out at length for Central Asia. On the plains of Arbela, the last decisive blow took place (3654). It was to be foreseen. Yet, fate is again visible in the manner in which misfortune happened to Darius, and in its consummation. The heart of the Persian states, the royal Babylon and Susa, filled with the treasures of Asia, and, after a bold march through the mountain passes, the venerable Persepolis now fell into the victor's power. Here it was, where the intoxicated Alexander, at the suggestion of the Athenian courtezan, Thais, burned the most sacred national monument of the Persians.

　

　

182 GENERAL HISTORY The rapid conquest of the northern provinces, Media, Parthia, Hyrcania, Margiana, and Aria, whither Darius had fled after his defeat, showed that Alexander knew not only how to conquer, but how to make use of victory. Darius suffered a sad death by the hand of the traitor Bessus. The irresistible progress of Alexander had accelerated the murder of Darius. The persecution and subsequent execution of Bessus, (3656) (or Artaxerxes IV., as the usurper styled himself,) was the work of policy and of enmity, not of the love of justice. Alexander himself, was not only a throne-robber, but had already fallen so low as to become a murderer: he had been present at the torture of Philotas, and the father of the last Parmenio, his truest friend and servant, he caused to be put to death in an assassin-like manner. Soon after, he murdered Clitus, his foster-brother and saviour, with his own hand. The heat of intoxication and Clitus' imprudence may mitigate the atrocity of this crime; but (Calisthenes' execution (3657)-the revenge for refused adora tion-is a crime forever revolting. The desireof surpassing the glory of the ancient heroes, whose expeditions to India lived in tradition, urged Alexander to invade this remote country. After he had subdued the Evergetes, Arachosii, and the nations of Bactriana, Sogdiana, and Paropamisus, he marched with his Macedonians, who were long since satiated with war, into the populous country of northern India (Panjab). Its inhabitants, the ancestors of the Seiks and Marattes of the present day, belonged to the Indian caste of warriors; hence their brave resistance. His alliance with the king Taxiles facilitated, however, the progress of Alexander. He passed the Indits, then the Hydaspes, (Behat or Chelum,) defeated the heroic Parus, whom he afterwards made his friend, and farther, over the great Acesines (Schenaub) and Hydraotes (Rauvi), as far as the Hyphasis (Bejah), near the separating line of the great river districts of the Indus and Ganges. He possessed already in his mind the treasures of the India beyond, when the decided refusal of his soldiers to go farther, compelled him to return (3658). Displeased, he commenced his return by the country of the Malb (Multan) to the Hydaspes, then proceeded upon this river into the Acesines, from this into the Indus, and upon the last, as far as the ocean, subduing all the nations on both banks. He now caused the fleet under Nearchus, to perform the interesting

　

　

MACEDONIA. 183 voyage from the mouth of the Indus to the Persian Gulf, and went with the land forces through the deserts of Gedrosia and Carmania to Persis, and from thence back to Babylon. Three fourths of his troops were destroyed by hunger and disease, but after they had withstood their distress, the expedition of these world-stormers was disgraced by uninterrupted bacchanalia. In Babylon, Alexander gave audience to the deputies and governors of the provinces, and to the ambassadors of distant nations, abolished-this he had also done upon his journeymany abuses of administration, distributed rewards and punishments, and formed great plans for the future, in reference to the organization of his Empire, as well as to its enlargement. It is not known precisely what these plans were. But this is known, that he was desirous of uniting permanently all the parts of his immense empire into one closely connected whole. Grecian freedom, arts and sciences, were to thrive on the Indus, Oxus, and in the Hyrcanian forests, and-how could this great whole be otherwise kept together? —Greeks and Macedonians were to learn to obey like Persians. The capital was to be Babylon, the ancient city of kings, situated in the centre of the then known world, and by this position adapted for an easy communication with the most distant nations, by land and water. But these blessings of civilization, of prosperity and enlightenment, were not to remain confined to the extent of one, although large Empire; all the nations of the earth were to be called to participation in them. The furthest possible extension of commerce, and the force of arms and conquests, still more to be relied on, were to be the means of realizing this great idea, and at the same time of making Alexander the ruler of the world. With this intention, Alexander is said to have designed after the previous conquest of Arabia, which was most requisite to complete the connexion of his states, to circumnavigate Africa from the Red Sea, by those courses which the Phoenician navigators had pursued under the auspices of Necho, to conquer all nations in this part of the world, then to steer to the straits of Gibraltar, into the Mediterranean Sea, and to receive the allegiance of its inhabitants, especially of the Romans and Carthagenians, and, finally, after completing the conquest of the world, tu return from the west to his paternal kingdom, fromr which he had proceeded eastward.

　

　

184 GENERAL HISTORY. But fate permitted him to perform nothing more. The Macedonian hero died in the thirty second year of his age, by drink, by poison, or by exhaustion, and his imperfect work was destroyed amidst the most violent commotions. DISMEMBERMENT OF ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. AFTER the death of Alexander, confusion and blood-shed prevailed for three and twenty years in all the countries of his vast Empire, Not the least of nations and their interests appears in this long period, with the exception of some movement in Greece, and perhaps the adherence of the Babylonians to Seleucus. We see nothing but generals and soldiers who quarrel about the division of a herd without a master, and in this contention lacerate themselves among one another, as well as this herd, with frantic rage. There are few periods in history so lamentable as this. Alexander had left a numerous family, mostly collateral relations; then his mother Olympias, some widows also, among whom was Roxana, who did not give birth to the proper heir, Alexander Agaeus, until after Alexander's death. Not one of them was qualified to hold the reins of the empire in those troublesome times. The only tie, which held the states of Alexander together, was the army. But this adhered closely to its generals, who, in the consciousness of their power, disdained to yield obedience to minors, weak-minded persons, or women. There was no other resource but division of the Empire among these potin. tates. But how could this be peaceably effected among passionate, ambitious men, who had been accustomed to decide by the sword? Therefore, although at first, from mutual fear, or from a remnant of respect for the royal house, the name of dominion was given to Alexander's relatives, and the government of the provinces merely to the generals; soon after, the most bloody wars broke out, and amidst the most violent commotion, the whole house of Alexander, as if to atone for the guilt of its head, was exterminated by assassins and executioners. The most important of Alexander's generals were Perdiccas, Antipater, and his son Cassander, Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus Antigonus, with his son Demetrius, and Eumenes. At first, by common consent, Perdiccas-to whom Alexander

　

　

MACEDONIA. 185 when dying, had given his ring-was appointed regent of the Empire. Philip Arrhidueus, Alexander's half-brother, who aftervvards married Eurydice, his father's niece, was to be king in common with Roxana's infant son. The provinces were divided among the generals. But soon a civil war arose, and Perdiccas was slain by his own soldiers (3662). Hereupon, Antipater, to whom Alexander had intrusted the administration of the European provinces, was elected in the place of Perdiccas, (3663). This discerning regent died in the same year, and transferred by his will the regency, not to his son Cassander, whose passionate character he feared, but to his brother in arms, Polysperchon. But Cassander declared himself the enemy of Polysperchon and of Olympias, who hastened to his assistance. Philip Arrhidaus and his consort Eurydice adhered to him. But Olympias conquered them, and caused both to be executed; but she herself was killed\ by the order of Cassander (3668), who, afterwards, caused the young Alexander, and his mother, Roxana, to be put to death (3674). In Asia, Antigonus, a descendant of Temenus, had obtained Asia Minor as a province. IHe strove indefatigably to enlarge his power by intrigue and arms. He conquered first Eumenes, the sole friend of Alexander's house, and caused him to be put to death. The murderer now marched against Seleucus, who governed Babylon. The latter fled to Egypt, where Ptolemy ruled, and induced him to form an alliance with him, into which Cassander in Macedonia, and Lysimachus in Thrace, also entered. For many years a bloody war desolated these countries. Ptolemy obtained a great victory, and Seleucus, supported by the love of his people, re-conquered Babylon (3672). Yet, Antigonus, by his own and his son's (Demetrius, surnamed Poliorcetes —the besieger of cities,) valour and military knowledge, retained the superiority, and dictated (3678) a peace, which left him the greater part of his conquests. But soon, a new war broke out, in which Antigonus and Demetrius obtained at first brilliant victories, but at last suffered a complete defeat from their combined enemies near Ipsus, a small town of Phrygia (3683). The bold, but rough and never-satiated Antigonus, who was eightyfour years old, lost here the dominion of Asia and his life. Demetrius fled to save the remains of his power in Greece. The victorious generals divided the prey among themselves, and VOL. I.-Y

　

　

186 GENERAL HISTORY. since, at the same time, they assumed (with the exception of Cas sander) the independent title of kings, even the appearance of a union of Alexander's states now ceased; the separated masses are consolidated into proper kingdoms, which, notwithstanding the national diversity of their subjects, appear by the origin of their royal families, by the preservation of some features of the NMacedonian constitution and customs, and by their many reciprocal connexions in peace and war, as one coherent system of states. NEW KINGDOMS. To this system of states belong principally, 1, Macedonia and Greece, which still have a particular connexion, so that their history must be related in conjunction; 2, the great Syrian kingdom, founded by Seleucus, (who was surnamed Nicator, from his mafry victories,) containing the principal part of the ancient Persian Empire; the Parthian and the reviving Jewish state are separated parts of it; 3, the Egyptian kingdom, founded by Ptolemy Lagi, the most durable of all; 4, several smaller kingdoms, especially of Asia Minor, the history of which is inevitably appended to that of some of the neighbouring states, which by a common fate of subjection to Rome, are somewhat connected. 1. NEW-MACEDONIA AND GREECE. ANTIPATER.-THE DISASTERS OF MACEDONIA. As much as Philip and Alexander had distinguished the Greeks before all conquered nations, and, with sage forbearance, left them the name and form of their old constitution, nevertheless, the loss of their independence and the staining of their national glory was painfully felt, and the most intense hatred existed in the hearts of most Greeks against this foreign dominion. When Alexander was penetrating victoriously into the heart of Asia, he captured the Grecian deputies who were to negotiate an alliance with Darius, and soon he received the news of an insur

　

　

NEW-MACEDONIA AND GREECE 187 rectlon, which had broken out in the Peloponnesus Agis II., king of Sparta, dreaming of ancient grandeur, ventured to enter the lists against Antipater, whom Alexander had left as governor of the European Provinces. But, the Peloponnesian forces which he had collected, were dispersed at Megalapolis (3654), and Agis was put to death. There was a secret fermentation in the Grecian cities. The disgrace they had suffered seemed to have awakened some sparks of their ancient spirit. The multitude was, almost everywhere for freedom, the more wealthy and eminent, for Macedonia, or at least, for a prudent moderation and accommodation to the circumstances of the time. Then the news of Alexander's death was spread; and the Greeks, with almost unanimous enthusiasm took up arms. Only Bceotia and Sparta, which still bled with recent wounds, and Achaia and Argos, menaced by the Macedonian garrison in Corinth, remained quiet. Demosthenes' orations resounded everywhere, and increased the fire. Athens was at the head; Leosthenes general. The times of Themistocles seemed to have returned. Antipater, with all the forces which he can collect, hastens thither, is beaten, and besieged in Lamia. Leonnatus conducts a reinforcement from Asia, loses a battle and his life (3662)'. Athens is full of rejoicings; Phocion, only, looking more profoundly into the situation of things, predicts misfortunes. Leosthenes had already fallen before Lamia, and Craterus had marched with a large force to the relief of the fortress. The Greeks suffered a bloody defeat, and Antipater, as cunning as he was brave, separated the coalition, and prescribed to separate states the articles of peace or subjection. On Athens, in particular, he imposed-as formerly Lysander —an aristocratic government, and demanded the surrender of the leaders of the people. Among these was Demosthenes, who, having been overtaken in flight, chose a voluntary death, which was worthy of the orator of freedom. Phocion, the mediator of this peace, was placed at the head of the government. Antipater's death gave the signal for new storms. For Polysperchon, his successor, observing that the aristocratic authorities established by Antipater, generally adhered to his son Cassandei, declared for the democratic party; which, now, in many cities, although amidst violent storms, obtained the supre

　

　

18(8 GENERAL HISTORY. macy. This happened, also, in Athens, where now the noble Phocion became a victim to the people's rage (3666). The triumph of the democrats was not of long duration. Cassander overcame Polysperchon, and confirmed his power by marriage with Thessalonica, sister of Alexander the Great. He excluded, as far as his authority extended, the mass from power, and transferred the government of Athens to the noble and wise Demetrius of Phalera, whose administration during ten years is, perhaps, the most fortunate period in the Athenian history. But the peace concluded in 3673, whereby freedom was guarantied to the Grecian cities, produced a new revolution. Every one wished to liberate Greece, in order to rule in it himself. Demetrius (Poliorcetes) anticipated the rest, appeared at Athens, and was styled " God the Deliverer," and Demetrius Phalereus, the most excellent regent, to whom flattery had erected 300 statues, escaped an ignominious death only by speedy flight. After the battle of Ipsus, Athens closed its gates to the same Demetrius (Poliorcetes), who had, a little before, been appointed "generalissimo of Greece, liberated by him;" was conquered by him, and revolted again. These frequent changes can be explained only by the contention of two parties in the same city. In the meantime, the horrors of internal and external war, were accumulated over Macedonia. Cassander had died three years after the battle of Ipsus (3686); and, immediately after him, his eldest son, Philip I. The two others quarrelled about the crown. Their mother, Thessalonica, who was the sole sur. vivor of the family of Alexander the Great, fell, because she supported the younger, by Antipater's sword. This impious man died soon afterwards, at the court of Lysimachus, in Thrace, whither he had fled. Alexander supplicated Pyrrhus of Epirus, and Demetrius Poliorcetes, for aid; obtained it, and was murdered by the latter (3696). Antipater's family was now extinct; and Demetrius, allied to it, and one of the Temenidm, obtained the Macedonian crown. Made no wiser by his earlier misfortune, Demetrius prepared himself for new conquests, and lost, by that means, Macedonia. Filled with desperation, he now invaded Asia Minor, and was compelled to surrender to his son-in-law, Seleucus, and died, after an imprisonment-although not severe-of three years,

　

　

NEW-MACEDONTA AND GREECE. 189 (3699). Few princes are by character and fate so interesting as he. Lysimachus and Pyrrhus quarrelled about Macedonia. The first was victorious. But in consequence of the domestic quarrels in which Seleucus Nicator interfered, a war arose against him, and in the plains of Corupedion the two sole-surviving generals of Alexander-one seventy-seven, the other eighty years old - engaged in a bloody battle (3702). Lysimachus lost it with his life. Seleucus, intending to unite the dominion of Asia with the throne of Macedonia, was killed by the Egyptian prince, Ptolemy Ceraunus. The latter. was, two years afterwards, slain in battle against an immense army of Gauls, who, under Belgius, invaded the country. Another horde was commanded by Brennus. They produced unheard of consternation, and boundless desolation. The occasion of this remarkable emigration is unknown. These Gauls, after repeated victories, and laden with plunder, directed now their march towards Greece, and penetrated amidst bloody engagements as far as Delphi, where the religious and patriotic enthusiasm of the Greeks checked their progress by a terrible defeat (3708). Brennus, in despair, with many of his army, closed his career by a voluntary death. The remnant of the Gauls went to Thrace, and thence to Asia Minor, established themselves there, and gave to the conquered country the name of Galatia. ANTIGONUS GONATAS AND HIS FAMILY. ANTGONUS of Gonni, the noble son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, now ascended the vacant throne of Macedonia. Macedonia, exhausted by continuous wars, and bleeding from recent wounds, received him as a saviour (3706). But he was obliged to engage in war with Pyrrhus and his son Alexander. Twice he was expelled, but returned, and maintained himself till his death. He was throughout a praiseworthy prince, the restorer of the kingdom, and ancestor of all the succeeding kings. Demetrius 1I. (3742), after him his cousin Antigonus II., Doson (3752), then Demetrius' son, Philip II. (3763), finally, Perseus (3806), are the kings, whose reigns form the third period of the Macedonian history, if we reckon the first from Carranus to

　

　

190 CENERAL HISTORY. Alexander M., and the second from him to Antigonus Gonatas. The dream of universal dominion had now vanished, the empire of Macedonia had again become a moderate kingdom, which, after a long series of the most terrible misfortunes, obtained after much difficulty a new consistence. Now, as formerly, it was involved in inglorious wars with the neighbouring tribes of barbarians, and the prize of the great Philip's exploits, Greece, for the second time its highest aspiration. But, when in similar ways, by policy and arms, it had nearly attained its object. the sword of the Romans wrested from it the fruit of its exertions, and destroyed the Macedonian throne. THE CONFEDERATIONS OF THE ACHILEANS AND iETOLIANS. To the same fate, Greece succumbed almost cotemporaneously, which, after long oppression, finally, by the favor of circumstances, and the direction of some great men, had experienced a second, although brief, period of prosperity. The two new confederations of the XEtolians and Achaeans, now originating, pertain to the most interesting parts of the Grecian history. Already in the ancient times of freedom, alliances had existed among the XEtolians, as well as among the Achaeans. But, by the side of th6 flourishing chief states of Greece, those could not make themselves very conspicuous on account of their rudeness, and these on account of their weakness. Under the Macedonian dominion, all the states were condemned to equal abasement. In many cities there were petty tyrants. Four now of the twelve old Achaean communities renewed their alliance, which had been interrupted by the pressure of the times (3698). Their work, which was founded upon union, equality, and love of freedom, flourished and strengthened. After the other Achaean cities had entered the league, Aratus brought (3733) his paternal city, Sycion, which he had liberated from its tyrant, the important Corinth, whose Macedonian garrison he had heroically expelled, the neighbouring Megara, and Athens itself, the ornament of Greece, into this confederation, and confirmed it constantly by the addition of towns, generally Peloponnesian, the tyrants of which he subdued, sometimes by artifice, sometimes by arms. In the Gallic war, the tEtolian tribes had acquired glory. This occasioned the confirmation of their old alliance, and its

　

　

NEW-MACEDONIA AND GREECE. 191 enlargement. This rude people, skilled only in war and rapine, and, notwithstanding its Grecian origin, of purely barbarian.ustoms, obtained by this means, power and influence. Base jealousy made the iEtolian confederacy inimical to the Achean, and its rudeness, exposed it to the intrigues of foreign, more refined policy. Sparta, which had regained its strength by an intestine revolution, was hostile to the Achaean League. In this city, the old forms of Lycurgus still prevailed, but their spirit had gone. At the same time the power of the ephori had degenerated into a tyrannical oligarchy. The young king Agis III., the last of the Eurytionidoe, resolved upon the dangerous undertaking of a reform, in order that, after the restoration of the basis, the Spartan grandeur might again be elevated. But the undertaking failed. Agis was seized by the command of the ephori, thrown into prison, and strangled. But the son of his enemy, Leonidas, Cleomenes III. trod now in the footsteps of Agis III., and executed the perilous undertaking. Endowed with the same heroism, as Agis, he possessed more shrewdness and knowledge of men, but less honesty and feeling. A war, conducted successfully against the Achaeans, into whose confederation Sparta had refused to enter, increased Cleomenes' authority, and turned the attention of the people to external affairs. On his return from a brilliant expedition, Cleomenes caused the careless ephori to be slain by soldiers, previously prepared, and commanded the astonished people to restore the institutions of Lycurgus, especially those relating to equality of property and to education, with energy and a favorable result. The terror of the Spartan arms seemed to return with this political regeneration. Cleomenes pressed the Achaeans so much that they were on the point of submitting to any terms of peace, and of declaring the Spartan king, their generalissimo, i. e. ruler. In this extreme danger, Aratus, who was for many years the head of the Achaean confederation, resolved on a most desperate step. He invited Antigonus (Doson) to come to his assistance (3757), and, in order to escape internal despotism, he exposed his country, which had been so beautifully liberated, to foreign dominion. With unsuppressed joy, Antigonus promised the desired assistance; but he caused first, as a pledge of fidelity, the fortress of

　

　

192 GENERAL IIISTORY. Corinth, the key of the Peloponnesus to be surrendered to him. A Macedonian army marched over the isthmus. The Achaan force joined it. Cleomenes collected his forces together, armed the Helots, and risked at Sellasia a decisive battle. But the phalanx broke through the Spartan ranks, and a terrible defeat commenced. On this day fell the flower of the Doric population, (3762), and for the first time, since the days of the Heraclide, a foreign victor marched into the streets of Sparta. Cleomenes fled to Egypt, and soon died. Sparta never recovered. Factions, and particular tyrants, (among whom Nabis, especially is notorious), scourged this degraded people. Aratus enjoyed the victory but little-for he now saw the Macedonians rule. Antigonus, indeed, died soon, but his successor, Philip II., was still more imperious. Besides, a new war broke out with the zEtolians, occasioned by their depredations in the Peloponnesus (3765). Aratus car ried on the war without success, and hence sought the aid of Philip. Philip gave him assistance, and with a fortunate result. He carried on the war mostly according to the counsels of Aratus, who appeared more fitted for the second part, than for the first. But the frapk defence of the rights of his country, made him odious to the king, and he poisoned him. After Aratus, Philopcemen became the Achaean Strategus; a man, who was for his country, what Epaminondas had been for Thebes. He had chosen this hero for his model, and was the last great Greek. The war against the iAtolians was renewed (3772), and Philip compelled them-although Rome-was allied with them-to make a disadvantageous peace (3778). MACEDONIA AND GREECE, SUBJECTED BY ROME. THE interference of Rome changed suddenly all relations. But how the ruin of Greece and Macedonia resulted from this interference, on the one hand by the cunning and unconscionable, injustice of Rome, and on the other, by their own imprudence and disunion, must find its more circumstantial narration in Roman history. But it may here be briefly remarked, that Philip, whom the Romans had amused by deceptive manifestations of love of peace

　

　

SYRIA. 193 during the second Punic war, soon after Its termination felt the weight of their power, and, after his defeat at Cynoscephalae, was obliged to submit to the severest terms of peace (3788); that afterwards, his son Perseus experienced a still severer loss at Pydna (3816), and finally, in a third war, which Andriscus raised, Macedonia was made a Roman province (3835). It may be observed further, that of the Greeks, first, the _Etolians, as if to reward them for their services, were forced to subjection immediately after the Syrian war (3795), but the Achueans, who were a long time powerful and respected, under the conduct of the excellent Philopoemen, an, after his tragical end, under that of Lycortas, were plunged into ruin by a chain of political and military operations of Rome; and finally, by the conquest of Corinth (3838), completely deprived of their political existence. With this catastrophe, the freedom of Greece ceased forever; but it preserved a glorious dominion over its conquerors in its subjection, since it maintained the superiority of taste and science. II. SYRIA. SELEUCUS NICATOR, AND HIS HOUSE. SELEUCUS, called Nicator, from his many victories, had, by the conquest of Babylon (3672), established his dominion over the interior of Asia, and afterwards, when by the battle of Ipsus, the power of Antigonus was crushed, it was extended as far as the Mediterranean Sea. He had ruled before from the Euphrates to the Indus and Oxus, and in a brilliant expedition against the Indian king, Sandrocotus, had carried his arms as far as the Ganges. The acquisition of the countries of Antigonus, as Syria, (of which, however, Ccelesyria and Phoenicia, together with Judaea, fell to Ptolemy), Armenia and Cappadocia, extended the boundaries of the empire of the Seleucidae, and accelerated, perhaps, its downfall. The power of Seleucus, by his victory over Lysimachus, at Corupedion (3702), extended also into Asia Minor, Thrace, and VOL. l. Z 13

　

　

194 GENERAL HISTORY. Macedonia, but directly afterwards he fell by assassination. lie and Ptolemy were the most worthy of Alexander's generals; he was not only a warrior, but also a friend of the arts of peace and of commerce, and a builder of cities. His house ruled over the Syro-Macedonian kingdom until its fall. But soon the fate of the Asiatic dynasties was fulfilled on the Seleucidae; they sank into unworthiness and inaction, the Empire into enervation. Internal insurrections and external storms destroyed it. Already, under Antiochus II. (3722), Seleucus' grandson —abject flattery named him Theos, the god-Parthia and Bactriana revolted; other provinces were distracted by a war with Egypt, and all by a bard administration. Some further successors are unworthy of being mentioned. Under Antiochus I1I. (3760), who is called, by way of comparison, the Great, the Syrian power seemed to flourish again. For, notwithstanding he fought unsuccessfully at Raphia, against Egypt, he obtained glory by conquering several rebels, and by successful wars; on the one side against India, on the other, in Asia Minor and Thrace. He also invaded Egypt for the second time with success, during the minority of its king. But by this means, and by the instigation of the iEtolians and Hannibal, a war now arose with Rome, which, after the defeat of the king at Magnesia (3794), drew after it severe terms of peace-the cession of all interior Asia as far as the Taurus-and the irremediable ruin of the Empire. Seleucus Philopater (3797), surnamed " the Tax-gatherer," because he was obliged to send to Rome the imposts of the country, for the payment of contributions in arrears, was assassinated. His brother, Antiochus IV., Epiphanes, (afterwards called Epimanes, the madman,) conquered almost all Egypt, but, upon the menaces of a Roman ambassador, restored it, and excited after wards the revolt of the Jews, by plundering the treasures of the temple, and by religious oppression. After him, the Syrian history is disgraced by the complete worthlessness, sometimes also by the profligacy of the princes, by the rapid succession of revolutions, by assassination, usurpation, and civil war; and the State, by the conquests of the Parthians, limited to the country west of the Euphrates, sunk into

　

　

SYRIA. 195 the deepest impotence. Tigranes, king of Armenia, whom the exhausted Syrians, by setting aside the Seleucide, chose for their master (3889), composed the kingdom, and restored its power in some measure; but the Mithridatic war ruined Tigranes; and Syria became, after a few of the Seleucide had endeavoured in vain to rise, a Roman province (3918). After the fall of the kingdom of the Seleucidee, several other kingdoms were formed out of its ruins, as Bactriana, Parthia, Armenia, Judaea, and some others. THE PARTHIAN KINGDOM. THE kingdoms of Bactriana and Parthia originated (3728 or 3734) under Antiochus, (the god,) by the defection of the Bactrian governor, Theodotus (3725), and'by the rebellion of Arsaces, one of the Achaemenidee, who boasted of descent from Artaxerxes Mnemon. The first, after it had lasted somewhat more than a hundred years, was ruined by the invasions of the nomades of High Asia, and by the superior power of Parthia (3848). This kingdom, which at first embraced only the region about Hecatompylos, became, by constant success against the degenerated Seleucida, so powerful, that it soon included all the country from the Euphrates to the Indus and Oxus. The Parthians dated.their independence first from the great victory over Seleucus Callinicus, which Arsaces II. gained (3746). It was solemnly recognised by Antiochus the Great (3779), who also ceded Hyrcania. But Arsaces VI. or Mithridates I. (3810), first made Parthia by the conquest of Media, Persia, and all the countries to the east of the Euphrates, and by a glorious expedition to the Hydaspes, an empire of the world. Soon after this, the Parthians came into connexion with Rome; whilst, after the overthrow of the kingdom of Bactriana-which had been their avant-mure —the Scythian hordes from the northeast desolated their countries with impunity. Against Tigranes and Mithridates M., the Parthians maintained, with difficulty, the natural boundary of the Euphrates. At the conclusion of the Mithridatic war, they became neighbours of the Romans, anti the latter, consequently their enemies. The covetous Crassus raised the first war, whom, with his army, the Parthian Surenas (commander in chief) slew at Carrye (3931). From this time,

　

　

19t0 GENERAL HISTORY. till Augustus, the terror of the Parthian arms prevailed from the *Euphrates to the Mediterranean Sea. The civil wars in Rome prevented the exertion of its strength abroad. The lieutenant of Antonius, Ventidius, carried on a defensive war against the Parthians with success, but Antonius himself, having marched against Arsaces XV., (Phraates IV., 3947,) came near experiencing the fate of Crassus. Internal disorders prevented the Parthians from pursuing their advantages; and Phraates whose rival, Tiridates, had fled to Rome, was glad to purchase peace of Augustus, by the restoration of the standards, taken against Crassus. The principal race of the Parthian nation, was of Scythian origin, rough mountaineers, as most nations which have effected revolutions in Central Asia. The kings were all chosen from the family of Arsaces (Aschak, among the orientals), but without a determinate order of succession. Their power was restricted by the nobility. The nobility, alone, constituted the nation; the multitude were enslaved. Such being the constitution, factions, and contentions for the throne were inevitable. Insurrections of the Satraps —the kingdom numbered eighteen Satrapies at the epoch of its grandeur-and the irruptions of the swarms of nomades living beyond the Oxus, occasioned constant commotions; but the situations of the chief cities, Seleucia and Ctesiphon, on the western boundary of the kingdom —on the Tigris, where now are the ruins of Madain-exposed, as soon as Rome became its neighbour, the heart of the state to the fate of a few battles. ARMENIA. WE read of Armenia, that the names of the country Haika and Armenia, are derived from Haik and one of his descendants, Aram; that Assyria and Media generally ruled over it in ancient times, and that the Persian and Macedonian supremacy, notwithstanding the native vassal kings, was extended over it. Armenia separated itself from Syria (3794), to which, in the partition of Alexander's Empire, it had fallen, after the misfortune of Antiochus M. at Magnesia, under their governors Artaxias and Zariadres (the latter in Arimenia Minor, the former in Armenia Major), and retained, through this whole period, its

　

　

SYRIA. 197 own rulers from the houses of these rebels. The kings of Armenia Minor were mostly dependent on Rome, and, indeed, the country became under the Emperor Vespasian, a Roman province; but the king of Armenia Major, Tigranes I., (3889) played a remarkable part. He reigned, also, over Armenia Minor Cappadocia, Syria, Cilicia; and styled himself king of kings. But the war of Mithridates, his father-in-law, hurried him to destruction. To him and his successors nothing remained, but Armenia Proper, and a dangerous position between the two great powers, Parthia and Rome. Both considered this province as a barrier, and strove for its possession. For no country in the world has there ever been such obstinate contention. After a long and bloody vicissitude of Roman and Parthian supremacy, Tigranes VI. delivered his country (412 A. D.) to the Persiansthe restorers of the Parthian power —but did not terminate by that means the terrible contest. JUDREA.-THE MACCABEES. ALTHOUGH Judaa, when compared with the great existing powers, is of no political importance, yet it now attracts our attention by the entire peculiarity of its remarkable features. Only 42,000 persons availed themselves of the permission, which Cyrus had given (3455) to the Jews to return to the land of their fathers; the rest-and, indeed, the more wealthy-preferred their new residence in Babylonia to their desolated home. The former, under the conduct of Zorobabel, a descendant of the ancient race of kings, and of the high-priest Joshua, commenced with zeal the restoration of the temple, and of the holy city. After a long contest with the Samaritans, who had built for themselves a peculiar temple at Gerizim, tranquillity was restored under Darius Hystaspes. Not until now, and when under Ezra and Nehemiah other colonies returned, the people gradually increasing in strength, first began to enjoy a regular constitution. The supremacy remained to the Persian king, the more immediate supervision to the Syrian satrap. But the internal affairs were administered according to the laws and customs of their fathers by the high-priest, and the Sanhedrzm which was gradually forming, and the Jews, although subjects of a despotic kingdom, enjoyed.. nevertheless, a high degree of

　

　

1 tJ8 GE NE RAL II1.TOi ~Y. civil liberty and happiness. Hence, is explained the reluctance with which the Jews submitted to Alexander; but they experienced likewise mild treatment from him. After Alexander's death, Judaea was distracted by Antigonus and Ptolemy; afterwards, by the Selucidm and the Ptolemies. Many Jews were dragged by the first Ptolemy to Egypt, others he enticed thither, and after the battle of Ipsus (3683), the Egyptian dominion was established in the whole region. But one hundred years later, under Antiochus M., Judaea became a Syrian province, was fortunate in the change, until it experienced the oppression of the predatory and fanatical Antiochus Epiphanes. Against him, the Jews, driven to desperation, revolted, (3816), under the command of the priest Mattathias and his heroic sons, and an independent Jewish state was formed anew. For, the gray hero himself, with a little resolute band, and, after him, his magnanimous brothers, Judas, Jonathan, and Simon, repulsed, in many battles, the Syrians, elevated by their exploits the courage of the nation, which gradually subjected itself to their direction, particularly when Jonathan was invested with the pontificial dignity. The terrible distraction of the Syrian kingdom favored the undertakings of the Maccabees; the family of Mattathias was thus called from Judas' surname, Macab, i" the hammer." It is also called the Asmonean, of which several interpretations are given; and Simon obtained (3841), under the title of an Ethnarch (prince), complete liberation from the tribute hitherto paid, and from the dominion of the house of Seleucus. His son, Hyrcanus, established the freedom, which was again exposed to danger, and confirmed his power by subjecting the Samaritans and Idumawans. The successors of this brave prince called themselves kings; and their power became, by the rapidly rising population of the country, which was continually enlargt. by successful wars, as great as in the time of David and Sol~omon, the wealth of the capital still greater. But the conflict of t';,: Pharisees and Sad ducees,-two irreconcileable parties, in th. beginning, merel religious, afterwards also political, —filled the Jtate with constant distraction; and Rome's swelling greatness soon left no hope ot independence. Discord in the royal house accelerated its ruin. The contention of two brothers, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, occasioned bv

　

　

　

　

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 7~~~~~~ —=== —-=-~~-=-=-~ PYRAMIDS OF GIZEH, ~GYPT ~ ~ ~~-~-~ —~~ —-= ~~_~~_~~.~~~ I~~_~~_~~~=;~~~~-~~-~~-~~ —=~~~~-~VoL1.

　

　

EGYPT. 199 the support of the Romans, the elevation of the Idumean Antipater, Hyrcanus' equally brave and politic minister. He left his power to his son Herod, who vanquished-with the aid of the Romans-the Parthians, who had made Aristobulus' son, Antigonus, in a sanguinary manner, lord of Judaea, and this rival himself; and, confirmed in this manner, over the ruins of the Asmonean house, the Idumean's dominion (3947). Yet he was king only by the favor of the Romans, and accordingly, in Judaea, the name only of a state remained. III. EGYPT. THE FIRST PTOLEMIES. WHAT attracted us, in the former period, to the history of Egypt-the peculiarity of the Egyptian character, and the particular form of its constitution, religion, and customs-has now, in a great measure, ceased. Egypt had shown, under the Persian dominion, in- reiterated insurrections,-under Darius Hystaspes, Artaxerxes I., and Darius II., till Ochus,-its zeal foi nationality, and its hatred to foreign, obtruded institutions; but Alexander had found, in the building of a new capital, the means for a peaceable transformation of the nation. For a new tone, spread gradually among the people, from Alexandria, whose population consisted of a.greater number of Macedonians, Greeks, Jews, and other foreigners, than natives, and which remained free from the influence of the sacerdotal caste; and the ancient manners were supplanted the more securely, since no direct law and no odious power summoned to resistance. In the whole period of the Ptolemaic dominion, the Egyptian people are hardly mentioned. The revolutions of the capital and of the reigning house constitute their history. Ptolemy, the pretended son of Lagus, was the founder of the royal family which ruled over Egypt during three centuries, from Alexander's death, till after the victory of Octavianus at Actium. this wisest, most powerful and prudent of Alexander's generals.

　

　

200 GENERAL HISTORY. extended his power by negotiation and force of arms into Judeea, Ccelesyria, Phcenicia, Cyprus, and a part of the coast of Asia Minor; and, in Africa, over Cyrene, the neighbouring Libya, and the frontier country of Ethiopia. He administered the state, thus enlarged, with ability and goodness; embellished the capital with magnificent works of architecture, elevated commerce and science, according to the great plan of Alexander, who designed to make Egypt his principal residence, and established those principles of government, which, in their principal traits, were observed by all his successors, even the most unworthy; and which were the source of lasting prosperity in his kingdom. His reign lasted forty years, and Egypt enjoyed equal prosperity during sixty years afterwards, under his son, and grandson, Philadelphus, (3700) and Evergetes (3737). But Philadelphus was almost exclusively devoted to the arts of peace: Evergetes was a hero and conqueror. Hereby, new commercial routes were opened, the old ones made secure, which was the principal object of his wars, and the great measures which Philadelphus had already taken in Egypt for the commerce of the world, were made to operate in a much wider sphere. For nearly two hundred years after the death of Evergetes (3763-3954), when Egypt became a Roman province, not one worthy prince possessed the throne, and it is not worth the while to give their surnames, (they were all called Ptolemy) their succession, and the detail of their fates. We will remark in general only thus much: that Alexander M., after the destruction of Tyre, founded the city of Alexandria, as related above. This great, magnificent, populous city, arose not far from the western mouth of the Nile; upon a neck of land extending between the sea and the lake Mareotis. Five harbours, of which one was on the lake Mareotis, received the vessels of commerce and of war. Touching the Arabian Sea, which was at a short distance by land from the Nile, and which was also connected with it by a canal, on the one side, and the Mediterranean Sea on the other, Alexandria was destined by nature for the centre of intercourse between the east and the west, for the emporium of the commerce of the world. No king has ever erected to himself a more glorious monument. For when me Macedonian kingdoms were annihilated even to theirlast ruins, the

　

　

EGYPT. 201 commercial greatness of Alexandria continued in a long succession of centuries, and during the most multifarious changes of dominion, until the discovery of a passage by sea to the East Indies altered all relations. The Ptolemies perceived the advantages of such an unique situation, and increased them by suitable measures and magnificent works. To these belong, the erection of the light-house on the island of Pharos, which secured the harbours, the completing of the canal commenced by the Pharoahs to the Red Sea, the construction of excellent roads thither, especially to Berenice, and afterwards to Myoshormos, the improvement of these and other harbours, the despatching of learned men, such as Megasthenes and Dionysius, to make researches in India, &c. Besides the old connexions of Egypt were continued, extended, and pressed forward with Grecian activity. THE HISTORY CONTINUED TO THE ROMAN DOMINION. BUT the immense wealth of Alexandria, derived from the commerce of the world, produced already early the taste for a profuse and luxurious court. Besides the influence which such a contagious example exercised on the manners of the people, the foundation was thereby laid for the physical and moral debasement of the ruling family, which, by the intermarriage of its members, sunk with the greater rapidity, to complete degeneracy. Inactivity, sensuality-and as female influence was increased,all pitifulness, and sometimes the horrors of a seraglio-government, oppression of the people, discord in the royal house, usurpation and fratricide, marked the character and government of the later Ptolemies. But, since mostly the capital alone, was the theatre of such distraction, whilst the rest of the kingdom remained in peace and tranquility; since, moreover, on account of the fortunate situation of Alexandria, external commerce and domestic industry continued to prosper, and compensated amply for what the most excessive debauchery lavished, the most wretched government could not deprive Egypt of its power and prosperity. Most of the wars of Egypt were waged against the Syrian kingdom. The friendship between Seleucus and Plotemy in the beginning, ceased directly after the victory over Antigonus, VuL. 1-2 A

　

　

202 GENERAL HISTORY. upon the division of his countries. Besides Judaea, Phoenicia and Ccelesyria, Ptolemy thought he ought to have the rest of Syria, and a part of Asia Minor; whilst Seleucus and his successors desired anxiously for the countries of Lebanon, whose forests were necessary for the Egyptian marine. Family contentions increased the enmity excited by this means, and Philadelpus Evergetes, Philopater, Epiphanes and Philometor, carried on sanguinary wars against Egypt. The first of these fought with superior success; but Antiochus Il. wrested from the young Epiphanes those important countries. At that time, Egypt seemed lost. The guardianship of Rome, which the Egyptians sought for their young king, saved the kingdom; and afterwards, when the son of Epiphanes, Philometor (3803), in his minority was in the same danger from Antiochus Epiphanes, the mandate of the Romans repelled the victor. Henceforth Syria, which had already declined, was no more dangerous to Egypt. But on that account its relations with Rome assumed a more dangerous character. The Ptolemies, by Roman protection, had lost their independence, and were never able to escape complete subjugation. About 3900 A. M. Cyrenaica, and Cyprus, about 3926 A. M., which countries belonged to the Egyptian princes, were made Roman provinces, and the obsequious Auletes was placed on the throne of Egypt. The son of Auletes, Dionysius, who was to rule jointly with his sister Cleopatra (3933), dispossessed her. He murdered the great Pompey, his and his father's benefactor, in order to gain the favor of the Pharsalian victor. Caesar's noble spirit, and the charms of Cleopatra frustrated his hopes, and Dionysius' lost in the war against Cesar, who had declared for Cleopatra, his life. His younger brother, Ptolemy XIII., the child,with whom Cleopatra was now to share the throne, was poisoned by her. After Caesar's death, Antony wore the shackles of this coquette. The unlimited sway which she exercised over the latter during ten years, was the cause of his destruction. After Octavianus' victory at Actium, Antony and Cleopatra put themselves to death, and Egypt became a Roman province (3954).

　

　

THRACE, &c. 203 IV. SMALLER KINGDOMS. THRA(;E, Pergamus, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Galatia, Pontus, Epirus and Rhodes are to'be mentioned here. Lysimachus, after Alexander's death, founded a kingdom out of Thrace, and the countries of Asia Minor, lying opposite. After the death (3702) of Lysimachus, it fell to pieces. Gauls who had immigrated, and native nations, as the Odrysme and Bessi; foreign powers also, as Macedonia and Syria, shared this country, which, after the misfortune of Perseus, became gradually, under various titles, a prey of the Romans. Pergamus was a part of Lysimachus' kingdom. Phileterus, a eunuch, founded it by desertion from that tyrannical king. Eumenes I. and Attalus I. enlarged its territory so considerably, that it appeared not unworthy the name of a kingdom. Eumenes II. (3768), obtained from Rome, as a reward for his services against Antiochus M., the country as far as the Taurus, which the Syrian king had lost. Pergamus was now the predominant power in Asia Minor. But, since, without a natural basis, it rested merely on the favor of the Romans, it could not be of long duration. Attalus II. and Attalus III. had no will but that of the Romans; the latter, a weak-minded man, bequeathed them his kingdom. Bithynia, as Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, were vassal kingdoms of Persia, but they escaped the Macedonian arms, since they lay not on Alexander's route. Of the kings of Bithynia, Prusias II., on account of his abject submission to the Romans, and Nicomedes are as remarkable as he who bequeathed them his kingdom. This happened soon after the Mithridatic war, which established the Roman dominion over Cappadocia and Paphlagonia. The name, Galatia, is derived from the Gauls, whose devastations in Thrace Macedonia and Greece, we have already related; who, afterwards, amidst manifold adventures, obtained abodes in Asia Minor. Whether these bands came from Gaul Proper or from Cisalpine Gaul, or Pannonia, (where the Gallic tribes, Scordisci, Boii and Taurisci resided a long time,) is undetermined

　

　

204 GENERAL HISTORY. It was their custom to serve the princes around as mercenaries, and by that means to obtain land and booty. Thus they became formidable from the Straits to the Taurus, and would have, perhaps, remained predominant there, had not Attalus conquered them after a bloody conflict (3744). Now, they were limited to the country between the Sangarius and Halys, from the Black Sea, as far as Phrygia, Cappadocia, and Ponfus. Here they lived, divided into three principal races, the Trocmi, Tolistoboii and Tectosages, and into twelve circles, tetrarchies, and formed a kind of confederation, the common affairs of which, with the preservation of the independence of every individual nation, were transacted by a General Diet. These individual nations had also a republican government, as their tetrarchs (each nation had four) were only servants of the people, and were restricted by a Great Council. The entrance of the Romans into Asia Minor makes an epoch also for Galatia. As allies or mercenaries of Antiochus M., the consul Manlius Vulso made war upon the Galatians: they obtained, however, an equitable peace. When Mithridates had subjugated them,,they were again liberated by Sylla. At the time of the second civil war the tetrarch Dejotarius played an important.part. Coesar himself found it advisable to spare him, though he belonged to Pompey's party, in the same manner as he later adhered to Brutus. After him some tetrarchs are mentioned, but Galatia was already under the power of the Romans, although it was not formally declared a province until twenty-six years after Christ. Pontus was the vassal kingdom of Persia, and, a short time subject, also, to the Macedonians, till Mithridates III., the Achaemenides, made it, after the battle of Ipsus, an independent kingdom. It is remarkable, for general history, by its king Mithridates M., (Eupator VI., 3858). He was the most violent, the most irreconcileable, the most dangerous enemy of the Roman world-conquerors, and hence, worthy of the interest and admiration of all who have good sentiments. His gigantic conflict with Rome we shall relate hereafter. We will here remark, merely, that, after the renewal of the war three times, which was always conducted with talent and glory, but with misfortune, when all his resources had failed, and two sons had revolted,

　

　

EPIRUS. &c. 205 the heroic old man terminated his existence by suicide (3921). Pontus was now a Roman province. In Epirus, also, only one remarkable character appears, — Pyrrhus, the AEXacides; of the many great generals of his time, no one was his superior; and, in surveying the multifarious vicissitudes of his destinies, it may be said that he was always per-, secuted by fortune, and that he re-elevated himself by his spirit and courage, although his misfortunes were not generally a consequence of his arrogance and ambition. He won and lost Mace donia no less than three times, against Lysimachus, and against Antigonus Gonatas. He extended his hands after Italy, Sicily, and Carthage; and died, on a military expedition in the Peloponnesus, by the hand of a woman (3772). His descendants ruled until 3780, when Epirus adopted the republican form of government. Now, it was a play-ball of Macedonia; and afterwards, of the Romans, who, some time after the overthrow of Perseus, made it a province (3838). The city of Rhodes was built during the Peloponnesian war; and ruled soon after, over the whole island. It remained, with little interruption, independent, till the end of this period, End great by commerce and naval power. It compelled Byzantium to abolish the toll which it had paid on the passage into the Black Sea (3761). Afterwards, it acquired, by alliance with Rome against Philip and Antiochus, considerable territories. But Cassius humbled Rhodes; and, although Antony dec$a're it free, yet in reality it remained subject.

　

　

ROMAN HISTORY. FIRST DIVISION. FROM THE FOUNDATION OF THE REPUBLIC, UNTIL THE PUNIC WARS. IMPORTANCE OF THE ROMAN HISTORY. RoME is the principal, although, not the most pleasing figure of the ancient world. The destinies of the noblest part of mankind, were intimately connected by fate, during many centuries, with the events and interests of this imperial city. Rome, at first, by force of arms and policy; then by laws, civilization, and manners; afterwards by sacerdotal power; and, at last, by her language, has ruled over the world, and enjoyed the veneration of nations in uninterrupted succession. The history of Rome is, during a considerable space of time, the history of the World. Many of the most important determinations of our condition, at the present day, are derived from the city on the Tiber; and, there is hardly one European nation, whose history would be intelligible, without that of Rome. It contains, besides the richest treasure of great characters, and of imposing spectacles, the most impressive evidences of the power of man, and that of fate. It is, in fine, a continuous commentary of policy and political law; and an illustrating counterpart of tie revolutions of the latest times. We shall justly devote to. it a more careful investigation than to other histories, and a greater degree o minuteness. (206)

　

　

ROME. 207 DIVISION. IF we take a general view of Roman history, we can easily dis~ tinguish three principal periods; of which, the first extends to the conquest of king Pyrrhus; the second, to the fall of the Repub lic; and the third, to the fall of the Empire. The first period, which embraces from the building of Rome, (3230) a series of 482 years, sometimes under kings, sometimes under consuls, represents the origin of the state, the toilsome and dangerous extension of its power over Italy, at the same time, the establishment of its constitution, its political and military maxims, and in general, the laying of the foundation of its dominion; and besides, the beautiful time of uncorrupted manners and republican virtue. The second, from the subjection of Tarentum (3712) to the battle of Actium (3953), contains, in a duration half as long (241 years), the conquest of the world, and the subversion of the constitution. It is separated into two parts, of which the destruction of Carthage and Corinth (3838), is the point of separation. In the first half, notwithstanding the incipient corruption of the Roman policy, dignity, honesty, and moderation, are observed in private characters, with a rough exterior; in the community, order, and the dominion of law. It is the most brilliant epoch of Roman virtue. In the second, fast-spreading corruption of manners, as the effect of swelling wealth, is visible in the train of refinement. Without an important change in forms, the spirit of the constitution is essentially altered. Patriotism yields to selfishness; law succumbs to the ascendency of particular citizens; and the republic-still formidable and triumphant abroad, but terribly rent by civil wars-devolves as a prey upon the most fortunate and artful robber. The third period, containing five hundred years, shows, as good and bad times alternate, at its commencement, the life of the corrupted Roman world becoming upon the whole languid under absolute power; afterwards, as despotic oppression continues to increase, the long devastation of internal and external wars; finally, the division of the Empire, and in the West its complete subversion, four hundred and seventy six years after Christ.'rke third period also is divided by the reign of Commodus (from

　

　

208 GENERAL HISTORY. 180-193) into two parts, the first of which contains the still remaining power, the second the ruin of the Empire. From the division of time which has.been presented, it will be evident which of these periods, or their parts, belong to the present second, and which to the first and third periods of general history. FIRST WARS OF THE REPUBLIC. THE expelled Tarquinius, strong by a secret party in Rome itself, and by the foreign possessions of his house, endeavoured during thirteen years, by artifice and force, to regain his power. All was in vain. The conspiracy was discovered, and the participants in it, even the sons of the consul Brutus, were ignominiously put to death, by the command of their unnatural father, and before his eyes. This terrorist himself fell in a battle against the Tarquins, which however, was not decisive. The attack of the Lucumo of Clusium, Porsenna, was more dangerous, who came with great power, and unexpectedly, to reinstate his friend Tarquin.'The heroism of Horatiui Cocles, and Mucius Scaevola, saved, as is said, the city. Many other wars followed, mostly against Latin cities, which intended to avail themselves of the oppressed condition of Rome, to recover their independence, and in general against all neighbours on account of trifling boundary contentions. The Latins, after their defeat near the lake Regillus (3487), returned to the acknowledgment of the supremacy of Rome. The other nations were likewise conquered, and obtained a peace, more or less severe. INTERNAL DISPUTES.-PROGRESS OF DEMOCRACY. WE will advert to the domestic affairs of Rome. The rivalry of the pl'ebeians and patricians, is the point around which the most important part of Rome's internal history turns. The abrogation of royalty had been immediately beneficial only to the patricians. They had besides, as being the more opulent, the ascendency even in the centuriata comitia, (v. above) and the mediation of the king alone protected hitherto the plebeians from their oppression. But now twvo patrician consuls, eligible

　

　

................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................-......................................................... 111. 1.............................................................................................................................-............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ -............................................................... -....................................................................................................................................................-.......................................................................................................................... --....................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... Liberia:.........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

　

　

　

　

R o l; ~ 209 annually, supplied the place of the king. With such an increase of power, the patricians maintained not only their old preroga. tives, arising from the institutions of Romulus, i. e. from the original constitution of Rome, but multiplied them by their increasing wealth, and proud usurpation. In vain had Valerius Publicola, Brutus' colleague in the consulate, respected the sovereignty of the people, and even by laws, as by the cele brated one called after him, "de provocatione adpopulum"-given the plebeians a defence against tyranny. Their effect was frustrated, and his example was not imitated. But the plebeians bore unwillingly the yoke, which was imposed upon them, especially the severity with which patrician creditors treated indigent debtors. They refused to fight against enemies, and occasioned by this means, in the fifth year after the expulsion of Tarquin, the appointment of the first dictator (3480). The dictator had to exercise all the rights of majesty, even that over life and death of the citizens. From him no "provocatio ad populum" was permitted. But he was obliged to resign his power as soon as the danger was passed, and was not allowed to retain it longer than six months. By this dictature, the republic was often saved-at last, subverted. Eleven years later, during a war with the Volsci (3491), the abuse of a plebeian debtor produced again dangerons commotions. Exasperated by the disregard of the promises which had been made in the moment of necessity, the victorious troops encamped on Mons Sacer, three miles from Rome, and nearly all the plebeians hurried out to join them, with the intention to found a city for themselves, and to separate forever from the severe patricians. The calm resoluteness of the former, induced the latter to'make concessions, and besides the relinquishment of debts, the appointment of an intendent, or representative, from the midst of them, was granted to the plebeians whose person should be sacred, and whose 1"veto" should be sufficient to annul the resolutions of the senate. At first there were only two, afterwards five, and thirty-six years after their first appointment, ten tribunes, elected annually, two from each class of the people, with the exception of the proletarians. By this introduction of the tribuneship, the relations were essentially altered. The plebeians, until then limited to defence, VoL,. I.-2 B 14

　

　

210 GENERAL HISTOPRY. commenced now their offensive operations, according to a regu lar plan, under legal intendants, and with such advantage, that all the resistance of the patricians could only delay, but could not prevent their victory. In the very second year after their appointment, the tribunes introduced the comitia tributa, in which, as appearing at that time alone in this assembly, the plebeians had the sway. The cause from which this originated, the contention with Coriolanus, whom the tribunes called before the tribunal of the people, was degrading to the nobility, and had nearly ruined the state. Not a year passed without violent contention. It is true no blood was spilt, because it was forbidden to carry arms in the city; but spirits were embittered, and the good of the country was often sacrificed to the interest of a class. The tribunes vied in attacks on the patricians; and they defended their possessions with all the ardour, which the union of the most precious private interests, and those of rank, could inspire. These disturbances of the spirit of union, however, were only transient. Civism continued to live in the minds of the Romans, and the rivalry of the two classes often exhibited itself in patriotic emulation. The Veientes, Volsci, AEqui, and other enemies, felt the weight of the Roman arms; one triumph followed another; the number of citizens increased, and the power of the state swelled by subjection, incorporation, and alliance. Of the internal commotions, none were more violent than those which arose about the agrarian laws. The old disproportion of the patrician and plebeian real estate, had been constantly increased by a partial division of the conquered lands, and by the excessive cupidity of the nobility. The consul Sp. Cassius (3498) proposed a more equitable distribution of the lands, which would be beneficial to the plebeians, as well as the allies. The senate strongly opposed this measure. Sp. Cassius was declared a traitor, who aspired by popularity to dominion, and after the expiration of his consulate, was condemned to die by a decree of the patrician assembly or curia.'We read that his own father executed the sentence. But the commotion did not then cease. The comitia centuriata were still regarded as the rule, and the comitia tributa, which had lately arisen, the exception. The tribune Volero established the regulation, that all the proper affairs of the people, in particular the choice of the tribunes

　

　

ROME. 211 should be transacted in the last. The nobility, however, did not recognise the resolutions which were passed in this, as laws. They were called Plebiscita, not Populiscita, because till now only the plebeians, not the whole people appeared on the summons of the tribunes. The proposition of the tribune Terentius Arsa, to prevent the arbitrary power of the consuls by a written legislation, and to give publicity to the legal principles hitherto concealed by the patricians, was of great consequence. During the contention upon this subject, which lasted many years, Rome by external wars fell into the greatest danger; and was indebted twice for its salvation to Quinctius Cincinnatus, a man of truly great character. DECEMVIRI.-COMPLETE VICTORY OF DEMOCRACY. TERENTIUS was finally victorious. The senate consented to written laws. A delegation was sent to Greece, in order to:ecome acquainted with its laws, principally those of Solon, and to be able to make a selection suitable for Rome. The collection and arrangement was conferred on a commission of ten men, who were to rule until the completion of this work, with the suspension of all other magistrates and the lex valeria de provocatione, consequently with dictatorial power. The ten men were patricians, at whose head was Appius Claudius. During an administration of two years, at first energetic and popular, the decemviri prepared the celebrated laws of the twelve tables; the first year ten, the second two. After these were approved by the centuriae, they were engraved in metal and set up in the forum. Many regulations in them were taken from ancient usage; the whole characterises a rude age. The office of the decemviri was prolonged. Appius Claudius, who had obtained new colleagues-among these, some plebeians-threw off the mask, and tyrannised over the people. The year expired; the ten men did not resign their authbrity. They lost it by criminal abuse. Rome a second time became tree oy the mistreatment of a woman. But Lucretia's avengers had been interested patricians; the avengers of Virginia were plebeians. The latter, proud of their victory, and supported by the consuls, Valerius and Horatius, issued now the important

　

　

212 GENERAL HlISTORYdeclaration, that Plebiscita should have the force of law for the whole people; accordingly should be regarded as Populiscita (3535). Democracy had conquered. Appius Claudius terminated his existence in prison by suicide. Next, the abrogation of the interdiction of intermarriage between patricians and plebeians, contained in the twelve tables (3538), and besides, the admission of plebeians to the consulate, was demanded by the tribune Canuleius. The strife was continued eighty years about this demand. When the senate was driven to an extremity, it permitted no consuls to be elected, but conferred the consular power upon three or six military tribunes. The plebeians also were eligible to this dignity; they seldom however attained it. At this time the office of the censor was instituted (3541). Earlier, the consuls and dictators had taken the census. Now, when affairs had accumulated, the censors filled this office, and combined with it the important tribunal of morals. Their office continued eighteen months. Of the wars which were carried on during these internal commotions, two attract our attention, namely, the Gallic war, and that against the Veii. The powerful Veii, one of the first cities of Hetruria, was not conquered until after a seige of ten years. The pay, which the Romans now commenced to give their troops, rendered longer enterprises feasible. Camillus, the victor of Veii, subjected also the city of the Falisci (3588). He was the hero of the Gallic war. A swarm of Gauls, the Senones, who had lived long in Upper Italy, marched under the command of Brennus, against Clusium in Hetruria, desiring new abodes. The Roman ambassadors, who were to mediate peace, violated the law of nations. Brennus swore revenge. On the Allia, the Roman army, commanded by the military tribunes, suffered a complete defeat (3594). The city was taken and burned. The capital was saved with diffirulty-by the vigilance of Juno's geese, as the legend relatesand by the-courage of Manlius. But Camillus, who, having been expelled by the tribunes, then lived in Ardea, assembled an army, defeated the Gauls, and punished the insolence with which Bre. nus treated the Romans in the capital, by complete annihilation. Thus the patriotic Livy relates. When the storm was over, the city was rebuilt. Camillus effected this resolution, not without difficulty, for many had proposed to remove to Veii

　

　

ROME. 213 But the old discord prevailed in the rebuilt city. Personal passion, and prejudice of rank, spoke louder than patriotic sentiments. The patricians sacrificed the saviour of the capital, the popular Manlius, to their rage, beause he seemed a traitor to his compeers. Equalisation of the two ranks, the only thing the plebeians wished, and by which alone the nation would be able to increase in power, was to them an abomination. The energy and perseverance of some great plebeians, deeply impressed with the sense of their rights, obtained, at length, that high reward; and, in the tale of Fabius Ambustus' vain daughter, we read, merely, the impotent exasperation of the vanquished aristocrats. The tribunes Licinius Stolo and L. Sectius renewed the demand for the admission of the plebeians to the consulate. The opposition of the senate was obstinate. It succeeded even in gaining some of the tribunes. But those two leaders of the people maintained themselves ten years in the tribuneship, prevented the election of the other civil officers, stood firm, even against the great dictator Camillus, and obtained finally, after the most violent commotions and anarchy for many years, the consulate for their own rank (3618). Camillus kept, it is true, yet for a while —the judicial power, by the institution of the proetorship; and, that of the police, by the institution of the office of the curule iedile-in the hands of the nobility; but, before one generation had passed away, the plebeians obtained the right of being elected to all the dignities of the state, as the dictatorship, censorship, and praetorship; and, one generation later, to that of the priesthood; and, at last, it was even enacted, that of the two consuls elected annually, one must be a plebeian. Another, and equally important law, was proposed by the same Licinius, and victoriously carried through,-the celebrated Agrarian law. Of the common land of the republic, (ager publicus)-private property remained, therefore, untouched by this remarkable ordinance, —ro citizen was to possess, as a usufructury, more than 500 acres. What was then possessed by individuals over this, was to be distributed among the plebeians, ir smaller lots of seven acres, for absolute, or real private property. After great opposition, the senate finally ratified this odious rogaation, and both conditions confirmed the law by oath, which, however, was never completely, and in general only for a short

　

　

214 GENERAL HISTORY. time, in force. Licinius himself is said to have broken it, yet long after this, when it was revived, it produced the most violent commotions. The ordinance that plebiscita should be considered as populiscita, was repeated several times, (lege publilia and lege hortensia,) and the severity of creditors against debtors obviated by the abolition of those cruel rights, which were given them by the laws of the twelve tables. SENATE, KNIGHTS, AND PEOPLE.-OPTIMATES. NOTWITHSTANDING the political equality of the patrician and plebeian families which was now established, the separation of the three orders, the senate, knights, and people, (ordo Senatorius-amplissimus, Equestris-splendidissimus and Popularis, this last word is taken in its more limited sense, or in opposition to the two others)* still continued. By this means and other circumstances, democracy was constantly restricted. The senate, which commonly numbered six hundred members, was in general the highest political assembly. The more important affairs of government, the consuls proposed to the senate; even those which might with propriety have been laid before the people, were at first transacted in the senate; and, although the people, in later times, asserted the right to deliberate and decide without a participation of the senate, yet the ratification of the senate was considered necessary for a resolution to become a law. The right of decision without the senate, afterwards obtained, was seldom used. The direction of external affairs, in particular, was entrusted to the senate; and to this, was granted the supreme jurisdiction in the greatest crimes, as high treason, conspiracy, murder, and venefice. At first the senate was replenished from the patrician families alone, afterwards, mostly from the knights; and even plebeians attained the senatorial rank, since every higher magistracy, commencing from the quaestorship, gave admission into the senate for life. Yet for the complete enjoyment of the senatorial rights, entrance on the list by the censors-hence Patres conscripti-was required. *Populus embraced properly all three orders; often, also, the assembly of citizens, without the senate, as in the known formula S. P. Q. R.

　

　

ROME 215 He. who stood at the head of the list, was called Princeps Sena tus. In after times the number Qf the senators was greatly increased; but (what was often the object of the potentates) the authority of the senate was diminished by the unworthiness of its members. The order of knights is derived, according to tradition, as that of the senate, from the institution of Romulus, who selected three hundred of the bravest youths from the tribes, for service on horseback, and for his body-guard. It is probable, that this con sisted generally of the more wealthy patrician youths, and who, for this reason, were able to serve on horse-back. Tarquinus increased their number, by the admission of an equal number of plebeian knights. But not the descent from these first knights (Celeres), not military service as horsemen, but the census, bestowed afterwards the equestrian dignity, for which a property of quatringenties *H. S. (about seventeen thousand dollars) was requisite. According to the principle frequently prevailing in the ancient republics, that political rights depended upon the manner of being armed, these knights were originally a political class, which, however, later was still more distinguished by various privileges-as seats of honour in the theatre, directly behind the senators-rich by the farming of the public revenues, and important as a central power between the senate and people. The third condition, although the last in rank, was the strongest by its number and constitutional rights; it was indeed sovereign. The number of the senators and knights vanished in comparison with the great multitude of'the people, and could not prevail, especially in comitiis tributis against their decided will. The power of the great mass, however, was kept within bounds, partly by the artifice of the more eminent men, partly by the natural course of things, and there never was a pure democracy established. Among the hostile relations~ arising from a purely democratic spirit, belongs this: that the patricians belonged no longer exclusively to the nobility,* but also those plebeians, who themselves, or whose ancestors had been invested with high public offices. These families of Optimates were now properly the rulers of the * Hence the distinction between nobilis and patricius is obvious. The rank of nobles could be acauired, that of patricians was exclusive family property.

　

　

216 GENERAL HISTORY. state, foir custom, merit and mutual assistance, kept for the most part the possession of the dignities in a fast-closed circle of families, and it was only with difficulty that a homo novus, by prepondlerating favor or merit, or fortune, crowded or crept into this circle. Even the comitia tributa, in which already the clients had voted a long time, and now the patricians, were not dangerous to these, after the censor, Fabius Maximus (3679), had frustrated the preponderance of the low multitude by a new regulation of the tribes, whereby all the common populace was assembled in four tribes, called urbance, bu't the more respected and wealthy, in the others, which were called rusticce. During these commotions, the external wars continued almost without interruption. The Latins, Volsci, Etrurians, and others, gave by turns occasion for triumphs. The Gauls also sometimes excited terror. We pass over these wars, as well as the duels of a Manlius Torquatus and Valerius Corvus, with othei narratives and legends of a rude and chivalrous age. Central Italy was now mostly subjected. Lower Italy became the prize of a still more bloody contest, which lasted seventy years. WAR OF THE SAMNITES, AND OF PYRRHUS. THE Campanian capital, Capua, pressed by the Samnites, subjected itself to Rome in order to obtain its protection (3641) From this, arose the great war which makes an epoch in the military, as well as the political relations of the Romans. The Romans now first learn mountain warfare and regular tactics; and in the conflict with powerful nations, inured to war, their own superior power, awakened by the freedom they have obtained, is developed. With the consciousness of this, the circle of their vision is enlarged, and their ambition augmented. They extend their arms for the dominion of Italy; but increasing danger awakens its nations, unites them in alliances, and causes even the longest conquered to revolt. Rome, placed hostilely between the nations of Italy, has only the alternative to be great, or to fall. At no time were so many dictators appointed, so many triumphs celebrated, so many great actions performed It is the true heroic period. Soon after the commencement of the war with the Samnites, which was fortunate for Rome, the oppressed Latium rebelled

　

　

ROME. 217 and brought it into great danger. The horrible severity of Manlius Torquatus established discipline in the Roman army, and the heroic self-sacrifice of the plebeian, Decius Mus, encouraged to victory (3646). Latium was subjected, and war renewed in the south. The Romans penetrated into Gracia Magna, and conquered Parthenope, (or Palaeopolis, Naples, which became so splendid in after times.) But the Samnites surrounded a consular army in the narrow passes of Caudium (3663), and released it on the most disgraceful terms. Their folly deserved punishment, and received it. The Romans, glowing with shame and vengeance, broke the treaty which had saved their army. Posthumius, who had concluded it, desired to be delivered up to the' Samnites, as an expiatory sacrifice for the violation of his oath PapiriusCursor, the dictator, one of the first great generals of Rome, overthrew the power of the Samnites. Fabius Maximus and Curius Dentatus also obtained brilliant victories; the last, a noble model of Roman virtue, dictated the peace which Samnium, exhausted by a contest that had lasted nearly fifty years, accdpted on the severest conditions (3690). But it rose against tyrannical Rome the third time, when the latter was threatened with more immediate danger from the Gallic nations; whilst, in the south, the more opulent Tarentum was also preparing for war (3704). The Samnites were not completely vanquished until the victory over Pyrrhus, after a desperate resistance, and great loss of the Romans. Tarentum, on account of its violation of the law of nations, being brought into a war with Rome, invited king Pyrrhus to come to its assistance. He visited the rtalian soil with a wellequipped army, and full of imperious designs. The Romans marched against him under the consul Levinus. At Heraclea, In Lucania, the military art of Pyrrhus and the firmness of his phalanx gained the victory, after a severe and bloody conflict, over the yet untutored courage of the Romans. But the valour of the Romans gained the esteem of Pyrrhus, and this esteem made him desire peace. Cyneas, the minister and friend of the king, was despatched to Rome to negotiate peace. But peace was not concluded. The Romans, true to the principles of their fathers, disdained to negotiate, before Pyrrhus had withdrawn his troops from Italy. A second battle was VoL. 1-2 C

　

　

218 GENERAL HISTORY. then foughnt near Asculum, in Apulia. It lasted two days; was destructive, and terminated in a like manner with the first. Pyrrhus, being extremely enfeebled, passed over now to Sicily, where the crown, offered him by the Syracusians, seemed to promise an easier fortune. He was mistaken, and returned to Italy, where, however, scarcely a possibility remained for hint to be victorious. At Beneventum, in the country of the Samnites, Curius Dentatus avenged the earlier defeats of the Romans, by the complete destruction of the royal army (3710). Pyrrhus himself escaped with difficulty. Those nations and cities of Grecian or Italian name, which had hitherto enjoyed freedom, from Gallia Cisalpina to the Strait which separates Bruttium* from Sicily, were now easily conquered. The proud Tarentum and Brundusium, the Picentes, Umbri, Salentini, submitted. Italy was conquered. CONSTITUTION AND CONDITION OF ITALY. BUT very dissimilar was the lot which its separate races experienced. Several, particularly in earlier times, were admitted to the rights of Roman citizens, in order to increase the fundamental mass of the ruling community. The rest lived as Socii, or as Dedititii, in various grades of dependence. The last, subjects in name, as well as in reality, were governed by Roman prmfects, elected annually, and had no longer any constitution of their own. The confederates were nominally independent, and continued to enjoy their own constitutions; but an eternal alliance with Rome chained them to the interest of this imperious city, for which they, without profit to themselves, were obliged perpetually to sacrifice their blood and property. The federal laws were made the most favorable for the Latin races, as they were the most ancient confederates, and, at the same time, kindred tribes, (socii latini nominis), but more oppressive for the rest (socii italici nomtinis). Roman colonies were finally planted in all cities, for the re-peopling of desolated cities, or for the maintenance of the Roman power, therefore generally on hostile boundaries, or among nations of doubtful fidelity. Such colonies-properly garrisons-enjoyed the rights of Roman citizens. * Bruttium is the present Calabria. The ancient Calabria, on the contrary was the most southern part of Aputia, at present, terra d Otranto.

　

　

ROME 219 but without participation in the comitia, and in the magistracies of the capital. The state of Italy after its subjection, forms a sad contrast with that which it enjoyed previously, as long as it was free A throng of strong, active, and, for the most part, civilized nations then inhabited this beautiful country. Almost every city of HIetrurla and Greece was a powerful, prosperous commonwealth. But the rest of Italy was also in a flourishing condition, although to a less extent; as is known from the accounts of the Romans themselves, and in particular from the uncommonly dense popu lation of the country; and from what had been done already a still more brilliant future might reasonably have been expected. How was all this changed under the Roman yoke! War had already annihilated many nations, or thinned them so much, that only a miserable remnant resided in desolated countries, and the once numerous population was never restored. But those which remained exempt from forcible desolation, were condemned instead, to lasting suffering and slow ruin. Many lost a portion of their lands: these were given to the Roman citizens. The latter generally carried their wealth to Rome, whither, also, by the natural attraction of the capital, the flower of the population thronged fiom all parts of Italy. The treasures and blood of the confederates were lavished in the incessant wara of Rome; and at their expense, and without advantage to them, she acquired the dominion of the world. Rome was now for a long space of time delivered from internal disorders. This was the period of the important Punic wars, of great conquests, and Rome's irresistible progress towards the dominion of the world. The conduct of great affairs was then concentrated in the hands of the senate, that venerable body in which also the chief magistrates, at the expiration of their offices, took their seats for life, and where accordingly the most experienced statesmen and generals, and the noblest talents of both ranks were united. External affairs now excited more interest tLan the contentions of the forum; and it was perceived that those would be far more safely confided to a permanent council,which for that reason would be guided by constant maxims, than to the mass of the people, dependent on the impressions of the moment.

　

　

220 GENERAL HISTORY ROMAN POLICY. THESE maxims, which first obtained their principal application with the period of the Punic wars, yet in the earliest times also distinguished the Roman policy, were particularly the following: The first principle was, " never to make peace, until they had conquered;" the second, " from each war to procure the means for further wars." This was put into practice, at first by incorporation of the vanquished, afterwards by alliance with them, finally, by complete subjection of nations. The system of alliances had the greatest extent. Not only the socii latini and italici nominis, which as we have seen above, united by eternal and close ties with Rome, shed their blood constantly for its dominion; foreign nations and powers also, but in various relations, were brought into this system, sometimes with their free will, sometimes by force. Seldom was a peace concluded, where the vanquished had not at the same time to submit to an alliance with Rome. The voluntary allies, which were gained by various means, and of which the greater part sought themselves the alliance, were equally numerous and important. Into such an alliance weaker states principally were received, which were perhaps oppressed by stronger, and in the more immediate danger, forgot the more remote. Had Rome overthrown the stronger by their aid, she enlarged the former by what was taken from the latter, whereby these became more'suitable instruments for the humiliation of the strong. At a convenient time, pretexts were found, sufficient to take back the precarious grants, and to devour the allies themselves. In general, every alliance with Rome was the foundation of a perpetual dependence. All confederates (out of Italy) finally became subjects by kindness or by force. Their countries were then made provinces, which had already anteriorly been the lot of all the countries acquired from enemies, Whlo had dared to defend them. Such provinces were not governed according to the principles of civil, but according to those of magisterial power; they were not parts but property of the Roman state, which disposed at will, of all their resources tn money and men. But no tyranny is more severe, than that,f a whole people. As it is more difficult to satiate a whole

　

　

ROME. 221 people, than one or few tyrants, so the Roman provinces were necessarily more oppressed, than, for example, the Persian. There was no other connexion among them, than that of the servile chain which bound them all; insulated, without any means of salvation, they were all completely exposed to the exorbitant power of Rome. There were indeed laws concerning the administration of the provinces; but the governors were not responsi ble to these provinces, only to the proprietress, Rome. Rome had also adopted the principle of conferring their government, as a reward, on magistrates at the expiration of their offices, under the title of proconsuls or propretors, qumestors and legates, &c. By this regulation, such governors were sent annually —conformably to republican principles, and consequently very many received a share of the spoils-with unlimited power over the inhabitants, whom they terrified by military rule. Here they moved with the pomp of sovereigns; collected everywhere, in a shameless manner, taxes, gifts, fines; sold justice, and were attended by a crowd of rapacious friends, clients, subordinate officers, freedmen and slaves, who, with the favor of their masters, practiced a lucrative traffic. The general prevalence of such outrages caused them to pass almost entirely with impunity. An impeachment took place only when insolence was carried too far, or when the province had influential friends in Rome. Yet then there was seldom any punishment or reparation. The enlargement of such provinces, and the extension of the Roman power in general, was provided for by other and no less efficacious maxims. The Roman policy was never at a loss to find causes for wars. Either there were two contending nations, between which Rome might become a mediator, umpire, or an ally of the weaker, or there were insurrections in a kingdom, contentions in royal houses, or hostile parties in republics. The weakeruparty often sued for external assistance, often interference took'place without invitation. Frequently both parties were attacked by turns, or both purchased assistance Rome had not, according to Montesquieu's strong expression, even the justice of rogues, who go to work in crimes with a certain honesty. Everywhere the right of investigation and judgment was assumed." Re-peated usurpations appeared at last really to constitute a right, and thus the nations subjected themselves

　

　

222 GENERAL HISTORY. finally to Rome, without knowing properly wherefore. But it there was no pretext at all for ae rupture, no object for a demand, the insolence of the envoys gave occasion for offences, and these for war. Even wills were forged, or weak-minded princes were made to bequeath their kingdoms, as private inheritances. Finally, impudence was carried so far, that the confiscation of countries was decreed, if their acquisition appeared useful. But in order that no resistance against such outrages, and no revenge should be possible, either by separate powers, or by coalitions, the art of dividing, checking, and annihilating the power of the enemy, was brought to the highest perfection. No other policy has put into execution with such excellent success as the Roman, the great motto: "divide et impera." In this manner, as earlier Latium and Hetruria, Macedonia and Greece, Asia Minor and Syria, fell afterwards by insulation of their powers, and internal division. Alliances were seldom formed against Rome; for the terror, with which she menaced the vanquished, withheld princes and nations from entering the fatal lists, unless they were urged by the most immediate and extreme danger. If there were, however, signs of a coalition, then Rome's all-seeing, everywhere active policy conjured the storm, ever according to circumstances, by promises, threats, or by inciting one against another. Then she was modest and condescending, conceded small advantages, and thus tranquillized one, whilst she crushed the other separately, and then returned to the punishment of the first. With boundless ambition, she obtained the reputation of moderation. She appeared to wage war and to conquer, not for herself, but only for her allies and the liberty of nations. The gratitude of the protected, of the liberated, removed distrust. No step more was taken witliout the will of Rome, and her guardian and protective authority passed imperceptibly into dominion. If a peace was concluded, it contained certainly the germ- of a new war, which might be raised at a convenient time. And ttiere were always such conditions as would effect the constant enfeeblement of her enemies. They were obliged to destroy their naval power, to renounce their allies, nay, often the right of war; and their treasuries were exhausted by heavy contributions. If the time had arrived when she wished to exterminate thenm, she

　

　

SICILY AND CARTHAGE. 223 extorted from the victims the surrender of fortresses, arms, &c.. and, when they were entirely defenceless she crushed them. HISTORY OF SICILY AND CARTHAGE. BEFORE we relate the history of the highly important Punic wars, we must take a view of the affairs of Sicily, which occasioned directly the war between Carthage and Rome, and of he Carthaginian history itself. Of all the foreign countries upon which theCarthaginians cast longing looks, after the establishment of their power in Africa. there was none for which they strove more eagerly and perseveringly, than for Sicily. In early times, the old Phoenician colonies on the Sicilian coast, had come under the protection, therefore, under the supremacy of Carthage. The divided condition and the incessant commotions of the island, favored the enlargement of this foreign dominion. But the Grecian colonies, which trembled for their freedom, opposed it with all their power; and the whole Grecian nation, which hated the Carthaginians as barbarians and commercial rivals, was inclined to support these efforts. When Carthage afterwards fought, not so much against the freedom of the Grecian cities, as against the ascendency of Syracuse, the contest acquired a still higher interestan interest that belongs to General History. Had Syracusewhich was the design of its princes-united all Sicily with Magna Greacia into one power, Carthage would have succumbed to this, and Rome would hardly have arisen. Had Carthage become the mistress of Sicily, its dominion would have acquired a firm foundation, and Rome would not have overthrown it. After the great defeat which the Carthaginians received from Gelon I., king of Syracuse, as allies of Xerxes, at Himera (3504), they ventured no new attempt for seventy years; and confined, themselves to a few places on the coast, which, in their dependent condition, were not able to emulate the Grecian free states. But they strengthened themselves, in the meantime, by fortifying their power in the other islands, and in Africa itself. It was the house of Mago, which, from the time of Cambyses, during molee than a century, stood at the head of the state in peace and war, and produced a multitude of heroes, who, notwithstanding the

　

　

224 GENEkAL HISTORY. accumulated disasters which they experienced, are to be considered as the real founders of the Carthaginian grandeur. After the misfortune of the Athenians in Sicily, the enterprises of the Carthaginians were renewed in that island. They destroyed Selinus and Himera. Soon. they conquered the powerful Agrigentum, and besieged Gela. In this great danger, all Sicily turned its eyes to the strong Syracuse, which, however, was itself agitated by internal disorders. The laws, which at that time the wise Diocles projected, were ineffective against the partyspirit of the people, and the wild ambition of their leaders. Hermocrates, victorious over foreign enemies, lost his life in a battle with his fellow-citizens; and Dionysius, a man of humble origin, but of great talents, made his way to the throne by treason and force (3579). With this Dionysius, who, not satisfied with Syracuse, extended his dominion over all Sicily, and even to Lower Italy, Carthage engaged in an extremely bloody contest, which was renewed three times and was attended with various success. Dionysius ruled seven and thirty years, on the whole with success and glory; but he-would to God this were the fate of all tyrants!-did not enjoy his fortune. This cruel, criminal prince, who however was favourable to the sciences-from vanity,incessantly tortured by distrust and fear, vexed by many insurrections, died, as is believed, by poison (3617). He was succeeded by his son, Dionysius II. Dion, brother of the elder Dionysius' second wife, a man of great abilities, and Plato's friend, directed at first the steps of the prince. Plato himself was invited to the court, and was weak enough to accede to the invitation. His good fortune was of short duration. Soon he -became, as well as Dion, suspected by the tyrant, who banished the latter, and, in his clemency, released the former. But Dion returned, expelled Dionysius, but was himself murdered by Calippus. The last was also expelled, and during the succeeding distraction of the state, Dionysius found an opportunity to become a second time master of Syracuse (3633). His government was now more reckless and arbitrary than before: at the same time, the Carthaginians fell with a numerous arrpy, into his territory. Then the Syracusans applied to their maternal city, Corinth, for assistance. She sent them the noble Timoleol, with a thousand warriors. This great man, and enthusiastic t

　

　

SICILY AND CARTHAGE.;eh2 fiiend of liberty, expelled Dionysius the second time, organized the government of Syracuse according to republican principles, liberated several more Sicilian cities from tyranny, and defeated the general enemies, the Carthaginians, on the Crimessus, in a decisive battle (3644). After Timoleon had accomplished all this, he magnanimously refused the sovereignty, which Syracuse offered him. The citizens rewarded him by voluntary submission, and when he died (3646), they lamented him as a father. Which was the more fortunate, Timoleon or Dionysius? After his death, the terrors of tyranny returned. At first, Sosistratus, and afterwards Agathlocles, usurped the sovereignty (3667). The first was an aristocrat, and in alliance with the Carthaginians; the second, a man of the populace, but a bold and fortunate adventurer. He fell into a war with the Carthaginians, who defeated him at Himera, and besieged him in Syracuse. Finally, they appeared near their object, the conquest of Sicily. But Agathocles, by a bold manoeuvre, escaped with a few vessels through the midst of the hostile fleet, landed in Africa, and by a series of bold, fortunate, and in part detestable exploits, brought Carthage near to destruction. Another change of fortune overthrew the tyrant, who, finally, after repeated vicissitudes of fate, suffered a horrible death. Various tyrants after him prolonged the sufferings of Syracuse. Pyrrhus, also, son-in-law of Agathocles, although he fought with success against Carthage, which had taken advantage of these commotions, governed arbitrarily and cruelly. But, finally, after oppression for almost 150 years, reckoning from the attack of Athens, fortunate days for Syracuse returned. Hiero, of the family of the great Gelon, and worthy of his ancestor, obtained the crown after Pyrrhus's departure, by an almost unanimous election (3715), and wore it fifty-four years with the highest glory. By him all parties were united or silenced; the Carthaginians were restrained with a strong arm; tranquillity, happiness, and prosperity were secured by his wise regulations; and the arts and sciences were elevated to a high degree of splendour. Under this king the eventful war arose between Rome and Carthage, and Sicily became its principal theatre. VOL. I.-2 D 15

　

　

ROMAN HISTORY. SECOND DIVISION. PERIOD OF THE PUNIC WARS. FIRST PUNIC WAR. UNTIL now but little intercourse had existed between Rome and Carthage. We read, however, in Polybius, of two commercial treaties which were concluded between them; the first, immediately after the expulsion of the kings; the second, about 3636, before the war with the Samnites. And, in the war against Pyrrhus, the two states were naturally confederates. But now when Lower Italy belonged to the Romans, nearer relations, immediate contactions, and hence conflicting interests arose. How could it be otherwise than that the Romans should look anxiously towards Sicily, the granary for their city in times of scarcity; an island separated only by a narrow channel from Italy, which nature herself seemed to have destined for an appendage to this country? And, on the other hand, how could Carthage view with indifference, the probably near competition of a new rival for a possession, after which she herself had striven for many generations, and for which she had sacrificed so much? Here adjustment was hopeless. Sooner or later war was inevitable. The cause of war selected by Rome, was, however, disgraceful. A band of Campanian soldiers, who had served the tyrant Agathocles-with insolent pride they called themselves Mamertini, sons of Mars-had been taken into service by the citizeng (226)

　

　

ROME.-CARTHAGE. 227 of Messaria. Thev murdered their masters, and took possessiorn of the city. To avenge this revolting crime, the old hereditary enemies, Carthage and Syracuse, had united, and they besiegea Syracuse. The AMamertini implored the assistance of Rome. Rome granted it. The senate, it is true, raised some scruples; but the people in the comitia resolved to give aid (3720), and began the twenty-four years' war. At its commencement, Rome had 300,000 citizens capable of bearing arms. The Roman troops passed over to Sicily, and occupied Messana. According to the relation of their authors, Hanno, the Carthaginian general, caused then all the Italian mercenaries in his army to be put to death, whereupon, the consul Appius Claudius, crossed over the strait, defeated the combined forces of the Carthaginians and Syracusans, and liberated Messana. The subsequent desertion of Hiero to the Romans was more important than this victory. Htis faithful aid facilitated the conquest of Carthaginian Sicily, and decided the first war. But a naval force was necessary for the Romans to pursue their advantages. They built a navy, as we read, after the model of a stranded hostile galley, supplied their want of marine tactics by ingenious grappling machines, and obtained under Duillius a glorious victory (3724). Now they carried on war at the same time in Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica. A new victory at Ecnomos, opened the way to Africa. Regulus went thither (3728), with him terror, as far as the gates of Carthage. But Xantippus, a Spartan, who commanded the Carthaginian army, defeated him, and took him prisoner. Henceforth, for some years, one disaster followed another. Several fleets were destroyed in succession by storms or by the enemy; in particular, that which the presumptuous Claudius Pulcher commanded (3735). Rome, nevertheless, rejected all proposals for peace, and continued the war by land, and soon by sea also. Both states were now extremely exhausted; exasIcration gave new power. Fleets were once more fitted out; from Carthage, by exhausting the public treasury, from Rome, by the patriotic contributions of the more wealthy. The battle was fought near the islands,Egates. Fate gave the Romans the victory under the Consul Lutatius; Lutatius dictated to Carthage the terms of peace (3743). Sicily, tbhe prize of efforts for two centures was lost to the vanquished with the small islands of the AMedi

　

　

228 GENERAL HISTORY terranean Sea; 2200 talents were to be paid at stated periods; another 1000 immediately, and the prisoners were to be dis charged without ransom. Several of these conditions were arbitrarily aggravated by the Roman people after the conclusion of peace,-this, Carthage was obliged to endure. HISTORY OF ROME AND CARTHAGE, UNTIL THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE SECOND WAR. Two and twenty years elapsed before war broke out again; but the intervening space of time is filled with important events on both sides. Carthage, exhausted by the efforts of the war, fell directly after the conclusion of peace, into extreme danger, by rebellion. The system of mercenaries, which Carthage observed to a greater extent than any other ancient nation, was indeed adapted to the character and the relations of its commercial people, but also connected with great detriment and danger. The state was now unable to pay its mercenaries, mostly foreigners, their wages in arrears, and wished to discharge them; then a terrible insurrection broke out. The war continued till the fourth year. The mercenaries in Sardinia also revolted. The Romans sent troops thither, ostensibly to assist Carthage. But they perfidiously kept the island for themselves, and still demanded, with unheard of impudence, 1200 talents for their expenses! Carthage, in the deepest affliction, and dispirited, submitted. Yet she soon rose to new plans of dominion and vengeance. Hamilcar, with the surname Barcas, " the lightning," saved the state by extirpating the rebels. And now he cast his eyes upon Spain, the country richest in silver, and the home of the most valiant warriors. Without a commission from his state, he went thither over the Strait, with a devoted army, well disciplined by a previous war in Numidia. His splendid success in negotiations and battles, moved the people to loud approbation, and most zealous support of his designs. But a considerable part of the senate —Hanno the Great, Hamilcar's rival in glory, at their head-feared the power of the popular Hamilcar, which was thus increased. This aristocratic opposition against the Barcinian house, powerful by popular favor, became the source

　

　

ROME.-CARTHAGE. 229 of all the succeeding factions, and accordingly the basis of the Jestruction of Carthage. In nine years, Hamilcar had subjected a great part of Spain, for which the Romans afterwards fought two hundred years. This great man fell in a battle with the Lusitanians (3756). His son-in-law, Asdrubal, had equal success. He built for his principal rendezvous, New-Carthage, (Carthagena), which appeared to rival the old in splendor, and prevailed on many Spanish chiefs to submit voluntarily. Rome, envious and fearful, threatened war; then, Carthage, whose plans were not yet matured, promised not to carry her arms beyond the Ebro, and not to attack Saguntum south of this river. Asdrubal, after holding his power with glory for eight years, was assassinated. The army now proclaimed the young HANNIBAL, son of the great Barcas, general; the senate confirmed the choice, and thus this hero, one of the most remarkable in history, entered on the stage. The Romans, after the conclusion of peace with Carthage, had to make war against various faithless allies. After this, they closed the temple of Janus (3754), for the first time since the days of Numa; but only for a short time, and never again till Augustus. The Illyrians had become troublesome to Rome by piracy. Two wars against them procured for the Romans the firm establishment of their power in Dalmatia, nearer relations with Macedonia, and great glory in the Grecian countries. The Gallic war was attended with still more important consequences. Since the burning of Rome by the Senones, even the name of the Gauls had excited terror. By the foundation of Sena Gallica (Sinigaglia), the Roinans endeavoured to protect their frontier against them. Afterwards (3754), they divided, on the proposal of the tribune Flaminius, the lands taken from the Senones, among the citizens. On this account, the tnsubres in the vicinity of Milan, and the Boii around Parma, engaged in a war with Rome. The Gaesatae from the Rhone united with them. Rome mustered all her military force. The war continued six years, with continual loss to the Gauls. After conquering Liguria, the Romans penetrated into the proper Gallia cis. and transpadana, subdued Milan, made the whole district of the Po a Roman province, (Gallia cisalpina or togaia,) founded

　

　

23C GENERAL K:IS TO RY. two colonies, Cremona and Placentia, for its defence. Istria also was subjected, and the chain of the Alps made its boundary. These wars, as well as the Punic, had cost many men. At the second rupture with Carthage (3764), the number of citizens capable of bearing arms, was nearly a third less than at the first SECONp PUNIC WAR. - HANNIBAL. - SCIPIO. IN the second year of his power, after important victories over the Spaniards, and an excellent organization of his army, ilannibal attacked Saguntum, which was in alliance with the Romans (3765), and commenced by this means the ardently desired war. Rome, occupied with the second Illyrian war, endeavoured to save Saguntu4n by negotiation. But Hannibal, notwithstanding its heroic, desperate resistance, conquered and destroyed the city. Rome, as the surrender of the peace-disturber was refused, solemnly declared war. Hannibal, cwhose great plan was to annihilate the mortal enemy, selected his own country for the theatre of war. With a moderate army, but inspired by him, he marched, prostrating the warlike nations of Spain, to the Pyrenees,. passed over their dark~ summits, penetrated through Gaul, which swarmed with martial hordes, crossed the wild-foaming Rhone, and came to the Alps. His bold, astonishing march-almost incomprehensible, considering -the nature of his obstacles and his resources-proceeded over these into the: country of the Tanrini, whose fortress (Turin) he took by storm, which gave him his first point of support in Italy. Hannibal had crossed the Pyrenees with 59,000 men. When he arrived in Italy, he had 20,000 infantry and 6000 cavalry left. - With this force he attacked Rome, which according to Polybius, had more than 150,000 citizens in arms, and numbered in the whole of Italy, about 800,000 warriors altogether. But Hannibal hoped for the assistance of the disaffected nations of Italy, especially of the Gauls, as yet hardly subdued, whom he designed by rapid victories to inspire with the courage to revolt. He therefore reached the Tecinus by rapid marches, defeated there the consul Cornelius Scipio —who had returned precipitately firom Transalpine Gaul, where Hannibal had evaded him, in the first battle —soon afterwards, him and the

　

　

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ROME.-C ARTHAGE 231 other consul, Sempronius, on the Trebia, in a decisive manner; finally, near the lake Thrasymenus (Lago di Perugia), in Hetruria, whither lie had arrived by a toilsome march over the Apen nines, the presumptuous, new consul Flaminius (3767), and nearly annihilated the Roman army. Now the Gauls joined him, the allies wavered; Rome, threatened with destruction, but not dispirited, raises new legions, and appoints Q. Fabius Maximus dictator. He, a well-experienced, circumspect man, perceived the cause of misfortune in the impetuosity of his predecessors. Therefore, he avoided battle, and showed his art in marches and positions, with which he detained, harassed, and exhausted the enemycontending with many disadvantages in a foreign country —and encouraged and disciplined his newly levied troops. The sage Paulus _Emylius and the temerarious Terentius Varro, were elected consuls for the following year (3768.) Hannibal brought the last to a battle, contrary to the wish of his colleague. The battle took place on the banks of the Aufidus, near the town Canne, the most destructive for Rome in all its history. On this day fell 45,000 citizens; there fell eighty senators, many of consular rank, and many civil officers, and the flower of the equestrian order. Paulus _/Emelius died gloriously, Terentius Varro fleL. The senate, notwithstanding, returned him thanks, in order to sustain the courage of the people, because he had not despaired of the welfare of his country. This was the summit of Hannibal's fortune and glory. The first began now to decline, the second never. That the day at Cannae was without decisive consequences, was occasioned by circumstances, and not by Hannibal's fault. With 26,000 men he had descended the Alps, and had obtained since, no important reinforcement, except the assistance of the Gauls. How could he now, in the third campaign, after so many actions, and four great battles, be strong enough to attack Rome, bleeding it is true, but having an abundance of soldiers and arms; Rome, whose peculiar character was to be the most formidable after disasters? Hannibal therefore mesolved, before he made his greatest attempt, to strengthen himself by gaining the Roman allies, and to wait for assistance from Carthage. And now most of the nations of Lower Italy revolted from Rome, whose dominior nad long, been odious. This was also done by Campania witn

　

　

232 GENERAL HISTORY. its capital Capua. But Hannibal demanded assistance from Carthage in vain; Hanno persevered in his hostility to the Barcinian house, and as this built its greatness upon war, he arose with all the power of his party, against the wish of Hannibal, and insisted on concluding peace. But Rome wished no peace. (Hannibal's deputies were not even heard.) Hence, it was necessary to bring all possible powers to bear upon Rome, and to crush it entirely if Carthage was to exist; and Hanno's opposition against this manner of conducting the war, was accordingly unseasonable. Hannibal hoped to procure the assistance, which he did not immediately obtain from Carthage, from Spain. His brother Hasdrubal was to march with the army, which had become acquainted with the Roman warfare in Spain, on the roads constructed by him to Italy; fresh troops were to go from Africa to'Spain. But the course of the war there prevented the fulfilment of this plan, till the ninth year after the battle of Cannae; and Hannibal remained all this time limited to the assistance which his own genius could find, partly in the vicinity among the Italian races, partly abroad, in Sicily and Macedonia, by negotiation and alliance. Rome found a more powerful aid in the wisdom of its senate, in the steadfast courage of its citizefis, and in the heroic soul of Scipio. Rome, so often condemnable and worthy of hatred by its abuse of fortune, appears as an honourable model in times of difficulty. The misfortune at Cannwe seemed to have doubled its powers. From this moment victory turned. Marcellus, at Nola, overcame Hannibal for the first time; and Rome had forces enough to carry war out of Italy into Sicily, Sardinia, Macedonia, and Spain. In Sicily, Hiero had adhered to Rome with unshaken fidelity. At his death (3769),-Hieronymus, his grandson, joined the Ca~rthaginians. He was murdered in a terrible insurrection, with all the children and relations of the great Hiero. However, the Carthaginian party kept the ascendency. War with Rome, and the seige of Syracuse, by Marcellus, were its consequences. In the third year, after much loss on the part of the Romans. occasioned for the most part by Archimedes' machines and burning-glasses(?), the city was carried by storm, and suffered a sad fate. All Sicily became now a Roman province.

　

　

ROME-C ARTJIAGE 233 Sardinia also, where in the beginning, the Carthaginians fought with success,'was retaken. In Macedonia, Philip II. had concluded an alliance with Hannibal soon after the battle of Cannae. Yet Hannibal derived from it but little advantage, for the /Etolians occupied Philip's arms. Therefore he concluded again peace with Rome. The war was more serious in Spain. Cneius Scipio went thither in the first year of the war, and was soon followed by his brother Publius. Many battles were fought with various success, but, on the whole, favorable for Rome. But in the eighth year of this war (3772), the two brothers suffered a complete defeat, and were slain. Now P. Cornelius Scipio, who was twenty-four years of age, made his appearance, and obtained a decisive triumph. The admirable conquest of New-Carthage in one day, laid the foundation of the Roman dominion in Spain; many victories enlarged it, and the voluntary submission of the nations, effected by their respect for Scipio's virtue, confirmed it. It was completed in the Carthaginian part of Spain, by Hasdrubal's expedition to Italy, which he now finally undertook The fate of Hannibal, and consequently that of Carthage, depended on this expedition. The victor at Cannas had since then confined himself mostly to defensive warfare, from the want of support, and his fortune visibly declined. Capua and Tarentum were lost, and Hannibal led his army before Rome without success. But when Hasdrubal with a great force crossed the Alps, terror was renewed. The consul Livius Salinator marched against him; his colleague Claudius Nero, remained in Apulia, against Hannibal; suddenly, and unobserved by the latter, he conducted his army by forced marches into Upper Italy, united with Livius, and forced Hasdrubal to a battle at Sena, on the Metaurus (3777). It was terrible! a battle of extermination. Hasdrubal, after he had seen the defeat of his army, died, as a worthy son of Hamilcar and Hannibal's brother. After this, Hannibal marched back to Bruttium, in the extreme corner of Italy, and terrified Rome more by his name, than by his power. A new army advanced under Mago and was beaten (3778). The Italian war was now a secondary affair. The eyes of nations were directed to Scipio, who, as a reward for his achievements, and because fortune seemed jo'ned to his VOL. 1-2 E

　

　

234 GENERAL HISTORY. na:ne, was elected consul before the legal age. He carried the WVar into Africa. The Numidian king Massinissa united with hiim. The heaviest blows fell now upon the Carthaginians. In vain they sought by arms, in vain by negotiations, to conjure tile storm. No hope was left them but Hannibal. He was recalled from Italy; and the hero left with sighs this theatre of his exploits for sixteen years-the harvest-field of immortal fame, so gloriously acquired, so steadfastly maintained. On his arrival in Africa, the courage of the Carthaginians revived, the fugitives, the dispersed, collected around him; the army encamped near Zama. A great fate was connected with the coming battle. Hannibal perceived it, sought to avoid battle, and sued for peace on hard terms. All the Carthaginian country out of Africa, was to be surrendered to the Romans. But Scipio, sure of victory, rejected these terms. In the 552d year of the foundation of Rome (3782), two hundred and two years before the birth of Christ, the two greatest generals of this time, and perhaps of any age, fought, each for the highest prize of glory, of dominion, nay-of existence, for himself and his people. In number of troops and arms, in talent and courage, the generals were equal. Scipio had enthusiastic troops, who had unshaken confidence in his good fortune. Hannibal, who ordered the battle as a great general, lost it; and with it, hope. He himself escaped, and advised Carthage to conclude peace upon any conditions. On this day the dominion of Rome was established. The freedom of the world was lost. PEACE. THE conditions of peace condemned the Carthaginians to almost inevitable destruction. It is true their city and constitution, and their ancient territory in Africa were left them. But their foreign possessions, especially Spain, were ceded to Rome Besides, Carthage was compelled —with several less important articles —to deliver up its elephants and ships of war, exeept ten; it was to pay in fifty years, 10,000 talents; to restore to the king Massinissa, the country taken from him and his ancestors; to engage in no war without the consent of the Iomans; to grant assistance to the Romans when required, and to give one hun. dred hostages as a security of its fidelity.

　

　

ROME. 2,35 Among these conditions, especially the promise not to make war w-ithout the permission of Rome, which was a complete submission to the mercy of the enemy, and the ambiguous clause in favor of AMassinissa, produced the ruin of Carthage. This able, ambitious, and unprincipled king, could now provoke the Carthacinians with impunity, take one province after another from them under base pretences,-as he really did with the rich province Emporia, with Tysca and others,-and if his insolence and the partial mediation of Rome finally brought the Carthaginians to a desperate step, could give the vigilant enemy a convenient pretext for a new rupture. Discord and party-rage were associated with this sad condition of external relations. Hannibal attained, it is true, by the splendour of his merit and the power of his house, the highest inagistracy of the republic, and produced a beneficent reform by overthrowing the oligarchy of the hundred men, and by a better regulation of the finances. But the old Hannonian party-they from passion towards the Barcinian house even favoured the Romans —conspired against him, and the greatest man whom Carthage ever produced, would have been delivered up to Rome, had he not saved himself by flight to Asia. The history of Rome, after the second peace with Carthage, assumes an entirely different character. What it had gained until that time was generally the result of long and dangerous wars against enemies equally powerful, and sometimes superior. Now it found no adversary able to cope with its power, and proceeded with gigantic steps towards the dominion of the world. In part, the principles of its policy, which we have already described, in part, the general state of the world at that time, explain this change. GENERAL SITUATION OF THE WORLD. BESIDES Central and Lower Italy, the principal seat of the Roman power, now Sicily, Sardinia, together with Corsica and the smaller islands, Cisalpine Gaul, and the two Spains (citerior and ulterior) were subjected as provinces. Yet Liguria, Istria, and other parts of Upper Italy continued to resist, and occupied the legions. In the west, Carthage was humbled, and Massinissa of Numida was connected with the Roman interest by policy,

　

　

236 GENERAL HISTORY as well as by friendship. In the north, the insulated Gallic hordes, and other nameless tribes that wandered about beyond the Alps, could excite but little fear. In the east, the Macedonian kingdoms formed a peculiar and important system of states, powerful by extent and population, but containing within themselves the germs of destruction, and, till now, almost without rtercourse with the west. Of the four principal powers of this system of states, Macedonia Proper was important by its name, by the naturally strong position of the country, and the military spirit of its inhabitants; and finally, by the talents of its king, Philip. But its limited extent, and the hostile disposition of almost all its neighbours, prevented it from undertaking great designs. The Grecian affairs occupied almost exclusively its policy and its power. Greece would have been invincible, had it been united. But a mortal hostility prevailed between the AEtolians and Achawans. The Baeotiansand others, but still more the Spartans, thought only of themselves; and pride, and the recollections of the glorious past, lulled them all into a dangerous security. Besides, _Etolia and Sparta were against Philip, and Achaia dependant on him. The Syrian kingdom was a great and magnificent country, abounding in men and gold, and embracing the principal part of Alexander's conquests. But the unworthiness of its kings had enfeeebled it. Antiochus M. restored only the appearance of life. Then it entered into an alliance with Macedonia against Egypt, its inveterate enemy. The latter had been devoted to the Romans since the time of Philadelphus. WARS AGAINST MACEDONIA, SYRIA, AND GREECE. DIRECTLY after the battle of Zama, Rome renewed the war against Philip; ostensibly because several Macedonians were found in the Carthaginian army. The AEtolians, Athenians, Rhodians, and the king of Pergamus were united with Rome. Without landing in Italy, the African legions went immediately to Macedonia, fought two years with various success, and in the third (3787), totally defeated Philip's army, under T. Quinctius Flaminius, at Cynoscephale. This victory deprived Philip of the power and courage for further opposition. He was forced now to be contented to retain

　

　

ROME. 237 his Macedonia in peace, he was obliged to resign all claim to the Grecian countries in Europe and Asia, to surrender his fleet, to renounce the right of foreign wars, to pay 1000 talents, and to give his son Demetrius as a hostage. Macedonia never recovered from this blow. The Roman power was now established also in the east. But for its fortification, the subjection of the Greeks appeared most necessary. The first step to that, in order to gain their confidence, was, that they were declared free. After this, seeds were scatttered for their destruction, by separation of the states, by secret incitement of one against another under the appearance of mediation, by conducting their affairs under the title of protector or guardian, by gaining a party in all the cities, and by oppression of the patriots. These measures were interrupted by the Syrian war, but its result promoted their success. Antiochus, surnamed the Great, of Syria, had come into a hostile relation towards Rome, by his enterprise in Egypt; then, by taking the Grecian cities in Asia, which Philip had been obliged to abandon; finally, Thoas, Strategus of the AtEtolians, and Hannibal, produced a complete flame. The refractory iEtolians became offended by the arrogant tone of the Romans. Indiscreetly, as they had made the way for the Romans to Greece, they now called on the Syrians for their expulsion; and several Grecian states, which gradually perceived the designs of Rome, united with them. Hannibal, the never-sleeping enemy of the Romans, observed these relations from Carthage, and built upon them his plan of vengeance. Would Philip forget his humiliation? and what could not be expected from a coalition of Carthage, Syria, Macedonia, and the Grecian nations? A great storm threatened to burst upon Rome, but its indefatigable policy dispersed it. Its embassies were everywhere active. Carthage was obliged to banish the dreaded Hannibal; Philip, the Achaeans, and others, were amused by little complaisances, and Roman agents were busy at the court of Antiochus. This prince, more worthy to be called the successor of Xerxes than of Alexander, expected to carry on the Roman war amidst festivals and pleasures. Slowly his richly adorned troops marched to Greece, as if to take peaceable possession; but the consul Acilius Glabrio, drove him back with severe blows, to Asia.

　

　

238 GENERAL Il STORY. He was soon followed by the Romans. L. Scipio, attended by his brother Africanus, commanded now the Roman army. It was strengthened by Attalus of Pergamus. At Magnesia. on the Sipylus (3794), seven years after the fall of Macedonia, the battle was fought which overthrew the empire of Seleucus. Tile great Antiochus ceded all the country as far as the Taurus, promised to pay Rome 15,000 talents and 400 to Eumenes of Pergamus, to deliver up the instigators of the war, particularly Thoas and Hannibal, and to give his younger son as a hostage Directly afterwards, the zEtolians were completely subdued by M. Fulvius Nobilior, and were made to suffer severely for their revolt, as a warning to all allies. The Galatians, who likewise had fought for Antiochus, obtained better terms of peace, because they were designed to be of service. Rome, still abstaining from the appearance of ambition to rule, gave the country acquired in Asia Minor to Eumenes. Deluded and corrupted orators praised the magnanimity of Rome in liberating the world. Hannibal, as his escape had exempted the king of Syria from the baseness of delivering up his friend, went to Prusias of Bithynia, and intended to manage his war against Eumenes, the friend of the Romans, until, perhaps, the time might come to renew war against Rome. But a Roman embassy demanded the surrender of Hannibal, who was seventy-six years old, which Prusias dared not refuse. Hannibal killed himself, however, by poison. Two years before, Scipio, his victor, had experienced the effect of republican ingratitude. He was summoned before the assembly of the people to answer a disgraceful accusation. With noble scorn he withdiew from his despicable judges, and went to Linternum, where he closed his days in an honourable retirenent. Lucius Scipio, also, was accused and condemned, without any cause, as was discovered afterwards. A new coalition now appeared to menace Rome, and prepared for it only new triumphs. Soon after the battle of Magnesia, Philip found in the altered tone of the Romans, a sufficient cause to repent of forsaking Antiochus. The king's painful indignation betrayed his involuntary exclamation: " The eveningc of every day has not yet arrived;" but he did not live to see the juncture for executing his vengeance.

　

　

RO ME. 23t. Perseus, his son, inherited his father's hatred, and continued his plans to strengthen himself for war against Rome, by efforts, for seven years, but with imperfect success. For equally indefatigable and with greater success the Roman policy operated against him; and it gained time, when the rupture ensued too soon for the Romans, by a deceptive cessation agreed to by Perseus, for complete equipment. After the renewal of war, Perseus had the ascendency for two years. The nations of Epirus, of Thessalia, of Thrace, and many foreign mercenaries (there were 30,000 Gauls) fought for him. Gentius of Illyria, assisted him with all his power; and the well-equipped phalanx seemed more formidable than ever. Finally, Paulus iEmelius made his appearance with a powerful force. Troops of Numidia, Italy, Greece and Asia Minor, were in his army; yet every expedient of foresight and exertion appeared necessary to the Roman general, to secure victory. He himself confessed afterwards, that the sight of the phalanx, when it fell upon the legions in its compact order in the decisive hour at Pydna, alarmed him exceedingly (3816). But it was the last day of its glory. After a heroic defence, the flower of the Macedonian army fell on the battle field, the rest perished in flight, or were made prisoners. Perseus was taken and carried to Rome, where he adorned the triumphal procession of the victor by his sorrowful aspect, and, after five years' suffering and unparalleled abuse, he died in a Roman prison. Gentius was also taken captive. Illyria and Macedonia, after they had been ravaged, were divided into what were called republics; the former into three, the latter into four; and half of the sum they had paid their kings was imposed upon them as an annual tribute to Rome. Perseus' fate made all kings tremble. At the command of the Rtoman ambassador Popilius Laenas, (the time of forbearance was past) Antiochus of Syria abandoned the half-conquered Egypt, and this last kingdom was constantly enfeebled from the disconnexion of its subject countries by the Romans. The princes of Egypt and Syria went to Rome, in order to obtain their rights from the awards of the senate, or to remain also as hostages in its custody. But it was forbidden the kings to go thither without permission. No language was now known except that of command.

　

　

240 GENERAL HISTORY. About this time the Romans entered Transalpine Gaul, under Opimius. Now, no more taxes were demanded of the citizens it seemed reasonable that the victor should live at the expense of the vanquished. The veil had fallen with which Rome had covered her usurpations anteriorly; she represented herself without fear as the empress of the world; and, by two unexampled enormities, characterized and fortified her power-the subjugation of Achaia and the destruction of Carthage. Full of confidence, Greece had thrown herself into the arms of Philip's victors, as she apprehended no danger to her freedom from a friee people. After the humiliation of the _Etolianswhich was considered as a merited punishment for their insolence and inconstancy-the rest, especially the Achaeans,remained devoted to Rome, and its friendship appeared requisite for their prosperity. But Flaminius was already preparing their shackles by artful confusion of all relations, and by the formation of a Roman party in all the communities. The opposition of this to the patriotic party, became perceptible in proportion as the usurpation of the Romans, continually increasing with their power, opened the eyes of those possessing good sentiments to the danger of their country. This party was in number, if not also in power, the greater. The name of the "Y Macedonian party," was given it, in order by this means to justify its mistreatment. With more justice it might have been called the patriotic party; for between it and Macedonia there existed —a few bribed adherents excepted-merely the natural friendship of companions of the same oppression and of the same hopes. On the contrary, the enemies and traitors of their country were protected by the palladium of the Roman name, and attained, amidst general hatred, wealth and power. Their instigation incited, directly after the fall of Perseus, the Romans to the revolting violence of tearing at once a thousand of the noblest Achaeans, whose sentiments were suspected, and whose influence seemed dangerous, from the bosoms of their families and communities, and of dragging them to Italy —as if to answer for their adherence to Macedonia. These victims of the most shameless tyranny pined seventeen years in the dungeons of Italy. The greater part died. To reward his villany-he had made out the list of those

　

　

ROME.-C A RTH AGE. 241 patriots-Callicrates was made the head of the Achaean confederation. The abhorrence of the people rested upon him; but the fear of Rome preserved tranquillity. Finally, the flame of hatred was kindled. It was occasioned by the second desertion of Sparta from the Achaean,confederation, and the imperious interference of Rome. Yet Rome now procrastinated, since its arms were employed in Africa, for the extinction of Carthage, and also in Macedonia, to stop an insurrection. For the Macedonians had acknowledged with joy, Andriscus as king, who pretended to be the son of Perseus (3835). The war appeared so important, that Q. Metellus, who terminated it victoriously, was rewarded with a triumph and the title of Macedonicus. He defeated the Achaeans, who had begun the war, in the mean time, with more courage than prudence. Their general Critolaus killed himself.'But Diseus, his successor, continued the resistence in desperation. Yet he fought in vain on the isthmus of Corinth, who was worthy of the ancient Greeks. The gods gave the victory to the stronger. Diaus, amidst the ruins of his fallen country, killed himself and his family. Mummius, the successor of Metellus, advanced before Corinth. This venerable city, which had stood nearly a thousand years, one of the principal ornaments of Greece, the richest in works of art, was taken and burnt (3838). All the inhabitants capable of bearing arms were slain, the others sold as slaves, the works of art mostly destroyed; and what was left, was carried to Rome. Chalcis on Euboea also, as well as Thebes and other cities, were burnt. Such mistreatment, a people experienced, that had planted freedom in Europe, braved so many kings, received the allegiance of many others, and filled the earth with its renown, by the hand of a people likewise free and desirous of glory! In the third year of the 158th Olympiad, in the 608th of the foundation of Rome, and in the 146th before Christ, the independence of Greece terminated in this sad manner. It became a Roman province, under the name of Achaia. THIRD PUNIC WAR. IN the same year as Corinth, Carthage also fell, in a manner still more terrible. As severe- as the second peace with Rome VOL. 1-2 F 16

　

　

242 GENERAL HISTORY. had been, the state, notwithstanding, recovered quickly by the industry of its citizens, and Hannibal's wise administration. On this account the mistrust of Rome was revived. Rome intended that Carthage should by no means become more powerful. Hence the flight of Hannibal was effected by persecution, and hence the constant encroachment of Massinissa; and his unsparing depredations upon the disarmed were viewed with pleasure. In vain Carthage demanded, since it was not permitted to engage in war, the justice of Rome in mediation. The judge was its enemy; and when, finally, Cato went there as ambassador, his insolent behaviour increased the animosity, and his passion accelerated the destruction of this unfortunate city. The discord of the parties still continued in it, and became more violent than ever. The patriotic party was opposed, no' only to a Roman, but, also, to a Numidian party. In just exasperation, but perhaps with imprudent zeal, they first banished all the adherents of Massinissa, and gave by that means, occasion for war. Then, when the king demanded their restoration, Carthage, enraged, took up arms. But Massinissa, who was ninety years of age, defeated and destroyed its army. No juncture could be more favourable to crush the rival. It had broken the treaty, and its army was lost. Rome therefore declared war (3834). At this terrible news, Utica revolted from Carthage, and subjected itself to Rome. The Carthaginians, in their perplexity, sent the instigators of the war to Massinissa; and they even declared themselves, at last, subjects of their superior enemy. The senate received their subjection apparently with pleasure, promised Carthage preservation if it would send three hundred of its noblest sons as hostages, and besides would do as the consuls should command. The hostages came, and the consuls went to Africa. Now the surrender of its ships, arms, and implements of war, was demanded. The Carthagipians obeyed. Finally, the order came to demolish their city, and to build another far from the sea, and without walls. When the Carthaginians heard this, they were seized with extreme desperation. They resolved unanimously to save their dear city or to die. What a nation may do, when brought to an extremity, was never shown in so brilliant a manner. The helpless city held out heroically against the legions accustomed to victory, until the third year. Several consular armies

　

　

ROME. 243 were defeated; the power of the besieged seemed to increase daily; the Romnans were almost discouraged. Then they appointed the young Scipio i]Emilianus consul (the son of Paulus AEmelius, but by adoption, grandson of Scipio Africanus). The legions acquired new courage by his appearance; by his strictness, discipline; by his genius, victory. The Carthaginians did more than is credible. The harbour had been obstructed by a mole; with wonderful rapidity a new outlet was excavated, and the enemy was terrified ~by a new fleet. Two walls had fallen, the third remained. -The army before the city,was beaten, all supplies cut off; hunger was braved like the terror of war. Finally Scipio penetrated by night into the last harbour; the lower part of the city was taken, the upper city and the citadel (Byrsa) did not yield. These Scipio stormed seven days and seven nights; blood flowed in all the streets, places, and houses. The Carthaginians continued to fight in wild desperation; at last, when all-hope was lost, they set fire to the city, killed themselves in their houses, temples, over the graves of their fathers. This magnificent, immense, unfortunate city was burning seventeen days; the Romans, on the command of the senate, completed its ruin. Thus vanished from the earth, after they had fought vigorously with Rome one hundred and twenty years, the far-ruling, commercial people of Carthage-great in their prosperity, in theirfall still greater (3837). Miserable remnants of them may have fled into the interior of Africa-perhaps beyond the desert (Tombuctoo is said to have originated from them);. others lived nameless, by the mercy of the Romans, in the country of their fathers. This was cultivated henceferth by: the -former -subjects of Carthage, and by Roman colonists. - Utica now became the seat of commerce. But afterwards a new Carthage arose over the ruins of the ancient; commenced by TiberiusGracchus, completed by Julius Coesar, and for centuries the capital of this African coast. VIRIATHUS. - NUMANTIA. THE victress of Carthage and the Macedonian kingdom, conducted soon after this, an unfortunate war for many years against a robber, a small town, and a handful of slaves. That

　

　

'244 GENERAL HISTORY such wars could be formidable, intimates the decline of. moral power. By the expulsion of the Carthaginians from Spain, Rome obtained at first, only a theatre of the longest and most bloody wars. Among the changing scenes of this contest of freedom against oppression, during two hundred years, the wars with Viriathus and Numantia, attract for the present, our attention. Viriathus, who had possessions in Lusitania, enraged at the extortions of the Romans, placed himself at the head of his brave countrymen, and raised a dangerous war, which spread. amidst many defeats of the Romans, from Ulterior to Citerior Spain, and occupied the legions six years. The Romans, delivered themselves from the "robber," as they called him, by assassination. Numantia situated in the mountains of Old Castile, on the Duero, a city well fortified, but not large, resisted several years the Roman power, defeated more than one consular army, and obtained, by surrounding one under Mancinus, anequitable accommodation. But the senate refused to fulfil it, and supposed that it would be sufficient for them to give up Mancinus to the gods, who avenged perjury, and sent Scipio with a strong force to renew the war. Numantia fell fourteen years after Carthage and in a similar manner (3851), after a heroic defence, by Scipio's bravery and the desperation of its citizens. They killed themselves among one another, and were buried beneath the ruins of their burning city. About the same time the slaves raised an insurrection in Sicily. It was occasioned by the cruelty of their masters. Under the conduct of the cunning Eunus, they fought five years, at first in small bands, finally, with strong armies against the Romans, till the consul Rupilius exterminated them in a terrible manner (38521.

　

　

ROMAN HISTORY. THIRD DIVISION. PERIOD OF THE CIVIL WARS..CONSTITITTION OF ROME, AFTER THE EXPULSION OF THE KINGS. THE constitution of Rome after the expulsion of the kings was an artful mixture of monarchical, aristocratic and democratic forms. The power of the consulate-although restricted with much foresight conferred, as it should be according to theory, on the government, especially in war, the unity and energy of royalty. The wisdom of the aristocratic senate, and its permanent power, imparted-notwithstanding all the changes of magistrates, and the inconstancy of popular will —stability to political maxims, connexion to measures; to the whole state a constant centre of gravity. The sovereignty of the people was represented by the tribunes, but immediately preserved and exercised in the comitia; to which was committed, not only legislation, but also the most important affairs of government, the election of all high magistrates, and even a part of the jurisdiction. This highly praised constitution contained originally many essential defects and fundamental evils, which were almost incurable; especially as it presupposed-perhaps more than any other-the republican virtue of the citizens, also the talents and honesty of the magistrates, as the condition of its firmness and greatness. The best consul-without regarding other points-was unable, with a bad colleague, to promote the welfare of the state. The respect of the senate fostered the pride of its members, preserved under all the democratic forms the odiousness of aristocracy, and the hostile opposition, the incessant collision of the two parties, the higher and lower class. The people in fine had too much power. It conflicts with the idea of justice, that the people (245'

　

　

246 GENERAL HISTORY themselves in political offences, accordingly in their own cause, should be judges. Tile magistrates, and those desirous of becoming magistrates had too much inducement to flatter the people, to purchase their favour by unjust and dangerous proposals, and besides the facility to seduce them, often by the organ of their immediate heads, the tribunes, to the most destructive resolutions. In every instance where the limits of the separate powers were not clearly defined, they mutually invaded each other's province; collisions were unavoidable. In the best objects it was necessary to resort. to intrigues, delusions, often to force; there was an incessant hostile action between one another; the citizens did not enjoy their existence. Finally, altogether too much depended on the characters and talents of the magistrates, in particular of the tribunes, who had the arbitrary power to confound the state, to trammel all authorities, and to accumulate mischief upon mischief. They were necessary, however, for averting ar aristocratic despotism; and that such an expedient was necessary, shows indeed the deficiency of the constitution. By the immense enlargement of the power of Rome, its constitution had now acquired an entirely different spirit, without undergoing an essential alteration in its form. It was originally a city constitution, and as such, still supportable. With a moderate increase of the republic, by incorporation, and colonies, and federal relations, the constitution might have continued, especially so long as its aegis, republican virtue, existed. I But when the confederates became in realitf subjects, still more, when countries and kingdoms were declared provinces, i. e. the property of the predominant community, the forms would be no longer good which might suit a moderate city, Latium, or even the federal head of Italy., Those laws and customs which sufficed for Rome in its poverty, would now be inefficient, when Rome was a far-ruling community, in its pretensions limited by nothing, and its people a people of kings. Avidity and desire for dominion, were now made unmanageable by the prospect of the harvest-field, lying in immense extent before them. The spoils of nations flowed to Rome, and were accumulated in a few families, since generally, only the civil and military heads, and the senate, were perlnitted to plunder the provinces; and the greater the gain. I

　

　

ROME. 247 the more insatiate the desire; robbery and extortion were practised without shame and without bounds. The effect of all this was not merely the cessation of the ancient moderation, abstemiousness, and virtuous customs, but, at the same time, a complete change of the relations of power. For the multitude, who did not come to the immediate plunder ing of the provinces, drew gain in their turn, from their right of suffrage. Henceforth, no one could attain to the high civil dignities, therefore to the administration of the provinces, otherwise than by bribery, nay, almost public purchase: the wealth which flowed from power, became, at the same time, the means of acquiring power. And thus, there arose gradually, in the place of the old aristocracy of nobles and optimates, that of wealth. The first had already been long overthrown. In the place of those, the families of optimates —i. e.- those houses, without distinction, whether of patrician or plebeian origin, whose members had once attained the high dignities-continually maintained these, though not exclusively. There were so many of these, that there remained still a sufficient field for free election, and the emulation of virtue and talent. But now the power was concentrated in the hands of the most wealthy citizens, and the most detestable of all aristocracies was established. For the aristocracy of birth, and still more that of office, is susceptible of ennoblement by the ideas which may be associated with it. But the aristocracy of wealth is entirely odious and destructive, and can scarcely rise and exist without extinguishing moral ideas. For then the esteem which is due to merit and virtue, is bestowed on wealth, and with wealth all means of attaining it are also respected. Then, the greater the wealtn of one, the more complete becomes mostly the poverty of another. By this means, a people is divided into two extremely unequal, hostileclasses. The one, which riots in the fulness of enjoyment, and is insolent and predominant; the other, wretched, oppressed, powerless, full of hatred towards the rich, yet venal to them. In such a situation, the state is incurably corrupted, whatever its form may be, but particularly if it be the republican, which requires essentially a community of sentiments, enjoyments, and interests; self-denial, respect for the laws, and virtue. To this internal corruption, as the natural consequence

　

　

248 GENERAL HISTORY. of the conquest of the world, accordingly the punishment for the violation of justice and the order of nature, Rome was now inevitably approaching. It is true there were men who perceived this corruption, and desired the return of the old customs. But they did not observe the root of the evil, the uncontrollable ambition to enlarge the state, and expected, by defending the forms, to retain the spirit, which had long since departed. Thus it was with the celebrated M. Portius Cato, who, with all the strictness of his censorship, did not compensate for the evil which he did in instigating the senate to the destruction of Carthage. THE GRACCHI. MORE efficacious, but yet untenable, and fatal to their authors, were the reforms of the noble brothers, the Gracchi, two demagogues, who, by character and fate, are interesting in the highest degree, and of importance to general history by their lasting influence.,Dornelia, the excellent sister of the Scipios, had given birth to them, in consequence of her marriage with a very respectable plebeian, Sempronius Gracchus. Notwithstanding the invectives of party-spirit, the political virtue of these two brothers radiated in the clearest light. The character, however, of the elder, Tiberius, is manifestly more noble than that of the younger, Caius; the latter shone more by his brilliant talents. Tiberius Gracchus perceived, on his return home from the Numantian war, the misery of the inhabitants of Italy, living in oppressing dependence on the wealthy. The lands belonging to the state (ager publicus), which everywhere constituted a large part of the country, were almost all bestowed on some few favored, or wealthy families in Rome, for their usufruct. Enriched by the sweat of the poor dependent husbandmen, the fields bore their blessings only for the proud revellers of the capital. The inferior citizens, i. e. the mass of the Roman people, had obtained almost nothing of the land acquired by the nation's arms. Increasing want and debts had deprived them of their small portion. Full of the desire to meliorate the condition of the common people, and to curb the insolence of the more eminent, (which word was now almost synonymous with rich) Tiberius solicited the tribuneship, and obtained it.

　

　

ROME. 249 He now proposed the revival of the Licinian law (3851), but in a somewhat milder form. No Roman citizen should possess more than five hundred acres of the public lands in his own name, aind two hundred and fifty for every child under the paternal authority. What any one possessed over this, was to be returned to the community, but compensation was to be made from the public treasury. The lands, confiscated in this way, were to be distributed among the poor, and accordingly not to be alienated. This law, which indeed attacked the fundamental evil at its root-but certainly, according to the then relations of Rome, it must have appeared more oppressive than at the time of Licinius -produced, as was to be foreseen, uncommon commotion, and the most violent opposition on the part of the optimates. The law, however, was passed. But on account of the many obstacles to its execution, and the constant opposition of the optimates, Tiberius thought that he ought to endeavour to prolong his term of office; as this protected him from the rage of' his opponents. But they feared the prolongation of his tribuneship. Therefore, as was once done to Cassius, Maelius, and Manlius, they cast upon him the suspicion of tyranny. Yet vengeance was decided, not in the legal way of accusation and judgment, but-for the first time since Rome was founded-by tumult and violence. For, when the tribes had already commenced to vote, Scipiq Nasica, pontifex maximus, a man otherwise respected, of dignified deportment, and a relative of Gracchus, arose, urged on by passion: " Follow me," he exclaimed, "all who wish to save your country!" and the senators, many knights, and the most wealthy citizens with their adherents, fell upon the defenceless "people, armed with clubs, chairs, and whatever accident threw in their way. A colleague of Gracchus gave him the first blow. Tiberius fell with three hundred of his party; their bodies were thrown into the Tiber (3853). But general hatred lay upon the murderers, and the excitement continued, and came ten years later through Caius Grac. chus to a still more violent eruption. Caius Gracchus had obtained the tribuneship, and not only renewed the laws of his brother, but made them more severe Others were also enacted; some of which were wise and beneficial, and some dangerous. They were almost all calculated for the degradation and mortification of the senate. That law VOL. J.-2 G

　

　

250 GENERAL HISTORY in particular, was important, by which the judicature was to be transferred to the knights; and another, by which the allies were: to receive the rights of citizens. The former gave the knights a very exalted political station, and contributed rather to the disturbance, than to the preservation of the equilibrium; the latter contained the tinder of the most terrible war that ever desolated Italy. Two years Caius maintained the decided prelonderance, by his ardent zeal and his powerful eloquence. But the opposition succeeded in the third year iii removing the feared man from the tribuneship,- after which no forbearance seemed necessary. The consul Opimius was the personal enemy of Gracchus. He caused, as in times of great danger, the supreme power to be conferred on himself by the senate, attacked the citizens, who adhered to Gracchus, with an armed force, and dispersed them. More than three thousand citizens fell, among them, Gracchus. Opimius gave to the murderer the weight of his head in gold (3863). Then he caused insultingly a temple to be erected to Concord, whilst the opposite party still continued; and what the Gracchi had built, was triumphantly demolished. But the people retained the brothers in grateful remembrance, erected to them statues, and called them Inartyrs of liberty. Opimius, who was afterwards condemned on account of bribery, died in the deepest contempt. The fierce passions were loosened, violence took the place of law. The sanctity of the tribuneship had been violated in the elder Gracchi, and that of the life of the citizens in his and his brother's adherents. Rome was approaching a fearful time. During the commotions of the Gracchi, the Romans had been engaged in war abroad. A great part of southern Gaul was conquered; in various expeditions the Saluvii, Allbroges, Arverni, and other tribes, were subdued, and the colony Narbo Martius (Narbonne) established. The Balearic islands also were subjected by Q. Metellus, (son of Macedonicus,) and the Dalmatians, by L. Cmecilius Metellus, and finally war was carried on against the Scordisci, in Thrace, with variable success. THE WAR WITH JUGURTHA AND THE CIMBRI. TwOparticularly important wars, the one with Jugurtha, the other with the Cimbri, now allayed for a time the strife of par.

　

　

ROME. 251 lies; but they fed the internal fire, and laid the. foundation for a more speedy eruption. After the death of Massinissa, Rome divided his inheritance according to its pleasure, among his sons; and the Numidian princes became afterwards its dependants. Therefore, when a contention arose among the grandsons of Massinissa (3865), and Jugurtha, one of them, killed one of his cousins and expelled the others, Rome claimed to be absolute judge. But Jugurtha bribed the senate and its commissioners, and killed now, also, his rival who had fled to Rome. War was indeed declared against him; but Jurgurtha maintained himself a series of years against the decrees of the people and their military forces, by corrupting the leaders; he was even audacious enough to go to Rome, and there murder a third relative. Finally, Q. Metellus, the conqueror of Macedonia, was sent against him, an incorruptible man and a great general. Jugurtha, although skilled in war, was unable to cope with this adversary; and-fled, after various defeats, to Bocchus, king of Mauretania, and his father-in-law. But the glory of terminating the war was wrested from Metellus, by C. Marius, one of the most remarkable men in the his. tory of Rome. He was born at Arpinum, of low parentage, without property, without education, without science; eminent merely for military merit, and a rude greatness of character, he made his name celebrated in the army by valiant actions, and in the city by popular principles. As tribune, he justified by his zeal the confidence of the people; and his patron, Metellus, who took him as lieutenant to Numidia, acknowledged the importance of his services. But Marius removed his benefactor from the command by defaming him among the people, which he then, as newly elected consul, took upon himself (3877). Marius, by great battles, and by taking the strongest fortresses, broke the combined power of Numidia and Mauritania. Bocchus, surrendered his son-in-law to the Romans. Sylla, Marius' (uvestor, effected this, and from that time became the object of his hatred. Bocchus obtained now a part of Numidia; Rome retained another part; a third was given to the remaining princes, Hielnpsal and Hiarbas (3878). Jugurtha preceded the triumphal chariot of the conqueror, and suffered death by starvation in a subterranean dungeon. The joy of the triumph was disturbed by the terrors of the

　

　

3152 GENERAL HISTORY. Cimbric war. These had commenced in the first year of the Jugurthine war, when it was perceived that a wandering people from ine regions of the north made their appearance, which had never been heard of before. Their army consisted of three hundred thousand men, of large stature, with blue eyes and light brown hair. Their wives and children accompanied them; their procession extended beyond the limits of vision. They were, therefore, a German people, as these characters showed, but without throwing any light upon their origin. This is the first distinct appearance of the Germans in history-and a formidable appearance! After they had defeated the consul Papirius Carbo, at Noreia, on the boundary of Illyricum (3871), they marched through Helvetia, over the Rhine, to Gaul; and extended their desolation as far as beyond the Pyrenees, into the Celtiberian country. The Tigurini (in the canton of Zurich), the Ambrones, with the Tugeni, the Tectosagi, (of Toulouse), and finally the immense multitude of the Teutones (true Germans, from the Baltic Sea,) united with them. In vain they had repeatedly demanded land from the Itomans. M. Junius Silanus and M. Aurelius Scaurus, were defeated in succession by the Cimbri, L. Cassius Longinus, near the lake of Geneva, by the Tigurini; but the forces of Cn. Manlinus Maximus and Q. Servilius Ceepio, were completely annihilated (3879). Teutoboch and Bojorich were more terrible than Hannibal. At this perilous time, the eyes of the people were directed to Marius, as the only man capable of rendering assistance. Therefore, in violation of the most important principles, while yet in Numidia, he was elected consul a second time, and-as the fear continued-four years in succession. He fulfilled their hopes. As the forces of the enemies separated, the Teutones marched from Gaul, the Cimbri from Tyrol, towards Italy, when Marius advanced to the Rhone, and fell upon the barbarians at Aqua Sextier (Aix en Provence). Numbers yielded to tactics, strength and wild courage, to high enthusiasm. Two hundred thousand barbarians were slain; eighty thousand, and among them the gigantic Teutoboch, were taken prisoners; the nation of the Teutones disappeared (3882). In the meantime, the Cimbri-while it was yet winter-had penetrated through the passes of the Alps to Italy. Q. Luctat;us Catulus retreated to the Adige. Marius hastened to his assist

　

　

ROME 253 ance. In the plains of Verona, or of Vercellhe, on the 29Lh of July of the same year (3882), Marius fought the second battle of extermination. The Cimbri, one hundred and fifty thousand men in number, exciting terror by their aspect and arms, advanced slowly in an immense quadrangle, supported by fifteen thousand horsemen armed with coats of mail. When the latter feigned flight, and the Romans pursued with impetuosity, the whole force of the enemy fell suddenly upon their broken ranks, and raised the cry of victory. But now the sun suddenly bursting forth, dazzled the Cimbri, and Marius wrested from them the victory which was already half won. It terminated with them, after a terrible opposition, as with the Teutones. Even their women fought from their barricade with heroic desperation. The Tigurini, when they heard of this misfortune, dispersed Marius, the saviour of Rome, obtained a magnificent triumph. THE WAR OF THE ALLIES. BUT intoxicated by soldierly greatness, and accustomed to rule, he thought that he now had a claim to permanent authority. He was chosen consul the sixth time (3883), by the favor of the populace, who had always adhered to him, and by the zeal of two demagogues of similar sentiments, the tribune L. Appuleius Saturninus, and the prtetor Glaucius. These two murdered their competitors for office in the comitia, and took possession of the capital. But the enraged people overpowered them, and dragged them to death. After this, Marius withdrew for some time to Asia. After a short period of tranquillity, Livius Drusus occasioned a still greater disturbance. The knights had conducted disgracefully the judicature committed to them by C. Gracchus, and, as farniers of the revenue of the state, merited public odium by their extortions. Livius Drusus, as tribune, effected a division of the judicature between the senate and knights; in return for which, the first was to be supplied fiom the last. But by that means he made both parties his enemies. In order to obtain a strong party, he now renewed the proposal, which Gracchus had already done, to confer the rights of citizens on all the Italian confederates (3883), and accomplished it notwithstanding the opposition of the two consuls. On his return home, from the

　

　

254 GENERAL HISTORY. comitia, he was killed by the dagger of some person unknown; the senate exceedingly rejoiced, annulled the odious laws, and by that means brought Rome to the brink of destruction. For the confederates now fell into a formidable rage, after their hopes had been again deceived. They resolved to obtain by force, what was so unjustly denied them. No longer Rome, but confederated Italy, was to possess the supreme power, and Corfinium was to be the capital of the confederacy. Almost all the confederates (first the Marsi, who gave their name to the war) took up arms, and carried on war for three years against Rome, with great superiority of numbers and with the Roman military art (3894). All Italy was deluged with blood. Three hundred thousand of its young men were slain; cruelty and reciprocal treachery seemed to make reconciliation impossible. At the same time, Mithridates the Great, king of Pontus, raised a dangerous war. Mithridates, strong by his spirit and his connexion with many Scythian tribes, broke forth from Pontus (3895), overwhelmed Asia Minor, caused eighty thousand Romans in this country to be butchered in one day by secret commands, crossed the sea, took the islands, Thrace, Macedonia, and a part of Greece, with Athens, and designed to unite the nations, from the Tanais as far as the Alps, in one great alliance, for an attack upon Italy. The danger seemed greater than in the Cimbric war. Now the senate, after some victories over the confederates, conferred -on those who had remained faithful (as many Latins and Umbri), afterwards such as returned to fidelity, the rights of citizens. The rest were conquered singly without difficulty, yet obtained almost equal conditions. In this way all Italy became Rome; it was perfectly just, since Rome had become so great by the power of Italy. But the old forms became the more insufficient, and the whole constitution the more dangerous. The commotions of the capital now extended over all Italy, and increased in formidableness as in extent. The conflux of so many dissimilar interests increased in the dissensions. Henceforth it became almost impossible to effect concert in resolution:; and the most abandoned leader of the populace, if he was overpowered in Rome, could find a legal support in the passions and prejudices of Italy.'The judicious measure by which the adopted confederates, instead of being

　

　

ROME 255 distributed in the old tribes, were formed into eight peculiar tribes, and thereby the preponderance in the comitia secured to them, diminished, it is true, the evil, but did not remove it. The strife about this law, repeatedly passed and revoked drenched Italy more than once in blood. FIRST CIVIL WAR. BETWEEN Marius, the head of the democrats, and L. Cornelius Sylla, the champion of the aristocracy, there existed the most decided variance of sentiments and objects. But the hatred, which this opposition of character engendered, glowed still more violently through that, which was common to bothan insatiate desire for fame, and a raging passion for power; and became destructive to Rome by the great abilities, obstinacy, and cruelty of both. In the war of Jugurtha, and that of the Cimbri, although objects of envy were not wanting, yet the glory of Marius had far outshone that of his more youthful rival; in the war of the confederates, on the contrary, the talent and fortune of Sylla seemed to obscure Marius, who was in the decline of life. Rome supposed Sylla would be the best general for the Mithridatic war, and appointed him to that office, when he as consul was encamped before Nola (3896). On this account, Marius, who was now seventy years of age, felt a mortal indignation. He desired the laurels of PontUs, and so great was his faction among the people, that on the proposal of the tribune Sulpicius, they tumultuously annulled the resolution of the senate, and gave the command to Marius. When Sylla heard this, he led his army hostilely to Rome. For the first time, and with trembling, Rome saw her citizens, whom she had armed for her own service, treacherously turn these arms against their mother. They were ao longer Rome's, but Sylla's warriors; the sad distinction between soldiers and citizens begun. Without opposition, Sylla marched into the trembling city. Then Sylla dictated a decree at the head of his troops, by which the victor of the Cimbri, and his son, and ten of hts most important adherents, were declared enemies of their country, and rewards were set upon their heads. He increased the senate diminished by various laws the power of the people and the tribunes, which he reduced to its former limits, yet without permanent effect, and restored the comitia centuriata.

　

　

256 GENERAL HISTORY. When he had now confirmed the aristocracy, and supposed that the city was tranquilised, and the new consuls, Cn. Octavius and Cornelius Cinna, were elected, he left Rome and went to the east. But the proscribed Marius had escaped the executioners, and reached Africa amidst manifold dangers. Here, in the country which had been the first theatre of his victories, Marius wandered about, a forlorn fugitive, threatened incessantly by the sword of vengeance, in necessity and want; and it was here, that, resting amidst the ruins of Carthage, he said to the messenger sent by the governor of the region, the significant words: "Tell youi master, you have seen Caius Marius on the ruins of Carthage.' Finally, he took refuge on a solitary island. Cinna soon deserted Sylla. He proposed, as Sulpicius had already, to distribute the confederates among all the tribes, and, on this account, was expelled by Octavius, his colleague, after a bloody contest. But the Italians assembled in great numbers under his banner. Then he recalled Marius, and marched, united with him, before Rome. Seventeen thousand men were slain before the gates of the city, and then, after a short negotiation, the victors marched in; Cinna, with apparent kindness, Marius, with a dark, vengeance-proclaining look. Now, the scenes of terror commenced. The soldiers, as after the storming of a hostile city, plundered, abused, and murdered, without distinction of parties. The rage of Marius and Cinna was directed against their personal enemies. Many respected and noble men, the most eminent of the senators, and all the leaders of Sylla's party, were put to death, and Sylla himself proscribed. Cinna, after the massacre had continued five days, was satiated with bloodshed; but Marius did not clear up his look of death He went round with an armed company, who killed those whose salutations he did not return. But the news of Sylla's victories, and his probably near return. disturbed his enjoyment. The seventh consulate, the object of the most vehement-and, at the same time, superstitious-efforts of his soul, he obtained, and chose Cinna for his colleague. Yet he held this dignity only a few days. Tortured by disquietude, he sought to render himself insensible by wine, and died in a manner worthy of a tyrant (3898).

　

　

ROME. 257 CONTINUATION. -MITHRIDATIC WAR. ]N the mean time, Sylla had conducted the Mithridatic war with glory. Archelaus, Mithridates' general, concentrated his forces, on the approach of the Romans,in Boeotia and in Athens. Sylla attacked the city, and took it by storm after a desperate resistance. The greatest part of the city fell to one mass of ruins and ashes over the dead bodies of the barbarians and citizens; the flames consumed the edifices of the Piraeus, and those of Munichia. Although Athens soon again rose from this desolation, yet it never regained its splendor. From thence, Sylla marched into the plains of Cheronma, and then to Orchomenos. In both places he obtained brilliant victories. Mithridates had lost Europe; the war was soon removed to Asia. It was likewise carried on by sea. Now, the successor of Marius in the consulate, Valerius Flaccus, made his appearance from Rome, with two legions. Many of his soldiers joined Sylla, whom he was to supplant. Flaccus was killed by Flavius Fimbria, his lieutenant general, who went afterwards to Asia. Mithridates sought an equitable peace by negotiation. But Sylla rejected all proposals, and continued the war, until Mithridates was reduced to the last extremity. The king was compelled to surrender Bithynia, Cappadocia, Asia, (the kingdom of Pergamus), and to pay three thousand talents to purchase peace, and was obliged to limit himself to Pontus (3900). After this, the traitor Fimbria was attacked, and killed himself in despair. Murena obtained his legions. All this, Sylla accomplished without assistance from Rome. The countries in which he carried on the war, bore the burden. Asia Minor, in particular, felt the scourge of extortion, of contributions, and arbitrary depredation. Finally, this country was obliged to pay 20,000 talents, as a penalty for the disaffection it had manifested towards. Rome. The decline of its cities, which were generally flourishing, may be dated from this epoch. But in Rome, the terrorists continued to rage. Cinna and Carbo, who named himself consul, and Norbanus, and the young Marius, were impelled by hatred and suspicion, fear and natural cruelty, to commit murders incessantly. The return of Sylla opened scenes still more sanguinary. Cinna, the soul of Marius' Vot. 1-2 H 17

　

　

258 GENERAL HISTORY party, as he marched against him, was slain by his own soldiers in a sedition. Sertorius had gone to Spain. The rest of thc insurgents had, it is true, equal valour, but not equal talent. Their power, however, was formidable. All the new citizens adhered to them; they numbered two hundred and twenty-five thousand warriors. Against these, Sylla led, in quiet confidence, his forty thousand men. As he marched towards Rome with this devoted army, from his landing-place, in Apulia, his old adherents, exiles, fugitives, many senators, men of consular rank, and the disaffected of all conditions, poured out to meet him. At Capua, he defeated the consul Norbanus; the army of the other consul, Scipio, joined him. Metellus Pius, Cethegus, the young Cn. Pompey, with a multitude of clients, confirmed his force. Sardinia and Africa were gained. Carbo and Marius (who was twenty-six years of age), the new consuls, fought in various battles (particularly at Sacriportum), unsuccessfully against Sylla and his friends. Marius shut himself up in Praeneste; Carbo with his army was overthrown in Sicily, by Cn. Pompey. Norbanus committed suicide. Marius likewise killed himself with his friend, the young Telesinus. The father of the last, Pontius Telesinus, with the forces of the Lucani and the Samnites, had fought before the gates of Rome. His plans, springing from hereditary hatred, aimed at the extermination of both parties, and the destruction of Rome. The battle was murderous. Sylla thought himself already vanquished, when Crassus saved him with the other wing, and destroyed the enemy (3902). Hitherto Sylla had appeared the defender of law and liberty against the tyranny of a faction. When this was overthrown, and no revolution was to be apprehended, he himself practised a tyranny still more fearful, and completely unveiled the horrible cruelty of his inhuman soul. The entrance of Sylla into Rome, like that of Marius, was not only marked by cruel violence, but also the sacred stamp of justice was abused for the sealing and multiplying of crime. Day by day the proscription tables —a hideous invention of Sylla'swere published, the long lists of those, whose lives were forfeited, whose possessions were confiscated. Wealth itself became x cause for proscription. He who killed proscribed persons, w;Is

　

　

ROME. 259 rewarded with two talerns. Whoever exhibited compassion at all execution, was put to death. A single suspicious look, a similar countenance, and even a name of a similar sound, brought destruction. The most sacred duties of nature were insulted. No brother was permitted to give refuge to a brother, no son to a father. Women closed their doors to the proscribed man. The punishment of the proscribed was to affect sons and grandsons-none of them were ever to hold a public office. The unmanageable fury did not even spare the dead. The bones of the old Marius were dug up, insulted, and thrown into the Anio. His trophies and statutes were destroyed. Sylla's house itself was like a place of execution, and what he spoke, was the mandate of death. But single executions consumed too much time. Eight.thousand prisoners, whose lives he had guarantied, were butchered together in the circus. The proscriptions, the deeds of murder, the depredations, extended also out of Rome, through the whole of Italy. All the inhabitants of Praeneste were put to death. Those of Spoleto, Fluentia, Interamna, were sold; several cities were destroyed. To this man of blood, Sylla, the aristocrats, whose cause he defended, gave the name-father and deliverer! He, the author of ineffable misery, called himself, since he had succeeded in every crime, Faustus and Felix. And, since in practising tyranny in every shape, he wished to have the appearance of respecting the constitution, he caused himself to be appointed dictator according to the ancient forms, apparently by free election, yet for an indefinite time, and moved about attended by twenty-four lictors. The possessions of the proscribed were divided amongst his forty-seven legions, ten thousand slaves were admitted among the citizens-rin order to confirm Sylla's faction —and three hundred knights were received into the senate, several colonies of veterans were founded, and thus the power of the tyrant was likewise established out of Rome. At last the storm died away. Sylla, as dictator, renewed ir. part, and aggravated his earlier laws for confirming the aristocracy and restraining the power of the populace, and in part, he issued further, and mostly excellent ordinances for preserving the republican constitution, the regular succession of magistracies, the security and tranquillity of Rome and the provinces, restored to the senate the judicature, and limited citizenship to

　

　

260 GENERAL HISTORY. the confederates. Murena, who, desirous of obtaining a triumph, uad commenced a second war with Mithridates, received the command to renew peace. After administering the dictatorship two years, Sylla resigned his power carelessly,, as if he had grieved no man, and had none around him but friends, and enjoyed the pleasures of a private station, as if he knew not what.it was to rule. He died without experiencing the least hostility, one year after he had resigned the dictatorship, the second day after the completion of the twenty-second book of his own history (3906). The hostility of Marius and Sylla had cost Rome 150,000 citizens. Twelve hundred knights, two hundred senators, sixty aediles, seven praetors, and thirty-three men of consular rank had become its victims; all the provinces of the empire had been devastated. Lepidus, one of the consuls, who belonged to the party of Marius, opposed the solemnization of Sylla's obsequies, and demanded the repeal of his laws. But his colleague, Q. Luctatius Catulus,defeated him in several battles, and forced him to fly to Sardinia, where he died. The remains of the defeated army were led by Perperna to Spain, where Sertorius played a remarkable part. The fragments of Marius' party assembled around this great man, and the majesty of the Roman people appeared to be in his camp, where a senate was formed of three hundred members. The deputies of Mithridates came from the distant Pontus, in order to negotiate an alliance with Sertorius, against the ruling party in Rome. But this true Roman was so noble-minded, that healthough oppressed by superior enemies, and limited, to the extreme province of the Roman world —disdained absolutely any assistance, for which the king desired only the smallest concession. Sertorius maintained his dominion in Spain eight years, although Sylla sent the experienced general, Metellus Pius, with a strong force against him; and afterwards the great Pompey opposed him with one still stronger. Victor in many battles, and formidable, even after defeats, by the inexhaustibleness of his genius, and by local relations, he appeared to be really invincible; but the great reward which Metellus set upon his head, showed the fear as well as the baseness of the Romans. Finally,

　

　

ROME. 261 the vile Perperna, by murdering his master and friend, liberated them from their invincible adversary (3912). The traitor then took upon himself the command. But the abhorrence of his crime removed from him the Spaniards. With the more facility he was conquered, taken, and executed by Pompey. At the same time, Italy was desolated by a terrible servile war. From the fencing-school of Capua, seventy-eight gladiators broke out, under the command of Spartacus, mostly Thracians and Gauls; defeated the soldiers who were sent against them, were then joined by a powerful force, and after further victories over stronger corps of troops, their numbers increased to a formidable army, which defeated decisively in regular battles two praetors, two, consuls, and made the capital tremble. Finally, M. Licinius Crassus destroyed the servile army together with its leader in a terrible battle (3913). A small band, which fled towards the Alps, fell into the hands of Pompey, who was returning from Spain, and was exterminated. POMPEY, CRASSUS, AND CAESAR. THIS Pompey, and with him Crassus and Caesar, now appear in the front of the theatre of action. Cneus Pompey, after he had strengthened Sylla on his return, by an army obtained by himself, defeated repeatedly the party of Marius, in Italy, Sicily, and Africa, and taken captive the Numidian king, Hiarbas, was greeted by Sylla, in the twentyfourth year of his age with the titles 4 Imperator and Magnus," and obtained a triumph. After this, when he had acquired new laurels, and the reputation of prudence in the dangerous war against Sertorius, and in the easy one against Perperna, he -s a mere knight-triumphed for the second time, became consul in his thirty-fourth year without administering the preparatory magistracies, and entered the senate only to take the precedence there. How natural that he intended henceforth to yield to none! But, with the greatest ambition, he possessed honesty enough to abhor violence. Upon the splendor of his merit, and upon the voluntary homage of the people, his plans were built; and, without the rivalry of a Ceesar he might have remained one of the best citizens, in the same manner as he was the greatest among them, and indeed, according to Cicero's judg

　

　

262 GENERAL HISTORY. ment, the mnost excellent of all men that ever lived. Vanity, inconstancy, and dissimulation, too much self-confidence and ignorance of human nature, however, are the shadowy parts of his character. M. Licinius Crassus, from one of the most eminent Roman families, Pompey's colleague in the consulate (3914), had escaped the tyranny of Marius with difficulty. Glowing with vengeance, he distinguished himself in fighting for the restoration of Sylla, and still more zealously for his own advantage. By purchasing the possessions of the proscribed, by traffic in slaves and other infamous means, he became the most wealthy of all the Romans. Many thousand poor people eat at his tables, and he presumed to support an army from his own resources. By this means, and by the fortune of his arms against Spartacus, he became a man of consequence. Discernment in political affairs, popularity, eloquence, and heroism in the hour of danger, elevated Crassus above many; but avarice made him despicable. Without the early and brilliant victories of Pompey, without the wealth of Crassus, removed a long time from the path of honour, in part by the oppression of Sylla, in part by his own irregularity, C. Julius Casar found in his genius and fortune the means for a still higher elevation. By principles and relations-he was Cinna's son-in-law-connected with Marius' party, he escaped the anger of Sylla only by powerful intercession, who with admirable prophetic vision discovered already in the young Caesar i" many Mariuses." He was indeed far greater and nobler than this rude soldier. No one surpassed him in valour, perseverance,, penetration, presence of mind, shrewdness, knowledge of human nature, -and wise use of time: and besides, few warriors have been so amiable, and humane, and so friendly and devoted to science. But his uncontrollable ambition, which made not only every superior, but every equal insupportable to him, and which aspired not only to the highest rank-as perhaps Pompey-but to real dominion, could not but make him, under almost any relation, the scourge of his people. On account of this passion he became-notwithstanding his most noble qualities in other respects-an unjust judge, a bad citizen, a faithless friend, and a butcher of men. Caesar was placed by circumstances at the head of the democratic party; and Pompey in the same manner became the leader

　

　

ROME. 263 of the aristocrats. Their history, therefore, embraces at the same time, that of the Roman state and the eventful revolution, which is now coming on. One of the most important consular transactions of Pompey had been the lex tribunitia, whereby the restrictions to the power of the tribunes, established by Sylla, were abrogated. Out of gratitude the tribunes now anticipated the wishes of Pompey, and soon an occasion occurred for his extraordinary elevation. The fall of Carthage and Corinth had favored the rise of pirates, who had for a considerable time infested all the Roman seas, and the coasts. Delos and Cilicia afforded them places of refuge; hatred to Rome, and necessity, the consequences of tyrannical oppression, increased their number. They had more than a thousaand vessels; all corners of the sea were filled with them. But when they did not find booty on the sea, they plundered the coasts, and all public roads, villas and villages in their vicinity. More than four hundred cities were desolated, and Rome was threatened with famine. Servilius Vatia had indeed conducted a successful war by land against these robbers, but by all this, had procured only temporary relief. The unjust attack of the Romans upon Crete (under Cnecilius Metellus, Creticus), forced the unfortunate inhabitants to an alliance with the robbers, whose republic (they formed one, with members widely scattered, but Sicily remained its principal seat,) appeared now invincible. The tribune Gabinius had proposed an ordinance by which Pompey should have the unlimited command over the seas, and all coasts, to the distance of four hundred stadia (nearly fiftyeight miles), into the country, for three years, and should take vessels, money, and legions, sufficient for his purpose, and have twenty-four lieutenant generals. Almost all the leaders of the senate opposed this law, but the favor of the people was victorious; and so great was the confidence in Pompey, that on the day of his being appointed general, the price of corn fell, as if abuildance had been already restored. He answered the expectations of the people. In forty days he cleared the sea, and in four months the war was terminated (3917) by the destruction of the receptacles of the robbers, and by founding country towns, in which the subdued corsairs learned the peaceable life of citizels and peasants. At the same time, Crete was made a Roman province by Metellus.

　

　

264 GENERAL HISTORY. The power of Pompey still continued, since the tribune, Manilius, made the proposition which was attended with many important consequences for its prolongation and extension over Asia, for the conducting of the Mithridatic war. This proposition was agreed to, notwithstanding the strong opposition of' Catullus, and the most enlightened patriots (3918). Rome had never had an enemy like Mithridates. Soon after Sylla's death, which renewed his hopes, he took up arms for the third time, on account of Bithynia, which Nicomedes had bequeathed to the Romans. His preparations were immense. Many nations, in part under the command of Sertorius' generals, fought for him. Fear was already entertained for Italy, which the king certainly intended to attack, and both consuls, Aurelius Cotta and L. Licinius Lucullus, were sent to Asia, in order to conjure the storm with their combined forces. Lucullus, a general who supplied the place of military experience by natural talent and study, fought throughout with glory and success against Mithridates, particularly at Cyzicus, by sea and land. After the loss of all his conquests, and his own country, the king had nothing left but his courage and his fertile genius. He assembled a new army among the nomadic hordes north of the Black Sea, and among the Caucasian mountaineers, attacked Lucullus, and experienced again, at Cabira, the malice of fate. Then he threw himself into the arms of his son-in-law, the powerful Tigranes, king of Armenia and Syria, but he understood better how to rule slaves, than to wage war against the Romans. At the head of 300,000 mercenary slaves, he supposed that he might despise the army of Lucullus, which was ten times smaller, and was punished at Tigranocerta for his presumptuousness (3916). But Mithridates had obtained another army, and sought now to enfeeble the Romans, by delay,, and small engagements. Lucullus defeated both kings at Artaxata, but was forced to retreat, by the mutiny of his own soldiers. Then Mithridates marched again into Pontus, defeated the Roman troops, penetrated into Cappadocia, and was as formidable as before. Lucullus, deprived of the fruit of his victories by the continual disobedience of his~legions, and calumniated by invidious persons in Rome itself, was recalled. It was with difficulty that he, after so many victories, obtained a triumph. His successor, the consul Acilius Glabrio, did not dare to

　

　

ROME. 265 oppose the king in the field. Asia appeared lost unless a corn mander should appear of decidedly superior abilities. Pompey was this commander. In vain Mithridates, who was more than seventy years of age, summoned all his energy and foresight aginst him. He was defeated at Dastira, and fled to Colchis.. His son, Machares, had joined the Romans; Mithri. dates, in just indignation, put him to death, and, not yet wearied with war during forty years, conducted anew the nations of the Bosporus, likewise the Iberians and Albanians, into the unequal contest. Pompey, by repeated victories, tranquilized the Caucasus, and marched to the south in order to gather the fruit of his and Lucullus' exploits in taking quiet possession. Tigranes purchased peace by the surrender of Syria, which was made a Roman province. Armenia Minor was given to Dejotarus, tetrarch of Galatia, Paphlagonia was divided; in Judaea the contentions for the throne were arbitrarily adjusted, and the empire of Rome was everywhere established as far as the boundary of Arabia. The news was spread abroad, that Mithridates had obtained an army among the Scythians, that he designed with this to march to the Danube, and on this river, towards the Alps; then, beyond these in conjunction with the Gauls, to make an irruption into Italy. Pompey returned in haste, but he found his enemy no more. For when the king's second son, Pharnaces, had also rebelled against him, and had seduced a part of the army, the unfortunate old man terminated himself his existence (3921). Pompey made Pontus a Roman province, and gave the abandoned Pharnaces the kingdom of the Bosporus. No Roman, before Pompey, had accomplished such brilliant exploits. He could boast, that he had made the boundary of the empire its centre, that he had marched victoriously through Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Media, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, Cilicia, Mesopotamia, Syria, Phcenicia, Judaea, a part of Arabia and Scythia; that he Had made almost all these countries Roman provinces, conquered two thousand cities, taken eight hundred vessels, slain and captured more than two millions of enemies, restored four hundred cities, delivered into the public treasury twenty thousand talents, and more than doubled the revenue of the state. He was justly rewarded with a magnifiVOL. 1-2 I

　

　

166 GENERAL HISTORY. cent triumph, and his most inferior soldiers with an immense sum of money C ATILINE.-CICLERO. WHILST Pompey was gloriously enlarging the empire of Rome, domestic treason threatened the city and state with ruin. Sergius Catilina, an eminent patrician, of brilliant talents, but vicious and arrogant, formed a conspiracy, according to which, on a fixed day, the city of Rome was to be set on fire; the senate, with the consuls, to be massacred; insurrection to be raised in all parts of Italy; and then, in the general confusion, Catiline's dominion to be proclaimed amidst the tumult of arms. After this profligate had wasted his property by prodigality, and lost his credit by crimes, he had no means left to restore his fortune, except rapine; to obtain respect, no prospect, except by producing general ruin. Many young people of the first houses, found themselves in a similar situation; others were seduced-by private hatred and individual objects; many were gained by the reputation of the principal conspirators, and by false ideas of their designs. The absence of Pompey with the best troops, seemed to facilitate the undertaking; and the presumptive concurrence of Sylla's veterans-his two grandsons were among the conspirators-to insure its favorable result. Rome was delivered from this great danger by 1/. Tullius Cicero, a man whose name is dear to all the friends of the good and beautiful, and renowned only by him. Cicero, born of a numble, yet equestrian family, in Arpinum, was elevated to thehighest civil dignities of Rome, with which he was invested, in regular succession, neither by favor, nor power, nor corruption, but solely by his personal worth. Seldom such splendid talents as his were seen united with such excellent cultivation, and, at the same time, so nobly, so restlessly employed. He had not the shining courage of a Pompey, the stoical dignity of a Cato; but, he was wise and virtuous, and loved cordially his country, freedom, and justice.- We'are willing to forget, in viewing such noble traits, in conjunction with his brilliant merit in science, the little foibles of vanity, egotism, and inconstancy, which he has betrayed so openly in his writings, and those political mistakes, which he himself atoned for most. Cicero, who was then consul, had searched out the conspiracy

　

　

ROME. 267 with a keen eye, with much prudence obtained the profs of it, and by wise resolution, compelled the audacious Catiline to depart from Rome. A decree of the senate had conferred on him, as in times of great danger, supreme power. Therefore, he caused the guilty to be seized, brought them to a confession, and placed them in custody. Many of these malefactors were important by their names, many by personal reputation, as those who had been consuls, senators, &c.; and various laws, by which appeal to the people was permitted to every transgressor, and to put any citizen to death without a solemn trial before this people, was expressly forbidden, seemed to declare against their condemnation by the senate. Notwithstanding, in consideration of the imperious circumstances, but induced principally by the constant zeal of Cato and Cicero, the senate, after a very remarkable deliberation, pronounced the sentence of death, which the consul executed without delay. Catiline himself, who had assembled an army in Hetruria, fell, with all his adherents, in a terrible battle near Pistoia, against Petreius, the lieutenant of the consul Antonius, after a resistance as heroic, as if they had fought for the most honourable cause (3922). Rome was grateful to its saviour. The senate, on the proposal of its noblest members, Catulus and Cato, and the whole people, gave him the beautiful appellation, as yet unprofaned by flattery: " Father of his Country." THE FIRST TRIUMVIRATE. -CATO. - CESAR'S GALLIC WAR. PoMPEY now returned with his victorious army from the east, discharged his troops as he landed in Italy, and desired, after the celebration of his triumph, only two things for compensation: the ratification of his Asiatic regulations, and land for his soldiers. Both were refused, and the mortification which he felt on this account was probably the principal cause of his combination with Crassus and Cmsar. The last had finally turned from his youthful irregularities to political affairs. Covered with military glory, as well as with booty, he returned from his province, Farther Spain. He now made the proposal to Pompey and Crassus, whose old jealousy had been awakened, that they should combine together, in order to maintain their power and to accomplish their views in conl

　

　

268 GENERAL HISTORY. mon, against all rivals; whereby, as both consented to the proposition, the first triumvirate originated (3924). Cato, when he received information of it, exclaimed with lamentation, " The republic is lost, it has obtained masters!" Yet it might not have fallen, had more thought as Cato. Amidst the general ruin of morality and love of freedom, Cato's venerable figure appears as a solitary form left behind by better times. Cato desired not money, as Crassus, not glory as Pompey, not dominion, as Caesar, not enjoyment, as most others; but virtue, justice and freedom, and these alone; without wavering, without exertion-which betrays opposition of inclination, or division of feeling: —it was not given to him to desire aught besides. An. Ideal of the most rigid virtue, and of the most sublime civism, without indulgence to himself or to others, and incapable of compromise with the wants of a corrupted age, and with the weakness of men. Caesar alone derived advantage from the league of these three men. Pompey (to whom Caesar had given his daughter Julia in marriage, to confirm their union) lost the affection of the people, and declined in the esteem of those who had good sentiments; and Crassus, with all the wealth possible, could never be the first. The immediate fruit of the triumvirate was, that Casar became consul. His colleague, Bibulus, had been elected by the influence of the senate. But Caesar, strong by his associates, and a numerous party among the people, laughed at the impotent remonstrance of Bibulus against his laws, and caused finally Cisalpine Gaul, together with Illyricum to be given to him for five years, as a province, by the people; (which was contrary to the constitution, because such affairs had always been before transacted by the senate) to which afterwards the awed senate added also Transalpine Gaul. Cuesar entered his province with great designs. He well perceived, that here was the theatre in which he could acquire the dominion of Rome. Caesar, in the consciousness of his abilities, promised himself, by his exploits, to bring those of Pompey into oblivion. Besides, with the spoils of nations, he could purchase adherents in Rome, and the most important friends; and finally, form an invincible army by excellent practice, and indeed, such a one, as solely devoted to him, but completely alienate to the interests of Rome, would be the best instrument for his ambi

　

　

ROME. 269 tious plans. Therefore, Caesar, when he held a conference with Pompey and Crassus, at Lucca, towards the close of the first five years, yielded willingly to these two the consulate, stipulating in return merely the prolongation of the Gallic province to five more years, and an increased number of legions. As important, therefore, as the,conquest of Gaul seems for the fate of Rome, we can, notwithstanding, dispense with the detail of Caesar's battles. We should perceive:a that, merely the necessary superiority of discipline, union, and genius, over the rude valour of a disunited people, exhibited in a lamentable repetition of scenes of murder. Besides the Narbonnensis Gallia, already belonging to the Romans, (from the Cevennes to the Mediterranean Sea and the Alps,) three principal provinces were enumerated in this country: Aquitania, from the Pyrenees to the Garonne; after this, the Gallia Celtica, as far as the Seine; and finally, the Gallia Belgica, as far as the Rhine. In the last, which included also Helvetia, a great number of German tribes resided, from Argentoratum (Strasburg) down to the North Sea, which had come over from the right side of the Rhine, and supplanted the Gallic races. The number of the latter was very great, and but little connexion existed among them in the whole of Gaul, which became the principal cause of their misfortunes. The Helvetii commence the series of the vanquished. They had, at that time, on account of the sterility of their soil, adopted the unanimous resolution to forsake their homes, and to seek fertile abodes beyond the Jura. After they had burnt their towns and villages, the whole nation put itself in motion. But Rome, which apprehended the subsequent removal of the formidable Germans to the frontier forsaken by the Helvetii, thought herself justified in making opposition. Therefore, when the Helvetii escaped the forces of Caesar, through the narrow passes of the Jura, he marched rapidly after them, and defeated them on the Saone, almost to extermination. The miserable remnant of the nation wandered sorrowfully back to the places of their conflagrated habitations, which they had forsaken, and their obedience was secured by the founding of a Roman colony on the lake of Geneva (where Nion now is). Soon afterwards, Caesar was called by the Gauls themselves, to assist against Ariovistus, the leader of a powerful Germaa

　

　

270 GENERAL HISTORY (Suevic) confederation. The Sequani had sought earlier his aid against the Ardui; his strong arm now held down friends and foes. Caesar gained (at Besancon) a splendid victory over Ariovistus, and Gallic freedom was lost. For with much art, Cesar caused now one war to arise fiom another, vanquished the Gallic nations soon, insulated and in a mass, facilitated besides by stratagem and perfidy, the success of his arms' caused the blood of the brave defenders of their country to flow in streams; and when, at last, the mistreated Gauls rose once more, and in union, against the foreign oppressor, in the seventh year of the war, under the command of a hero, Vercingetorix, genius and fortune were notwithstanding again victorious over the desperation of a people, already very much reduced. Bleeding too much, Gaul sunk at his feet, and this exhausted people never made another attempt, as inviting as the following civil wars were, to regain its liberty. During these wars, Caesar had twice crossed the Rhine to Germany, but without success; twice he had extended his hand over the sea to Britain. He gained likewise here nothing but some fruitless trophies. The internal condition of Rome at this time, gives a lamentable and continuing proof of the corruption of its citizens, and of the inefficacy of the laws. Besides the oppression of usurped power, it had now to feel the terrors of anarchy, and the dangers of a law throughout fluctuating, and dependent on accidental impressions, on varying passions and bribery. The worst citizen could plunge the best into ruin by an intriguing application of an obsolete law or of a void form, and whilst crime went at large with impunity, the noblest men, even the heads of the state, were not secure a moment from disgraceful accusation, or stormy persecution. Hardly any defence was left, except self-assistance. The tribunes, in particular, with their still sanctified power, committed revolting abuses. They lent or sold their authority, sometimes to one, sometimes to another leader of a party, achieved the basest private purposes by artful or violent motions., From his camp, Cesar observed the movements of the city, whilst Pompey seemed to have fallen asleep on his laurels, and acted without design, and even without dignity. A furious demagogue, Clodius, (a patrician by birth, but who-in order to

　

　

ROME. 271 attain the tribuneship —had become a plebeian by adoption,) distracted for a time, the state, by a succession of violent actions and disgraceful laws. As he hated every thing that was good and just, he was necessarily the enemy of Cicero. He raised a criminal accusation against the father of his country, because he had caused, for the preservation of the state, some villians to be executed without trial before the people. Cicero went into exile to Greece, and Clodius made the possessions and family of the banished the objects of his rage. Rut after eighteen months, when the credit of Clodius had declined, the better citizensPompey at their head-effected the recall of Cicero, and his return to Italy and Rome resembled the most brilliant triumph. The profligate Clodius, who, strong by the favor of the rabble, had set at defiance the laws, customs, and the power of the magistrates, even that of Pompey, was finally killed by Milo. Such a state of affairs had been produced, that good citizens could not but approve of this murder, and Cicero was able to take upon himself its public defence SECOND CIVIL WAR. THE three men renewed their compact (3928), at Lucca, in C~esar's winter quarters, but no good resulted from it. Pompey and Crassus, had indeed, by the employment of open violence, become consuls, and had obtained the provinces they desired; the former, Spain, for five years, and, indeed, with the permission to remain in Rome, and to govern the province by lieutenants, and the latter, Syria; but immediately afterwards, the equilibrium among the confederates ceased with the death of Crassus. This insatiable man had commenced, amidst the imprecations of the priests and tribunes, a wanton war against the Parthians, more from the desire of wealth than of glory. After success at the commencement, he was surrounded in the steppes of Mesopotamia, saw the desperate situation of his army, the death of his beloved son, and died like a hero (3931). Cassius, with the remnant of his army, reached Antioch; without his power, Syria had been lost. Already before this the death of the noble Julia had severed tne most important tie between Cesar and Pompey. Yet even without this, in the violent opposition of the two principal par

　

　

272 GENERAL HISTORY. ties, the optimates and democrats, at the heads of which stood Caesar and Pompey, the disunion would have been inevitable. Caesar was strong by his personal adherents, who had been acquired by love, corruption, or seduction. The greater part of the good citizens, besides his personal friends, and those who loved freedom and the constitution, adhered to Pompey. For he remained the sole defence against the ambitious designs of Caesar, and from him-although he maintained the first place -the demolition of forms was less to be apprehended. But the point of time approaches, when, with the expiration of Caesar's command in Gaul, the great question concerning peace or war, concerning the continuance or fall of the republic, was to be solved. Was he to return without pretensions to a private condition? What compensation was he to receive for his brilliant exploits? Already earlier, and with Pompey's approbation, the privilege was granted him to become, although absent, a candidate for the consulate. But he preferred for the present the continuation of his military power to the consular dignity: he also increased his army to twelve legions. As Gaul was completely subjected, this was already a hostile position. Dignity and justice demanded of the senate to permit nothing to be extorted from it by its generals through defiance. Therefore, this body with all the high magistrates, adhered more closely to Pompey, and refused Caesar the prolongation of his command; he was also to solicit the consulate, according to the legal forms, in Rome. Caesar presumed to negotiate and to prescribe to the republic the conditions which he intended to comply with. He required that Pompey also should resign his province of Spain. After this he desired at least the province of Illyria, and two legions, and finally, only one legion. He made some of these propositions himself, and some his friends in Rome were obliged to make. Besides the well-disposed democrats, who adhered to him as the champion of their principles, all prodigals, all the worthless, and nearly all the populace were devoted to him. Pompey had on the contrary-and what stronger evidence could there be of his good cause?-Cicero and Cato, with the other eminent citizens on his side. After some delay, the decree was issued that Caesar should discharge his army on a fixed day, and resign the government of

　

　

ROME 273 ims province, otherwise he would be considered an enemy of his co)untry. Who will dispute the justness of this decree? But it is true. prudence required of Rome to be armed also against the approaching enemy. The consul Marcellus did not deliver to Pompey the sword of the republic, until Caesar, with a part of his troops, was marching towards the boundary of Italy; it was resolved te leNy soldiers, and to take all the precautions as in times of great political danger. Several tribunes protested against these resolutlons; whereupon the senate put on mourning, but the tribunes forsook Rome, and hastened to the camp of Caesar. By this means his cause became popular. The rupture was decided. However, when Caesar had arrived at the bank of the Rubicon (Pisciatello), which no general, according to very severe laws, was allowed to cross in arms, without permission from the senate, he reflected on the great fate connected with his next step. The emotion of his mind was communicated to his soldiers also. They felt alleviated, when Caesar, having suddenly resolved, crossed the rivulet, and commenced the civil war (3935). With this news the most extreme consternation now succeeded the highest confidence of Pompey's party. Their military preparations had scarcely commenced; the desertion became greater every hour; the mass of the people in Rome was for Caesar. Then Pompey, the senate, all the high magistrates, resolved upon flight to Capua. Those who stayed behind were to be regarded as enemies. Cicero and Cato also forsook Rome. Cesar amidst constant negotiation marched in without resistance. In the temple of Saturn, of which the consuls had merely taken the keys, he obtained great treasures, the long accumulated plunder of nations. But Pompey, for whose recovery, when he lay sick for a short:ime, the whole country offered voluntarily public prayers, did not think himself safe in Capua, and nowhere in Italy. From Brundulsium, where he had collected his adherents, pressed here ikewise by Caesar, he went to Epirus. In sixty days all Italy was conquered without bloodshed. With the power of the victor, with the wisdom of the statesman, the most beautiful quality of Caesar's soul, his goodness and macznanimity was now displayed; and certainly the forbearing VOL. I.-2 K 18

　

　

274 GENERAL HISTORY. forgiving, and humane Caesar appears as a god in comparison with Marius and Sylla. And everything goes to show, that he was not only kind, where it was the dictate of policy, but iii every instance, where ambition permitted. According to a very correct plan, Caesar resolved before rt pursued Pompey, to vanquish the flower of his forces, the Spanish legions. Strong in number and courage, they were stationed under Afranius, and the victor of Catiline, Petreius, and Varro, at Ilerda (Lerida), in the strongest position. Casar went to Spain in defiance of the weather, rivers, hunger, and all the obstacles of nature and art; compelled in forty days the generals of Pompey, who already fancied themselves victors, to surrender their persons and army; hastened back, took Marseilles, became dictator, then consul, touched at Rome and Brundusium, and crossed the sea to Epirus. In the meantime Pompey had armed the east, which he had once marched through victoriously, for the defence of the republic. The governors of the provinces, the allied kings and princes flowed with their troops to him. All the senators and heads of the state had also assembled in his camp. Yet his soldiers were mostly new-levied troops; Caesar's legions had already been victorious in a hundred battles, and his German cohorts excited terror by their wild courage. Pompey, however, resisted for a considerable time with success, repulsed Caesar with great loss from Dyrrhachium, and harassed him by cutting off supplies. The battle was finally at Pharsalus (3936). According to the testimony of the Roman authors, Caesar was indebted for his victory to the impetuous valour of the German cohorts. It was decisive. Many of Pompey's adherents fell, many dispersed: the greater part sought their welfare in subjection. Cato, with the most resolute of the army hastened to Africa, where there were still defenders of the cause of freedom. C.ESAR AS DICTATOR-IS ASSASSINATED. I'OMPEY fled to Egypt, the king of which was indebted to him for his crown. A vessel was sent for his reception. When he went aboard of it, Septimius, a deserter from his own army, treacherously stabbed him. Dionysius had ordered this, in order to gain the favor of Caesar.

　

　

ROME. 275 But Casar, who appeared soon after Pompey, in Egypt, declared in the contest of the traitor with his sister Cleopatra. in favor of the latter; whence the "Alexandrian" war arose, which, after great danger to Caesar, terminated with the death of the king, and the establishment of Cleopatra upon the throne. In the arms of this amorous woman (she gave him two sons), Caesar reposed from his military exploits, until new danger called him to the battle-field. The war which Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, raised in Pontus (3937), was quickly terminated to his ruin. Then, after a short stay in Rome, Caesar hastened to Africa, where the combined power of the Numidian Juba, Scipio, Labienus, Cato and other friends of Pompey and freedom, succumbed to his fortune at Thaphus. Scipio, Petreius, and Juba, killed themselves in despair. Cato, with the elevation of a man, who disdains subjection, because he feels that he is worthy of freedom, withdrew himself from the victor's mercy, and left him only his corpse. When Caesar returned to Rome, the citizens flocked out to meet him, and accompanied him with rejoicings to the capitol. He was appointed dictator for ten years-seventy-two lictors to announce his majesty-likewise sole censor, consequently lord of the senate; his person was declared sacred, and his statue was set up by the side of the capitoline Jupiter. A festival of thanksgiving to the gods was celebrated forty days in succession; four magnificent triumphs, on account of Gaul, Egypt, Pontus, and Africa, prolonged the ecstacy. Large pecuniary gifts to the soldiers-games and festivals for the people, were to be the reward and compensation for their deprivation of freedom. But once more its few friends and those whom party rage inflamed against Caesar, assembled under the banners of Pompey's sons, Cneius and Sextus Pompey. Spain, mindful of the favors of their father, declared for the youths. The most dangerous of Caesar's battles was fought at Munda (3939). There was never a more terrible conflict. The oppressed Cneius fought behind the heaps of the slain, as behind ramparts. It was all in vain! He fell, — Sextus escaped; CEesar had conquered. Before the commencement of this second civil war, 320,000 citizens capable of bearing arms had been enumerated. After its termination, 150,000 remained. But how many of the allies and provincials.had bled, was not estimated. ____ ____ ____ ____ ____ ____ ___ __ _ ____ ____ ___ J

　

　

276 GENERAL HISTORY. Now, iy Caesar's being appointed perpetual dictator, the republic was annihilated, and the title imperator, which he bore henceforth exclusively,indicated that military power-therefore force —was the basis of his dominion. Many excellent regulations in every branch of the government, still greater plans of legislation and of enlargement of the empire, designate, indeed, the man who was endowed with the noblest qualities of the ruler as well as of the victor: but all the good which an unlimited despot may do, remains a precarious favor, revocable by him himself, and certainly revoked by successors. The chief efforts of Caesar were directed to the establishment of unlimited power, and to the extinction of republican ideas. And what he did not do from principle, was done from vanity, or upon the suggestion of abject flattery. He who had been greater than any danger, was not great enough against his fortune. The senate, which he had redintegrated with his creatures, he offended by contempt, too strikingly manifested, and he forfeited the love of the people by his plainly indicated desire to be " king." At this the better portion of the people showed their indignation in the most unequivocal manner. But Cesar assumed more and more the tone of king, and daily a more offensive severity. He wished for the diadem, and the day was appointed on which the senate was to offer it to him. This day was the day of his death. M. Junius Brutus, whose sublime character now appears, had received the hatred of tyrants from his fathers as an inheritance connected with his name, and descending from the infancy of the republic. But what had been wild fanaticism, and in part, the narrow-minded interest of a class, in the avenger of Lucretia, was, in the younger Brutus, a pure, elevated flame of patriotism and love of freedom. The doctrines and the example of Cato, his uncle, gave this a still higher sublimity, and the study of philosophy cherished and strengthened it by the power and might of stoical principles. In this passionate patriotism lies the key of all the actions of the younger Brutus, the individuality of his character; but his other qualities must not be omitted: the extraordinary richness of his mind, and the delicate sensibility of his soul, that mildness and tender-heartedness, which in a

　

　

ROME. 277 pupil of Cato excited wonder, and made this sublime character at the same time, amiable. Brutus' father had been put to death by Pom'pey; yet his son followed him in the battle of Pharsalus, because Pompey fought for the constitution. Caesar sought a reconciliation with him, regarded him as his son, and heaped favors upon him in order to gain his love. And Brutus did love him, but freedom more; and when he had lost all hope of inducing Cesar to resign his power, when he saw the irreparable ruin of freedom, the thought of assassination then glimmered in his soul, was confirmed by the encouragement of friends, who held similar sentiments, and became a resolution. C. Cassius, the first among these friends, a high-minded man, resembling Brutus in many points, only less mild and noble, but equally enthusiastic for freedom and his country; then, Decimus Brutus, a relative of Marius, beloved like him by Caesar, and Trebonius, elevated by Caesar's favour to the consulate, could have had no reason but the love of liberty for conspiracy. The others, who participated in it, sixty in number, and mostly of the senatorial rank, may have had various reasons for the deed, but they played a subordinate part. The fifteenth of March, of the forty-fourth year B. C., in the 710th after the foundation of Rome (3940), in the fifth month after being appointed dictator for life, Caesar repaired to the curia of Pompey, filled with plans of grandeur. When he had taken his place by the statue of Pompey, he was assailed by the conspirators. Caesar, seeing their number, and discovering Brutus among them, gave up resistance, and as he exclaimed, mournfully, 4" Thou too, my son Brutus!" he veiled his face, and fell by twenty-three wounds. THE SECOND TRIUMVIRATE. - ANTONY. - OCTAVIANUS-LEPIDUS THIIE plans of the conspirators did not extend farther than to the assassination of Caesar. The humane Brutus, who was unwilling to shed a drop of blood more than seemed indispensably necessary, had prevailed on the rest, who intended to kill Antony also, to spare him. Unfortunate forbearance, which frustrated the object of this deed! For when Antony saw the irresolution of the conspirators, he lost the fear with which he was se'zed at

　

　

278 GENERAL HISTORY, first, gained the troops, which Caesar had ordered to Rome for the Parthian expedition, and induced Lepidus, who was encamped in the suburbs,'with an army destined to Spain, to enter into a secret alliance. After this, in order to lull the republicans into security, he approved, in the senate, the amnesty proposed by Cicero, yet desired, at the same time, that all the ordinances of Caesar should be ratified. His dignity, as he was now sole con: sul, and the adherence of the veterans, gave him the supreme power in Rome, and he designed to maintain it. Therefore when he had induced the senate to permit the solemnization of the obsequies of the dictator, and the people had been prepared, by proclaiming the bequests destined for theml by Caesar, he put them into such a rage, by an artful funeral oration, that theyyet it is true, this was done for the most part only by the populace-assailed the houses of the conspirators, with firebrands from Cuesar's funeral-pile, and compelled them to fly to the provinces. Henceforth, without laying aside the mask of republicanism, Antony increased-after he had plundered Cwesar's treasures even from the temples-his power visibly, by enticing the vete rans, and by forming a strong body-guard. The alteration in the division of the provinces was a nearer step, by which Cisalpine Gaul, Macedonia, and Syria, which had been already des. tined by Caesar for Decimus and Marcus Brutus, and Cassius, were adjudged to himself and his brother Caius, and Dolabeila but Transalpine Gaul was given to Lepidus. But the appearance of the young Octavianus, the grandson of Cesar's sister, whom he had adopted, and had declared inheritor of his name and of his property, changed suddenly all relations. This youth, who was eighteen years of age, came to Rome upon the news of Cwsar's death, from Apollonia, where he was pursuing his studies, having resolved to maintain his name and the pretensions connected with it. Of his passions, the desire of dominion was the first; of his abilities, the art of dissimulation Otherwise he had good qualities and commendable talents. He came immediately into enmity with Antony, and therefore he appeared to many a suitable instrument to diminish the power of the other. The veterans of Cmesar, in Campania, declared for Octavianus; several legions also went over to him from Antony's camp. He encamped now at Alba, and compelled Antony to

　

　

ROME. 279 leave Rome. Cicero, after having scruples at first, thought finally that lie discerned in him a good citizen, and resolved, from just hatred to the violent, tyrannical Antony, to assist him with all his influence. Antony conducted his army to Cisalpine Gaul in order to expel Decimus Brutus, and besieged him in Mutina (Modena). By the influence of Cicero, who now delivered his thundering philippics, Antony was declared an enemy, and the two new consuls, Aulus Hirtius and Vibius Pansa, and with them Octavianus as propraetor, with his corps of troops, were sent against him. In a sanguinary battle, which lasted two days, Antony was defeated, but Pansa and Hirtius fell, and Octavianus lemainea alone at the head of the army (3941). Antony fled over the Alps, and obtained reception and protection in the camp of Lepidus. Soon he was more powerful than before. Decimus Brutus, heretofore victorious, now forsaken by his troops, suffered in flight a lamentable death. But, Octavianus, instead of pursuing Antony, advanced hostilely upon Rome, and obtained the consulate by force. He was not twenty years old. Now, to the astonishment of the friends of freedom, his true form was disclosed. He condemned and proscribed Caesar's murderers, and included also, S. Pompey, who had before obtained an honourable restoration, in the proscription. The decree against Antony was revoked, and soon a reconcilation was effected; and after that, a complete alliance between the three heads of Caesar's party. These heads, Antony, Octavianus, and Lepidus, convened on a small island, in the little river Rhenus, not far from Bononia, and in three days the articles of this criminal compact were arranged. Under the title, Triumviri reipublicce constituendce, they usurped, in common, for five years, the supreme power over Rome and the provinces. For immediate government, Octavianus was to receive Africa, Sicily, and Sardinina; Lepidus, Spain, Gallia Narbonnensis; and Antony, the two remaining parts of Gaul. But first, Octavianus and Antony, 06ch with twenty legions, were to march against the murderers of Caesar, and Lepidus, in the meantime, was to cover Rome'ith three legions. After the termination of the war, eighteen of the best towns,

　

　

2&d GENERAL HISTORY. with their lands, were to be divided among the soldiers, as a reward for trampling upon the republic. In order to fill up the measure of crime, the alliance of the tyrants was sealed by the noblest blood. The friends of freedom, and the personal enemies of the triumvirs were to die. Three hundred senators, two thousand knights, and an innumerable multitude of the best citizens were proscribed. Although Lepiaus' brother, Paulus, and Antony's uncle, Lucius Caesar, were found among them, yet they were rescued from execution by the power of their relatives. But Octavianus gave up, after a feigned refusal, his benefactor, by whom he had become great, the noble Cicero. In the sixty-fourth year of his age, at his villa, Formianum, whence he intended to fly to Greece, Cicero diedby the hand of the military tribune, Popilius Laenas, whose life he had formerly saved, by a judicial defence-with dignity, and lamented by all the good. The terrors of Sylla's time were renewed, and again victims fell, not merely to tyranny, they fell also, to private hatred and rapaciousness. In the arms of their friends, on the domestic altar, in the temples, the proscribed were slain. To give them refuge was accounted high treason. The executioners had preceded the triumvirs. The massacre commenced in the night, which, with an equal veil, covered the horrors of tyranny, as well as the fury of private passions. In the morning, the triumvirs, each with a corps of troops, marched into the city, which was drenched with blood. The alliance had been concluded amidst the huzzas of the soldiers; now they came to devour the first fruits of the plunder. BATTLES OF PHILIPPI. tI the meantime, the leaders of the conspirators had collected a large force in the east. Syria, Asia Minor, and the whole east, were soon gained for freedom. Cleopatra, the friend of the triumvirs, was alarmed; Macedonia and Greece were maintained by Brutus. He endeavoured incessantly to mitigate the sufferings of war, and disdained severe measures, even if the most just vengeance and prudence appeared to require them. Whilst Cassius drew the means of war in great abundance from the

　

　

ROME. 281 provinces, Brutus, who avoided all extortions, remained poor. and with all his victories, in embarrassed circumstances. In the fields of Philippi, in Macedonia, the last struggle for freedom took place (3942). Here Brutus and Cassius had encamped, when the triumvirs approached. In the first battle Brutus penetrated victoriously into the camp of Octavianus. But on the other wing Cassius was defeated, and killed himself in precipitate desperation. In the second battle also, Brutus obtained the advantage over the troops of Octavianus; but the ruin of the wing which opposed Antony, drew his also into destruction. In this battle fell Cato's son, in a manner worthy of his father, the young Lucullus, Hortensius, Varus, and many others. Nobler blood was never shed; nor was there ever a more glorious contest. Brutus, attended by a few faithful friends, escaped the pursuers. But was Brutus to survive freedom? As he exclaimed with lamentation: " Oh! virtue, not thou —fate rules here below!" he chose the glorious death, to which only a life like his is entitled. BATTLE OF ACTIUM. THE high interest of the Roman history is terminated with the battle of Philippi. By the overthrow of freedom, the object of the triumvirate was attained. What now remained but that the robbers quarrelled about the division of the spoils, and one only obtained them? But whoever was victorious, the result was the same, unlimited power of one. After perpetrating horrible cruelties, the victors separated. Antony went to Asia, in order to crush some remnants of the republicans; Octavianus to Rome, in order to govern the west and to reward the soldiers. He abandoned the estates of innocent citizens in the finest provinces of Italy to his insolent troops. A short war arose on account of these unparalleled oppressions. Perusia was the seat of the insurrection. Octavianus forced it to surrender, and caused four hundred citizens to be immolated to the manes of Caesar. Antony, captivated in the arms of sensuality, interfered somewhat later in this war. Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, had vanquished him by her amorous arts. Antony had degraded himself to a complete slave IHis masculine vigor had become dead VOL. 1-2 L

　

　

282 GENERAL IIIST'ORY n boundless debauchery, and he seemed to have no other object than enjoyment. He was the more inclined to the peace, which assigned'more definitely to Antony the east as far as Scobra. in l1yria, to Octavianus, the west with the exception of Italy, that was to be open to both, and of Africa, which was to belong to Lepidus, and that was confirmed by the marriage of the excellent Octavia, the half-sister of Octavianus, to Antony. By this peace, S. Pompey, who had before concluded an alliance with Antony, saw himself limited to his own power. He was master of Sicily and of the Mediterranean Sea, and compelled the triumvirs to cede to him, also Corsica, Sardinia, and the Peloponnesus (3945). But in a second war, after success in the commencement, the worthy son of the great Pompey, succumbed to the valor of Octavianus' admiral, Agrippa, fled to Asia, and was put to death at the command of Antony (3948). Lepidus claimed a part of Pompey's countries. He relied on his twenty-two legions; but they all went over to Octavianus, after a rupture had taken place. Lepidus supplicated for his life upon his knees. It was granted to him, together with the dignity of high priest. Octavianus, with a steadfast look, advanced towards his goal. The Roman people were gained by a careful government, by popular customs, and by the preservation of the republican forms. But as he gained in esteem, so Antony lost. For insensible to Octavia's high worth, he received again the chains of the courtezan, offended his corrupt age by unexampled luxury, and the subjugated Romans by the pomp of oriental despotism. The Parthian war (3946-3950) interrupted his pleasure but little, since Cleopatra was his attendant even on some expeditions. With madness always increasing, he gave away Roman provinces and kingdoms to this Egyptian and her children, and offended on the contrary Octavia in the most shameless manner. Finally, he divorced her; whereupon the people and the senate, whom Octavianus had already long prepared, and excited by representing the disgrace of female and foreign dominion, resolved to depose Antony, arid to declare war against Cleopatra (3951). Antony still did not awake from his lethargy. It is true he had brought together a large army, and a powerful fleet; but mirth and debauchery continued to prevail, and Cleopatra

　

　

ROME.. 283 was obliged to accompany him in the eventful conflict. Octavianus' veteran legions, however, were valiant, and the eminent Agrippa commanded the fleet. One battle decided the war. InJ the 723d year of the building of Rome, four hundred and seventyeight years after the foundation of the republic, the fleets of Antony and Octavianus fought for the empire of the world near the promontory of Actium (3953). The battle was for some time indecisive, until Cleopatra, from cowardice or treachery, fled with her ships; and Antony, with pitiful weakness and in perplexed haste, attended by only two slaves, followed her. Still his forces continued the battle; in the evening they surrendered. The land army, under Sosius and Publicola, nineteen legions strong, with twelve thousand cavalry, waited seven days for Antony's return. He did not appear; then his army went over to Octavianus. The cause of this conduct of Antony was, that he could not live without Cleopatra, and he thought, that he was not sure of her possession longer than he had her within his sight. In mute, hopeless grief, sinking tinder the weight of his misfortune, his shame, and more than all, his doubt of Cleopatra's fidelity, he went to Egypt, whither Octavianus followed him but too soon. When all proposals, even the most humiliating, were rejected by the victor, he became desperate, and when it was rumoured that Cleopatra was dead, he fell upon his own sword. She was still alive; he caused himself to be carried to her, and died in her arms. But she, perceiving that Octavianus remained insensible to her charms, and designed to exhibit her in his triumph at Rome, terminated her existence by the bite of a serpent. Octavianus made Egypt a province, and returned to Rome (3954), as sole ruler of the immense' empire.

　

　

THIRD PERIOD. hIISTORY FROM AUGUSTUS TO THEODOSIUS M. FROM THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM UNTIL THE GREAT MIGRATION OF NATIONS. FROM THE YEAR OF THE WORLD 3953 TILL 395, A. D. I. GENERAL VIEW. SUMMARY OF THE POLITICAL EVENTS. AFTER the Romans had forgotten fi-eedom under the long reign of Augustus, who was benign from motives of prudence, and afterwards had learned to endure all the ignominy, and all the terrors of tyranny under his immediate successors, and finally, in the succession of a Domitian to a Titus, had experienced the most striking proof of the fluctuating lot of a people governed by an unlimited monarch, it happened, by an extraordinary decree of destiny, which is isolated in the history of all countries, and of all times, that they received, during nearly a century, none but excellent monarchs, in an uninterrupted series, whose wisdom and goodness made unlimited power appear to be a blessing, since it gave to their virtue a free sphere of activity, and imparted to them, like gods, the power, in addition to the will, to be beneficial to their whole race. What did they effect, however, with their indefatigable zeal, with their truly paternal love, with the most liberal maxims of government? Order, tranquility, opulence, a flourishing state of agriculture, and of other pursuits, undisturbed intercourse over all their vast countries, and the embellishment of them, by proud monuments oi tasteful, and, generally, useful magnificence, in temples, palaces (284)

　

　

R o0 E. 285 highways, bridges, aqueducts, baths, and other objects of clvil refinement. But notwithstanding all this, and although, with the exception of the extreme provinces, the many nations once hostile, but now combined firmly and fraternally into one state, were blessed with a profound peace, the decline of genius, of physical and moral power, consequently of human dignity, which is indeed of more value than opulence and peace, was, even under Trajan and Marcus Aurelius, to be observed in the whole Roman world. And this cannot surprise us, for history teaches with a hundred evidences, that nothing can flourish in despotism which requires elevation and power, and that such states become, necessarily, as poor in virtue as in talent, because both have the same root. How much more, if the despotism is at the same time a universal empire? For, in such a one, national emulation ceases also, and that exertion which is the consequence of necessity, or of a dangerous position between hostile powers. The little Athens, which numbered only 20,000 citizens, gave birth, in some generations, to more and greater artists, sages, and heroes, than the immense Roman state, which contained about 120,000,000 of inhabitants, produced in 500 years! The power also of the governors, the greater the empire, and the more difficult therefore its supervision is for one alone, will be so much the more unlimited, and so much the greater the danger for the citizens, even under a good prince, to be governed tyrannically. Finally, in universal monarchy, the last resort of the oppressed, the forsaking of their afflicted home, ceases also. Deliverance is not hopeless, as long as freedom continues to bloom in any accessible place; tyranny will raise its head fearlessly, only when it knows there is no possibility of escaping its power. The Romans, who saw nothing beyond their state but sea o, wl derness, or inhospitable countries of barbarians, found themselves in this sad situation, and became acquainted with all its lerrors, when, after the death of Marcus, the virtues of the Antonines also disappeared, and a series of mostly bad, and in part abandoned emperors, imposed the whole weight of slavery upon the tame nations; whilst the few good or indifferent princes brought only a transient and partial alleviation. In the progress and completion of this despotism, and in the relaxation which is inseparable from a universal empire, we have

　

　

286 GENERAL HISTORY. to seek the principal causes of the decline and dissolution of a state, which, after it was once erected and confirmed in such extension, from the mass of physical powers it contained. front its organization and internal combination by the wisest princes, seemed immoveably established for the longest duration. Yet several other circumstances, partly internal, and partly external, conspired to accelerate the ruin, and make it more complete. Of these circumstances, the most are to be considered as consequences of despotism in general, or as more particular characteristics of the Roman despotism. The power of the emperors was based, in its origin, and likewise in its continuation, on military force. Hence resulted the greater privileges of the military condition, which became the source of great oppression for the citizens, and at length endangered also the throne. The soldiers, in the consciousness of their strength, considered themselves liberated from the duty of subjects, and soon regarded themselves as masters of the empire. The order of succession, or the election of the emperor, was not determined by law; the soldiers assumed, with reference to antiquated relations, the right to appoint the "Imperator." The prwetorian bands —the imperial guards —set the example; the rest of the armies followed. Their conflicting claims produced destructive wars. Whatever measures discerning and powerful princes took against this fundamental evil, it was incurable; the praefectus praetorio always remained dangerous to the emperor, and every general, according to the measure of his desert, could excite fear. So much the more, when, with the, changes that were made in the military system, the troops were no longer awed, neither by the name of Rome, nor by the idea of a common country. The effeminate Romans had already been long disused to war; the legions were formed out of provincials, generally in the wild confines of the empire; and these warriors-they were however citizens nominally after the time of Caracalla-were, notwithstanding, without interest for Rome, which they knew not, and in part full of hereditary hatred towards it, or among one another. At length, barbarians, in entire masses, and under their own leaders, were taken into pay, whereby the way to the highest dignities of the state was opened to them, and opportunity given for the most dangerous treason. The rise of the Christian religion, and the removal of the imperial residence to

　

　

ROME I87 Constantinople, as they disturbed all the ancient relations, were further causes of weakness; and the division of the empirewhich at first was temporary, but afterwards permanent-completed it. Yet the eastern empire maintained itself, by the strength of its capital and other circumstances, although hard pressed, and slowly progressed to destruction until the time ol the Ottomans; but the western succumbed now to its own ex. haustion, and to the flood breaking in from the north. It was German nations, that immediately effected this great revolution, although Asiatic hordes also participated in it. The Romans had never firmly established their power beyond the Rhine and Danube. Nature had reared here in the forests and deserts a strong people, which was to destroy the frail fabric of universal empire, plant a new race, and prepare the soil for a new order of things. Already, in a state of separation, the Germans bid defiance to the arms of the world-conquerors. When they united themselves in larger masses, they became formidable, even in attack. Various causes, particularly the shock of other nations, from the far north and east, drove the Germans into the Roman territory. One swarm urged on another. Scythia also poured out its hosts, and the generality of the movement made it irresistible. The Germans divided among themselves the western empire. The Parthians fought with less success against Rome. Trajan humbled them. But an internal revolution, which placed a Persian dynasty on the throne of Central Asia, rendered this power again formidable. Yet the Euphrates remained its boundary, fixed as it were by fate. Modern writers have found the cause of the migration of nations in the movements of High and Central Asia. China remained a world by itself.

　

　

28A GENERAL HISTORY. II. DETAILED HISTORY. HISTORY OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. CHARACTERISTIC. THE poverty of this history compared with that of the last period, first attracts our attention. The accounts which we have, give us information for the most part only concerning the person of the emperor, and those immediately around him; concerning the affairs of the capital; and in the provinces, concerning those commotions which have reference only to the imperial succession or usurpation, or to the invasions of barbarians; but we cannot reasonably require much more. By the union of so many nations under one empire, they all lost with their self-subsistence their particular circle of action and passion. They come into consideration henceforth only as parts of the great whole, which itself has personality, and lives only by its central power. What particular occurrences call therefore engage the attention in the separate provinces of such an empire, accustomed to servile obe. dience, but the accidental succession of good or bad governors, passive participation in the revolutions of the capital, and the blood-marked course of hostile armies? But a history may be instructive even by its meagerness and sad aspect; for it contains in true representation the life of nations, or their death-slumber, and the causes of both. HISTORY FROM AUGUSTUS TO COMMODUS. AUGUSTUS' REIGN. THE situation of Octavianus after the battle of Actium was far more favorable than that of Cmsar after the close of the civil war. Freedom had already been annihilated in the fields of Philippi. Its last defenders fell in battle, or by proscription.

　

　

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ROME 289 The Romans were wearied with these long commotions, and desired tranquillity at any price. Besides this, the most important citizens were connected with the house of Caesar through gratitude, present interest, or expectation, and "bread and games" seemed to the poor of more value than freedom. Octavianus had, however, the image of the assassinated Ctesar continually before his eyes, and thought he could acquire and maintain dominion only by the most artful policy. In the commencement, he beguiled the senate, at the head of ivhich he had placed himself, and the people, by the declaration, that he designed now to deliver the supreme power, which he had assumed only through imperious necessity for the preservation of the state, again into the hands of the republican authorities. The senate was still to beg for the yoke which was prepared for it, and did so; whereupon Octavianus, after some opposition, consented, under the name, and with the extended power of an Imperator over all armies, to remain master of the empire. But only for ten years, after the lapse of which the request was always repeated. Besides, the forms of the republic, the comitia, the elections of magistrates, were not touched; the prince (princeps), with which favorite title the name Augustus (the exalted, illustrious), was also conferred upon him, retained only the consular, tribunitial, and censorial powers, with that of the pontifex maximus united, for himself, and during life. A strong body-guard, the military command even in Rome, and the appointment of governors in those provinces where the best legions were stationed, confirmed his power. But it was to remain a secret. It was by no means permitted to call him "master." Far from the pageantry of majesty in tone and manner of life, tolerant to the free expression of opinion in discourse or writing, yielding frequently to the caprices of the people, he appeared,in the practice of humanity and kindness according to a regular plan, powerful only for benefiting his race. The RImans forgot gradually his earlier cruelties, were pleased with nis gifts, his popularity, and the name of freedom; the provincials praised the order, tranquillity, and pacific spirit of his dominion. Poets and men of learning, in fine, whom he honoured and rewarded, exalted the illustrious friend of the muses to heaven. But unbiased posterity have pronounced a severer sentence; they have discerned in all that Augustus did and said, from his VOL. 1-2 M 19

　

　

2903 GENERAL HISTORY. appearance on the theatre of the world until his departure, only a studied part, in no wise a virtue. Of the. glory of Augustus' wise and happy administration, his ministers, Cilnius Maecenas, Vipsanius Agrippa, and Messala Corvinus had the greatest share. Maecenas, the humane, liberal-minded favorite of the world-swayer, a friend to the arts and sciences, is dear to all admirers of the good and beautiful. Agrippa, the victor of S. Pompey, and of Antony, acknowledged as the first man in the state, after Augustus, and likewise his son-in-law, directed the military affairs. Messala also was great in the arts of war, and familiar with the muses. The overthrow of the republic had changed the spirit offoreign policy, as much as that of the internal government. Augustus, satisfied with the possession of the Roman world, and, like every prudent despot, avoiding any great commotion, resolved to exercise the courage of the legions by small wars, and by maintaining the boundaries, but yet, on the whole, not to enlarge any more the extent of the empire; and this principle of moderation was followed by most of the succeeding emperors. Rome henceforth carried on for the most part only defensive wars. But for such, indeed, the immense extent of the boundaries could seldom fail to afford a sufficient cause, and Augustus himself, although he closed the temple of Janus three times, numbered more years of war than of peace. He experienced also more than once the vicissitude of fortune. It is true, the Parthians restored the eagles taken from Crassus. The boundaries were also rounded by subduing the Cantabrians and Asturians (who alone continued to exist in Spain), by the conquest of Rhaetia,Vindelicia and Noricum, which Drusus and Tiberius achieved, by the subjection of Maesia and Pannonia, which required a bloody contest; but one army was lost in the Arabian desert, another fought without success against Ethiopia, and a third, under Varus, was annihilated by the Germans. The domestic misfortune of Augustus was still much greater. lie had no son; his daughter Julia disgraced herself by irregularities, and her sons died. Livia, his second wife, was an intriguing woman, and of the step-sons which she brought to him Dlrusus, afflicted him by his death, and Tiberius by his life. The latter, although he perceived his bad character, he was obliged to adopt for his son and heir. in order that the empire might not

　

　

ROME. 291 devolve upon an entire stranger. And thus died Augustus, who was celebrated as being fortunate, after he had survived all his enjoyments, in the seventy-sixth year of his age, and in the forty-fourth of his undivided power (Y. Ch. 14). THE HOUSE OF AUGUSTUS. AFTER the insidious, suspicious Tiberius, who had become almost gray in intrigues, had at first beguiled the senate by a dissimulation, unnecessary indeed, but pertaining to his character, and had suppressed the sedition of the Pannonian and German legions (that of the latter by the fidelity of Germanicus, his nephew), he extinguished the last appearance of popular power, by transferring the comitia to the senate, and surrounded himself with the terrors of the law of majesty. Henceforth not only the smallest actions, but also words and writings-if they did not breathe unconditionally servile sentiments, and even thoughts, which were detected in the most confidential effusions, were stamped as crimes; the sanctity of judicial forms was abused, and made subservient to the most sanguinary, the most audacious tyranny. All the ties of nature, of love, and of confidence, were severed. Only the fear of the noble Germanicus, whom the people loved, and the army idolized, restrained for a while the complete eruption of the tyrant's rage. This hero died by poison, and with him the people saw in despair their last hope decline. Tiberius, who appeared to have only the form of man left, divided his time amidst actions of the most refined cruelty, and the most unnatural sensuality. _Elius Sejanus, prafectus praetorio, the worthy favorite of such a master, continued and aggravated still the bloody scenes in Rome, whilst Tiberius, on Caprea, sunk into animal debauchery. But Sejanus, aspiring to the throne; became a traitor, and suffered death with his family and friends. Tiberius continued his fury and debauchery ten years longer, without satiating his thirst for blood, without change in the dark disposition of his soul. He died in the seventy-eighth year of his age (37), by violence, it is said-after he had disgraced the throne twenty-three years, and left behind the memory of a complete tyrant. Caius (Caligcula), the son of Germanicus was proclaimed imperator by the praetorians. The senate and the people, remember

　

　

292 GENERAL HISTORY ing his father, acknowledged him with joy. But after a short delusion, through dissembled goodness, they discovered in him an unparalleled monster, who combined all, even conflicting'rices, and in whose character it was only doubtful whether cruelty, extreme viciousness, or madness, predominated. Some conspirators, Cassius Cherea at their head, rose finally agair;st the tyrant, and killed him (41). The senate in the intoxication of joy, presumed to decice the restoration of freedom, and the expulsion of the Cesars. But in the space of a day, they were informed, that not they, but the pretorian guards, were the masters of the empire. These were still devoted to the house of Cesar. Therefore Claudius, the uncle of Caius, obtained the throne, who was equally weak m body and mind, from his birth up a miserable human figure, on which, according to his own mother's expression, nature had become a bungler. The murderers of Caius were now executed, and a reign commenced, the ignominy of which appeared to proud spirits still more insupportable than the terrors of Caius. Hence, the insurrection, although fruitless, of the commander in Dalmatia, Camillus, whose history is rendered glorious by the exploit of the heroic Aria. For the first time the empress of the world saw herself openly trampled upon by dissolute female characters and abandoned freedmen. The wives of the demi-man were named Messalina and Agrippina; their names are still used as appellations to designate the most degraded of their sex. The first, after committing actions unexampled for their disgrace, was put to death by the command of the freedman, Narcissus. Agrippina induced the emperor to adopt the son of her first marriage, Domitius Nero, and to neglect the noble Brittanicus, his son by Messalina, and finally killed her husband in order to secure the empire to Nero (54). He obtained it also through the praetorians, and their leader, Burrhus; reigned at first, with great applause, and ended as a monster. He put to death, in succession, his half-brother, Brittanicus, whom he had deprived of the empire, his mother, who had, for his sake, perpetrated so many crimes, his wife, Octavia, who was odious to his mistress, this mistress,Poppaea, herself, in a fit of rage, his guardian, Burrhus, to whom he was indebted for the empire, his teacher, Seneca, who had earlier inclined him tc. goodness. The virtuous Thrasea, the poet Lucanus, many sena.

　

　

ROME. 293 tors, knights, and citizens, were put to death for the most trifling causes, and a multitude of Christians and Jews, under the pretext of that notorious conflagration which he himself had directed; and these scenes of blood alternated with unexampled sins of sensuality and contemptible buffoonery. At length an almost general insurrection broke out in Spain, Gaul, and in Rome itself. The dastardly tyrant, forsaken by his guards, condemned by the senate as a transgressor, concealed himself in the house of a freedman, and when his enemies approached, killed himself in despair (68). With him the house of Augustus was extinct. Whilst these Casars were pursuing their wicked career, and practising unbounded tyranny in Rome and its vicinity, the provinces were comparatively fortunate, under administrations which were now more regular, and were exempt from the extortions of republican Rome. Externally no diminution of power was at least to be perceived. It is true the Germans excited terror by their wild courage; but this they had done even under the great Caesar: and in the wars of the first Cwesars, notwithstanding the defeat of Varus, on the whole, the superiority of the Roman arms was visible. On the other confines, their success was more decisive. Mauretania, which took up arms, in order to avenge its king, assassinated by Caligula, was conquered under Claudius. Nero's lieutenant, Corbulo, gained in the east, Armenia, against the Parthians; and beyond the sea, Caesar's planthe subjection of Britain-was put into execution. Yet it was not completed; for after the lieutenants of Claudius had subdued the Iceni, Brigantes, and the valiant Caractacus, the king of the Silures; after, under Nero, Suetonius Paulinus had destroyed the horrible seat of the Druids' power on Mona (Anglesea), and had exterminated the forces of the&:heroic Boadicea, on the Thames; moreover, after-under the succeeding reigns-the excellent Agricola had penetrated in fortunate campaigns as far as Caledonia (Scotland), the northern tribes remained, notwithstanding, unconquered, and harassed the southern provinces exceedingly, by invasions. Afterwards, as the strength of the empire gradually declined, the means of conquest were diminished. The succeeding emperors restricted themselves, after the most fortunate wars, to the maintaining of South Britain (about

　

　

'294 GENERAL HISTORY. four fifths of the island) which they protected with difficulty, and only imperfectly, even by a rampart and walls, against the ncursions of the Caledonians. HISTORY OF THE JEWS. SINCE, under Nero, the war arose which destroyed the Jewish state and temple, we shall here take a view of its history, which is fertile in scenes of terror. Herod the Great, the destroyer of the house of the Maccabees, king of Judaea, during the civil wars of the Romans, always the friend of the victorious party, and at last, favored by Augustus with a considerable increase of territory, imparted to his kingdom prosperity and splendor, restored the temple with greater magnificence, embellished Jerusalem, and many cities of the country. He died in the second year of our chronology. His three sons divided the country according to the award of Augustus. Yet the Romans acted towards it as masters, until the praiseworthy Herod Agrippa, a grandson of the great Herod, obtained again the whole state, by the favor of Caius and Claudius, for his own government. After his death (44), the appearance of independence again ceased. Roman governors ruled the country, although a small part was left precariously to the younger Agrippa. Although the Jews had been severely oppressed by the arms and the arbitrary decrees of the Romans, yet they had played for a long time, an important part in Rome itself, as brokers, exchangers, and merchants, or as a numerous populace, whose clamor and power, artful party leaders made subservient to their purposes. On the whole, they were odious to the Romans, and even despised by them, but their money allured to plunder. Constant exactions of the governors increased the aversion of the Jews to the Roman yoke. Ancient prophecies of a coming Messiah cherished the hope of liberation. At length, a general insurrection of the Jews (66) arose against the intolera[te

　

　

R OME.-J U D EA. 295 oppression of the governor, Gessius Florus. Jerusalem, and all the fortresses of the country fell into their power; the prafect of Syria was slain. When Nero sent Vespasianus against them with a large force, the zeal of the Jews, their fury and desperationwereof no avail. That was fulfilled which had been foretold with prophetic vision, and which was inevitable, considering the spirit of the people, and the circumstances of the time. Destroyed terribly in a series of bloody actions, the Jews did not desist from the unequal contest. They still retained their capital, when Vespasian, proclaimed imperator by his army, marched to Rome, and left to his son Titus, the termination of the war. All the terrors which the darkest imagination can invent, were accumulated in this unfortunate city. The division into various parties completed its misfortune. The defenders of the same city destroyed one another in regular battles, and challenged the wrath of the victor, by accumulated wickedness. He was able to make a way for himself through the streets of Jerusalem, only by storm, through flames, and over hills of the dead. Amidst the howls of despair, the city of David, and the venerable temple sunk to ruins and ashes. According to Josephus Flavius, 1,100,000 persons were destroyed in this war, 100,000 were taken prisoners. The remnant of the nation was dispersed over countries, but did not lose, notwithstanding all humiliation, their adherence to the Mosaic law, their fanatical zeal, and hope of a Messiah. Against the emperor Hadrian, who caused a profane city, lElia Capitolina, to be built upon the sanctified site of Jerusalem, and a temple of Jupiter upon Zion, Bar-Cocheba, (son of the star,) the supposed Messiah, led the numerous hosts congregating under his banner, to the desperate conflict. Hadrian called the legions from Britain against the furious enemy. About 600,000 men lost their lives. Many were sold as slaves, the lot of the rest was complete dispersion. But henceforth, and until this day, the descendants of this remarkable people have maintained themselves without mingling with other nations; among which they live generally in contempt and mutual aversion, adhering obstinately to the precepts and rites that have been delivered to them, opposing everything novel, without compliance with the spirit of limes and places, living mummies of the old world.

　

　

296 GENERAL HISTORYVESPA Si AN.-TITUS.-DOMITIAN. W& return to Rome, Here, after Nero's death, Sulpitiu Galba, who wab seventy years of age, having been proclaime imperator by the Spanish army, was sanctioned by the senate. The praetorians assassinated their severe master, and gave the empire to Salvius Otho. Already, earlier, the German army had appointed their general, Aulus Vitellius, imperator. His troops marched over the Alps. Then Otho lost a battle at Bedriacum, and terminated his existence in order to spare the blood of citizens. Vitellius took possession of the throne, but to disgrace it by animal debauchery. Soon he compensated the enjoyments of the table with an ignominious death (69). Flavius Vespasianus, whose troops had executed this punishment, was invested with the purple by the eastern army, and deserved this elevation. He respected the senate, caused his power to be sanctioned by that body, tranquillized the empire, embellished Rome, replenished the exhausted treasury, waged war successfully against the Jews, Parthians, and Britains; but with doubtful success against the Batavi. Yet imperious severity and a somewhat narrow-minded avariciousness are alemishes of his reign, which lasted nine years. But Titus (79), his son, delighted the human race, by the per. fect amiableness of a beautiful soul. He possessed the throne only two years; still they were saddened by the natural accidents of misfortune. But they sufficed to adorn the name of the prince, who "considered the day lost on which he had benefitted no one," with imperishable glory. His brother Domitian (81), who was dissimilar to him in every respect, imitated the abandoned Caesars. He was a sensualist, robber, and tyrant; and caused himself to be named, with audacions insolence, lord and god, whilst he was the slave of his eunuchs and the soothsayers; and —what had never yet been done in Rome-.purchased peace of a barbarian foe.' It was Diurbaneus Decebalus, king of Dacia, who extorted this tribute, after he had defeated the legions, and desolated some provinces. I)omitian was assassinated, at the instigation of his wife (96).

　

　

ROME. 297 FROM NERVA TO M. AURELIUS. HENCEFORWARD, during almost a hundred years, the Romans enjoyed the wonderful fortune of a sage and paternal govern. ment. The princes who held the sceptre in this period, were not invested with the purple by the accident of birth, and were not corrupted in their youth by the thoughts of grandeur. Adoption, which was determined by merit alone, brought always the most worthy to the imperial throne; gratitude, emulation, and ambition to correspond with this confidence, encouraged to the performance of duty. The Cretan, Cocceius Nerva, a virtuous old man, appointed by the senate successor of Domitian, became the benefactor of the world by declaring the excellent M. Ulpius Trajanus —a Spaniard by birth, and at that time general in Germany-his son, associate in the empire, and successor. Trajan (98), the "best prince"-cotemporaries and posterity styled him thus-whose virtues were still, after the lapse of centuries, commended to the emperors as a high model (by the acclamation: Sis felicior Augusto, sis melior Trajano), exhibits to us, in his character, a most beautiful union of all great and amiable qualities. Whilst he penetrated with a clear look and paternal sentiments all the branches of the administration of his immense empire, and what wisdom had suggested, executed energetically and perseveringly, watched over the public welfare, as well as over the rights of individuals with the most faithful zeal, and appeared to rule only to exhibit to the world the good side of monarchy in the most radiating light, he conformed, with a liberal spirit, to the principles of the republic, presumed not, as his predecessors, to stand above the law, gave the senate freedom again by his will, dignity by his regard, restored popular elections, and the independent authority of the magistrates, caused tile law of majesty to be silenced, and removed from himself the dejecting ostentation of unlimited power. Accessible to all citizens, and living among them as a father among beloved children, as a friend among friends, he seemed distinguished merely by superior virtue, and he himself knew no scale of favor but that of merit, With so many pacific virtues, Trajan combined also brilliant military glory. In two wars against the insolent Decebalus, he avenged the disgrace of Domitian. The whole of VOL. I —2 N

　

　

298 GENERAL HISTORY. Dacia became a Roman province. The king killed himself over the ruins of his power. The Parthian expeditions were still more glorious. Since the time of Crassus, the name of the Parthians had been terrible to the Romans; Syria showed distinctly the traces of old and new devastations. Trajan led his legions over the Euphrates, subjected Armenia, Mesopotamia, crossed the rapid Tigris, conquered the royal residences, Seleucia and Ctesiphon, and penetrated as far as the Persian gulf. Perhaps Asia would have received through Trajan a permanent law, had not his great plans been frustrated by death. At the critical juncture of an insurrection, which broke out again over all his conquest, the emperor died (117); and what he had laboriously constructed here, was demolished. For Z.Elius Hadrianus, his successor, by relation and supposed adoption, restored all the conquests beyond the Euphrates, and limited his glory to maintaining the internal welfare and strength. Few princes equalled him in extensive knowledge of affairs; few in activity and zeal. He travelled through all the provinces of his vast empire on foot, and left behind to every one the blessing of beneficial regulations. He was also learned, and friendly to the arts, but less mild and amiable than Trajan. He knew that he was master, and caused it to be felt. The last period of his life was not free from severities, nor even from iniquities, so that, after his death, the senate, which took the scale of Trajan's goodness, hesitated to bestow upon his memory the usual honours (138). Hadrian had selected, in the person of the adopted Titus Antoninus Pius, the most virtuous of all men for his successor. During his administration, which lasted twenty-three years, tranquillity, profusion and peace-with the exception of unimportant border difficulties-prevailed in the Roman world. Subjects and magistrates seemed to imitate the sedate virtues of their prince. The empire was blessed by humanity, justice, and love of order. Odious passions and immoral inclinations were concealed. Foreign nations esteemed and had confidence in a monarch who would "rather save the life of a citizen, than destroy a thousand enemies," and adjusted their wars according to his decision. Since Numa, with whom he was justly compared, Rome had possessed no such potentate. Antoninus had, directly after his elevation, and upon tUe

　

　

ROME. 29. desire of Hadrian, adopted the promising Marcus Aurelius, and L. Verus. The resolution of the senate destined the first for the successor of the deceased emperor (161); but he declared immediately, L. Verus his associate in the empire, and Augustus. Yet Verus resigned to his colleague on the throne, whose superiority he acknowledged, without opposition,the direction of affairs, and himself to inactivity and sensual enjoyments. In the Parthian war only, which had commenced soon after the death of Antoninus, he roused himself to some exertion. His lieutenant. Avidius Cassius, however, rather than he, was the victor of the Parthians, and penetrated as far as Ctesiphon. Verus died in the eighth year of his empire. The more undivided was the zeal, activity, and glory of the great Marcus, who in virtue, rectitude and mildness, equalled Antoninus, surpassed him in strength of mind-was more tried at least-and with the splendor of talents for government combined the dignity of the most sublime philosophy. His whole life was a most beautiful practical commentary of Zeno's principles, which the imperial sage promulgated by his conversation and writings. Under this emperor the empire experienced the first energetical shock from the nations of the north. The Bastarna and Alani, pressed by the Goths, who were behind them, made a violent attack upon Dacia, and the tribes of the Danube, united in a great alliance, broke into the Roman territory. The stream rolled on as far as Aquileia; and with this terror of the Marcomanni (they were the strongest of the alliance) were associated a plague in Italy, insurrection in several provinces, and the continuing Parthian war. After a toilsome and dangerous contest which lasted eight years, and after various changes of fortune, the valiant Marcus (174) concluded a glorious peace. A new eruption of the German war retained the emperor with the legions. His soul was sick at the sight of desolation, and his body succumbed to incessant toil. He died at Sirmium (180) lamented as Trajan, and continued to receive from later genera tions the tribute of a grateful, religious veneration.

　

　

34)0 GENERAL H ISTORY. STATE OF CIVILIZATION.-ARTS AND SCIENCES. THE fortune and civilization of the Roman world, from the time of Trajan to M. Aurelius, as well as earlier, underAugustus, affords us not the agreeable, enlivening aspect, as that civilization which we saw in the preceding period bloom in the countries of the Grecian tongue, and also infree Italy. This was multilateral and aspiring, developed by native power, from the uncorrupted endowments of nature, the fruit of a free and cheerful life of nations. The Roman civilization, on the contrary, was the product of the power and policy of the world-rulers, of supercilious wealth, which aspired insatiately to elevated enjoyments, on the one side, of passive obedience, which pursued docilely the path previously designated, on the other, and upon the whole was deformed by corruption and enervation. The friends of the universal empire might indeed boast, not unjustly, that the union of so many nations under one government, removed all obstacles which for the advancement of separate nations lay partly in the restriction of their means, partly in their hostile relations to others; they might boast, that under the protection of a profound peace, and by the wisdom of a government ruling over so many countries with equal concern, all the more refined arts, all the improvements of agriculture and of other pursuits diffused their blessings over the most important part of the world, that by the favored transplantation of fruits, herbs, trees, and animals, by encouraged industry, then by the benefits of a brisk commerce, and the assistance afforded mutually by one province to another in times of transient scarcity, that the welfare of all was secured, and that gradually the immense empire was adorned throughout with magnificent towns, intersected by excellent roads in various directions, that it resembled a garden in fertility, had numerous monuments of magnificence, which were of public utility, in institutions and edifices, and that it became the fortunate abode of a dense popu. lation, living in quiet harmony and well directed industry. Yet such panegyrists, on a more accurate consideration, would not have mistaken the dark. side of this condition, they would have observed, that the tranquillity and order in the empire were merely the consequence of relaxation and mechanical obedience

　

　

ROME. 301 that profus'on was the lot only of the incomparably smaller number, and that all the refinement and splendor were only thin veils of corruption and misery. Two thirds of the population consisted of slaves; and those who were called free were exposed to the mercy of arbitrary and tyrannical power. In the principal cities, and especially in Rome, boundless luxury and indescribable corruption prevailed; in the provinces, or in the country, poverty and decrease of population were perceptible; the striking want of spirit and life, indicated that a secret disease was at work in the nobler parts, and that not further prosperity, but decline,was to be expected. To the characteristic traits of this, on the one side most brilliant, on the other, unfortunate imperial era, belong also the flourishing state of the arts and sciences at its commencement, and their decline, which quickly succeeded. Among the causes which in the last period elevated the sciences, one of the most important —freedom, had disappeared. But illumination seemed more firmly established only by the treasure of knowledge already amassed. It had extended through several classes of men, and through a greater number of nations; and their union under the Roman power afforded the arts and sciences immense resources. The profound peace, with which, from Augustus, for a long time, the interior countries of the empire at least, were blessed, encouraged by tranquillity and security quiet industry; an increased number of schools and institutions of instruction, of public and private libraries, aided greatly the efforts of genius; and the common organ of the Greek-as the learned, and of the. Roman, as the prevailing language, facilitated the communication of ideas, the common possession of intellectual works, and the uniformity of progression. Finally, several emperors, as Augustus at first, then Vespasian, Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines, were zealous protectors, in part even confidents of the muses; others promoted at least by love of magnificence the prosperity of art; and the emulation of large cities, and even the vanity or liberality of wealthy individuals employed and encouraged talent. So many propitious circumstances could not, indeed, remain without good results. The century of Augustus is one of the most brilliant periods in the history of science and taste. The muses of Latium emulated the Grecian, and, in a sisterly unioti

　

　

302 GENERAL HISTORY. with them, brought light and amenity to the banks of the Ebro, the Rhine, and the Thames. Their realm remained undiminished mn extent until the time of the barbarian irruptions, and although their inspiration appeared already early to grow cold, yet they did not refuse their assistance to writers, until down to the age of the Antonines. But from the third century onward, the arts and sciences fell precipitately from their long maintained elevation. Before the close of this period, in the west, Italy excepted, complete night had commenced-and in the east, the flame, growing visibly dim, continued to scatter around only a twilight. It is not difficult to find the causes of this sad change. However propitious external circumstances may be, they alone are not sufficient to call forth works of genius. The internal power of the mind, the creative,'is necessary for this, and this power will not thrive, with the greatest encouragement, where its first condition, freedom, is wanting, no more than a plant, with the most careful fostering, will thrive without an appropriate soil and the light of the sun. A despot, although he wished it, could not give to the souls of his slaves that lofty range for which freedom alone bestows the power. And how could he desire it, without contradiction to himself? He will not fail to perceive that enlightened citizens are indeed the best subjects, but unwilling slaves. Hence he will hate science. In every instance the weight of slavery oppresses the spirit, and we may, without hesitation, consider the decline of genius, under the emperors, which was so striking, as the necessary consequence of the despotical constitution. The great ancients, full of personal dignity and a just sense of their own worth, could give words to the current of their thoughts and feelings carelessly, and in all that surrounded them find subjects of inspiration: the later, degenerate Romans could not fail to perceive the deplorableness of their condition, which was indeed unmerited: their habitual humiliation had clipped the wings of their souls, and they could feel that the language of a freeman is not fit for slaves. Besides, (we will here take, on account of the natural con. nexion, a cursory view of the whole period,) the good relations of the earlier imperial age were gradually lost: in the place of peace came a sad succession of internal and external wars. The muses fled at the sight of desolation, and the impoverished inhabitants,

　

　

ROME. 303 who lacked the means of physical existence, could not think ot the embellishment of their being. Such misery of the provinces was insulted by the prodigality of the capitals; but the nobler arts disdain likewise to be merely the servants of insolent luxury. 111 the meantime, the scourge of despotism was felt more and more severely. No Antonines returned. Even those emperors whose virtue and energy checked the decline of the empire, (Claudius, Aurelian, Probus, Dioclesian, &c.) were strangers to science, and great only in camps or in the management of affairs. Habit and the force of circumstances led to the contempt of pacific talent. Jurisprudence only, the study of which the more artful administration of the state made necessary and lucrative, was pursued with success. In medicine, which appeared likewise indispensable, the ancient masters were followed; and finally, mystical and polemical theology-as already earlier eclectic had in part-engrossed the talents that continued to rise. The arts and sciences of the Pagans appeared so intimately connected with their abhorred system of religion, in their works of genius and of taste mythological abominations were so constantly met with, that the hatred of the Christians, who were animated with zeal as yet ardent for the one,was transferred quite naturally to the other. The works of art and the books of the Pagans became the objects of a pious persecution (the emperors had anteriorly made war upon the books of the Christians); and much that was worthy of immortality was irretrievably lost. The barbarians, who invaded the provinces, and destroyed without distinction the profane as well as the sacred, promoted undesignedly the wishes of the zealots. Henceforth there was too much poverty in genius to create anything new, and hardly sufficient taste to make good selections for transcription. The manuscripts vanished, and the spirit of men, which now lacked completely nourishment and elevation, sunk into lethargy. But this took place in the countries of the Grecian tongue, far later, and less completely, than in the west. Isolated writers appeared still at a late period, who would not have dishonoured the age of Alexander; here a great number of men still revered, still loved learning and art. This inclination had become, by thke manner in which in general the Hellenic mental culture had arisen, an essential feature in the national character of the Greeks. The posterity of those who had been acknowledged the

　

　

304 GENERAL HISTORY. teachers of mankind, felt that they were required to maintain tneir inherited renown; patriotism or national pride urged them to elevate themselves constantly, in mind and taste at least, over their odious rulers, to whose arms and policy they had beep obliged to submit. On the contrary, the arts and sciences. in Rome had never been a true national possession. Even the Latin language had not obtained its perfection by the culture of the Roman people, but only by the genius of individuals who were indebted to Greece for their education. Greece, however, could not escape the spirit of the time. Truly enlightened men appeared more and more seldom. The contest with the great ancients was too unequal. Courage and strength were wanting to strike out new paths with success. Feeble imitation was all that remained. Not the advancement of science, only the excplanation of existing books became the business of the learned. Instead of the creative geniuses, who had shone in brighter times, the schools and libraries were filled with grammarians, critics, and commentators. FROM COMMODUS UNTIL THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. COMMENCEMENT OF ITS RUIN. M. AURELIUs' only son, Aurelius Commodus, who succeeded him, was the first prince born in the purple, upon the Roman imperial throne. His vices formed the most hideous contrast with the virtues of his father. He commenced, as Nero, with unrestrained excess, and terminated with horrible cruelty and madness. Many of the noblest senators and citizens became the victims of his insatiate thirst for blood, whom he butchered, together with his own creatures and the companions of his pleasures. His heart became continually more corrupt. Not one good feeling, not one honourable inclination was left within it. He spent his time either in disgraceful pleasure, or at the ganms of the amphitheatre, not as a spectator, but as a combatant. at

　

　

ROME. 3a5 first against wild animals, afterwards against men. Intoxicated with the glory of the gladiator, he profaned the majesty of the throne by the public practice of a profession that was branded with natural and legitimate disgrace. The Romans saw their emperor and the son of Marcus a combatant on the arena seven hundred and thirty-five times. He frequented the fencing-schools daily, and even caused pay (at an imperial rate) to be given him from the gladiatorial funds, and enumerated with foolish pride his many victories, which he, with unequal arms, gained over his pitiable opponents. The Roman people, accustomed to the government of the Antonines, endured this prince thirteen years! They would have indeed endured him still' longer, had he not been strangled by a wrestler, commissioned by his concubine (193). After the tyrant was dead, the long-restrained rage broke out in loud imprecations. Coammodus had purchased peace of the Germans soon after his father's death, because he feared the hardships of campaigns. But continual invasions of barbarous nations into the Roman territory, which were opposed with difficulty, announced the approaching fall. The conspirators against Commodus, and among them Laetus, the praefect of the praetorian guards, had selected for his successor the prafectus urbi, Helvidius Pertinax, a venerable old nlan, who had raised himself from the most humble condition, to the highest offices by merit alone, and who received also immediately the joyful acknowledgement of the senate and people. Not so the Prtetorians, who, -alone dissatisfied amidst the general rejoicing, wished for the tyrant again, who had flattered their insolence. They assassinated the virtuous Pertinax. After this, with unheard of impudence, the Prmtorians sold the empire at auction. Didius Julianus, a wealthy senator, gave the highest bid —thirteen hundred dollars to a man; and it was conferred on him. But the armies in Illyricum and Syria proclaimed their generals, Septimus Severus and Pescennius Niger, imperators. In Britain, Clodius Albinus declared for freedom. Severus marched to Rome, where the unfortunate Julian, abandoned by the Praetorians, and condemned by the senate, atoned for his presumptuous purchase under the sword of the executioner (194). Niger and Albinus, both deluded by Severus' dissembled friendship, succumbed also one after the other tc the VOL. 1-2 o 20

　

　

'306 GENERAL HISTORY. great military talents and dark intrigues of this prince, who was strictly a soldier in his sentiments. He hated the tone and forms of the republic, trod the senate into the dust, which claimed the right of deliberation, and even of remonstrance; despised the people as something existing merely to serve and to bear, and increased by laws and favor, the preponderance of the soldiers, which was before oppressive. The Pratorians, who had sold the empire, were indeed punished severely by him, by humiliation and dismission; but he formed a new guard, which was four times as strong, and was composed of men selected from all the legions. With this he intended to intimidate not only Rome and Italy, but also the armies, if they should at any time be rebellious. And he attained his object, but gave also to his successors their most formidable enemy in the prwefectus prietorio. Bassianus Antoninus, who was named Caracalla, and Septimus Geta, his sons, were appointed emperors in common, by the wish of their father and the proclamation of the army, and by this means, were made irreconcilable enemies. Geta was killed by his brother at an interview, in the arms of his mother, who wished to be mediatrix. This profligate, sensual villain, who however was endowed with energy of action, put to-death twenty thousand men, as adherents, servants, or friends of Geta, and continued to tyrannize five years, until he was killed by Opilius Macrinus, his proefectus prmtorio (217). This man with his son took the purple, and was overthrown by the influence of a woman, the artful Maesa, the sister of Severus' ivife, Julia Domiia (218). She procured the throne for her grandson, the Syrian priest.of the sun, Avitus Bassianus Heliogabalus, at the age of fourteen, which he disgraced by great excesses and vices. The praetorians freed the world of him, and proclaimed his relative, the noble and amiable Alexian (Alexander Severus), emperor (222). But the soldiers killed hinm likewise (230). Maximinus, a Thracian by birth, in his youth a herdsman, afterwards celebrated in the army for his corporal strength and valour, was the head of the conspirators, and was acknowledged as imperator. His talent was murdering and plundering, which he practised on citizens as wvell as on enemies. In Africa, the old Gordiarus and his son, but in Rome by the senate, Pupienus and Balbinus, men of high desert, were chosen emperors against

　

　

ROME. 307 him. But Gordianus was slain by the friends of Maximinus; the elnperors chosen by the senate were assassinated by the praetorians, and Maximinus also fell in a sedition of his soldiers, whereupon the grandson, Gordian, obtained the throne (238). He fought with success against the Persians and Goths, and excited brilliant expectations. But Philip, an Arabian, praefectus pretorio, treacherously took his life amidst the tumult of a battle with the Goths.* The same befell the latter by the governor of Pannonia, the noble Messius Decius (250), who was slain after the space of a year, in a war against the Goths, by the treachery of Trebonianus Gallus. Gallus and two other emperors died in succession by violence, whereupon the soldiers invested LiCinius Valerianus with the purple (253). He marched against the Persians, who were desolating the east, was taken captive by their king, Schapurt(261): and suffered, after abuse for three years, a terrible death. Gallienus, his son, had as little regard for him as for the public welfare, aind enjoyed his pleasures whilst the barbarians were invading the provinces on all sides, and the accumulated insurrections of nai tions and governors were filling the measure of misery. Eighteen emperors arose at the same time. With the addition of some earlier and later rebels, the number of the thirty tyrants mentioned by Trebellius Pollio, may be made out. They all compensated for a brief antd oppressive supremacy, with a violent death. Posthumius, (father and son,) in Gaul, and Tetricus, in the same province, Aureolus, in 1llyria, and, above all, Odenatus, in the east, distinguished: themselves. This valiant Palmyrenian senator, by the aid of some tribes of the desert, checked the victorious career of the insolent Schapur, and repulsed him beyond the Euphrates. As a reward for so. great an exploit, Gallienus appointed him associate emperor. The east, which he had saved, respected his power; but he lost his life by domestic treachery, after which, his heroic consort, Zenobia, in whose veins the blood of Cleopatra flowed, took the direction of affairs. During these storms, the inactive Gallienus was slain by his own soldiers (268). Claudius II., his successor, saved the empire, which a formi*1244. In the fourth year of his reign, Philip celebrated the millennial jubilee of Rome. t Commonly written Sapor.

　

　

308 GENERAL HISTORY. dable irruption of the Goths threatened with a rapid fall, by a most brilliant victory. It was obtained at Naissa, and the remnant of the Goths was destroyed by famine and pestilence. But the countries of the Danube, and those of the Haemmus, never recovered from this desolating war. The gods did not permit Claudius to complete his work; he was carried off by the pestilence which broke out from the Gothic camp. L. Domitius Aurelianus accomplished afterwards what Claudius had commenced. In less than four years,:this great warrior conquered the antiemperor Tetricus, who ruled in Gaul, Spain, and Britain, the valiant Zenobia in the east, and Firmus in Egypt, the Alemanni, Goths,* and other foreign enemies, suppressed various insurrections, and becavme the restorer of the shattered empire. This military emperor undertook a second expedition against the Orientals, in order to avenge on the Persians the disgrace of Valerianus; but sonme officers, who feared his severity, killed him in a conspiracy (275). The army itself was terrified at this crime, and requested the senate, which had been heretofore despised, to appoint the successor of Aurelianus. The senate appointed from its own body the virtuous Claudius Tacitus, a worthy descendant of the great historian. But this old man, who was seventy-five years of age, died in the seventh monfth of his administration. Then the Syrian army proclaimed Aurelius Probus emperor (276), who, as.Claudi's and Aurelian, was descended from an Illyrian peasant family, but:deserved his elevation by talent and virtue, When his.election had been unanimously sanctioned by the senate, whose apprabation the modest emperor sought with submission, he eclipsed, by a series of glorious military achievements, the fame of Aurelian, whilst the liberality of his sentiments reminded his subjects of Marcus. He defeated in many battles the Persians, the Blemamyes, and especially the Germans. with whom he did not make peace until after great humiliation and sacrifice on their part, and he endeavored to protect the weakest side of the Roman boundary by a series of fortifications, extended from Ratisbon as far as the mouth of the Neckar.t * Yet he abandoned to them Dacia, because he thought it was impossible to maintain it. t Tlle country between the Rhine and Danube had been abandoned in the times of Caesar and Augrustus by its German inhabitants, and thereupon occu

　

　

ROME. 309 This hero, who was nurtured in the camp, and covered with such military glory, had retained, however, such a rational view of things, and so much humanity, that he preferred building to destroying, and the arts of peace to bloody trophies. He sought by rebuilding destroyed cities.(he rebuilt and repaired more than seventy), to heal the wounds'of the earlier wars, and to employ the expensive military force in works of general utility. He caused the legions to make vineyards in Gaul and Pannonia, to construct bridges, canals, and public roads, in all parts of the empire, to drain marshes, &c.; but he excited by this means, and in general by strict discipline, the displeasure of these long corrupted warriors. They assassinated him (282). Aurelius Carus, praefectus pramtorio, his successor, was indeed his equal in valour, but not in goodness. He was killed-as is commonly related-by lightning (283). Of his two sons, the mild Numerianus was assassinated by his father-in-law, Aper; the wild and dissolute Carinus fell'by the hand of a tribune, whose lady he had disgraced. At his death C. Valerius Diocletianus became emperor (284). FROM DIOCLETIAN TO CONSTANTINE. DIOCLETIAN had arisen from the lowest condition; for his father was a house-slave of the senator Anulinus, and his niame was derived only from the native place of his mother, Doclia, in Dalmatia. But: he had early distinguished himself in the army, had risen one degree after another, and after Numerianus' death, which he had avenged on Aper, had received the unanimous acknowledgment, that he was the man most worthy of the throne. Diocletian, although his spirit saw distinctly the whole of his duties, on this very account, perceived the:impossibility of operating everywhere at the same time, and the danger of delegating extensive powers to his subjects. He therefore resolved to take an assistant in the empire, and'selected Maximianus Herculius, a common Pannonian, valiant and active, but less wise and cultivated, than himself. The name of Augustus, pied by Gallic emigrants and other adventurers. They acknowledged the loman supremacy, and paid tithes, on which account they were called Decumates.

　

　

310. GENERAL HISTORY. and, complete imperial power, were to be c:ommon to both Then two Caesars (expectants of the dignity of Augustus) were appointed, Maximianus Galerius, a Dacian, of the humblest birth, and the noble Constantius Chlorus, descending through his mother from the house of the emperor Claudius II. This measure, for the harmless execution of which, the superior authority o9f Diocletian-willingly acknowledged by his colleagues on the throne-was. requisite, became subsequently a source of civil wars, and at last, of permanent division; and besides, the, multiplied: courts were a burden for the exhausted empire, which could not be easily borne. The four erperors subdued, with strong. hand, the many enemies of the empire, and several anti-emperors. Carqajsius, in Britain,.alone forced them to acknowledge, his pretensions, and remained emperor until his death.'The: absence. of the emperor from Rome (Diocletian had selected Nicomedia,: in the east, for his residence,). contributed mediately to the still greater neglect, of the senate, and to the ruin of all the republican institutions that continued to exist, the remnant of which was of importance and found only at Rome. The emperors no longer respected the senate, and consulted henceforth only with their ministers. -Thus the system of monarchy was now completely established, and the abasement of the. people also was. announced openly, by language and ceremonial. Henceforth, not only the title dominus-formerly abhorred by the better;emperors-which had originally designated the relation of seruitude, became the regular style of the chancery, but even expressions.were added to. this, which signified religious veneration: and divine dignity,'and all the pomp -of the oriental courts, the diadem, the vestments of silk and gold, the large number of courtiers and eunuchs, the inaccessibleness of the emperor's person, and, if admission into his presence was granted, prostration to the earth-all conspired to make the people perceive the elevation of the. monarch, and-which was, indeed, the design of Diocletian, in introducing there oriental usagesrestrained the insolence of the populace and soldiers, as well as the outbreaks of the lopve of freedom and of passions, by this abasement becoming a custom. After an energetic and fortunate administration for more than twenty years, Diocletian laid down his imperial dignity, and

　

　

ROME 311 retired into the charming solitude of his garden and palace at Salona (295). After this a stormy and revolutionary time followed. The bond of union was severed after the abdication of Diocletian Galerius and Constantius Chlorus, who now became Augusti, appointed Severus and Maximinus Daza, Caesars. Between these and Galerius, and the son of Constantius, who died prematurely, Constantine, then the old Maximian, who, weary of a, private condition, had resumed the purple, Maxentius, his son, who was proclaimed emperor by the praetorians, and finally, Licinius, whom Galerius had appointed Augustus, bloody discord prevailed; and in confused vicissitude, the Roman world saw itself oppressed, sometimes by two, sometimes by four, and sometimes by six Augusti. Galerius was regarded as the first. He disgraced this rank by cruelty, and was gradually obscured by the growing fortune of the y, ung Constantinus. The virtues of his father had gained for this youthful hero the favor of the army, which proclaimed him Aqgustus, in Britain, against the will of Galerius, his persecutor (306). Galerius threatened, but the former was acknowledged Caesar, and maintained himself not only in the provinces of his father, (Britain, Gaul, and Spain,) but soon found an opportunity of extending his power. Maxentius, Maximian's son, tyrannized over Italy and Africa. The PRomans invited Constantine to their. assistance against him. He resolved on the contest. On this eventful expedition, he appears-the legend says, induced by a miraculous appearanceto have adopted the resolution, by embracing Christianity, to which he had been friendly before, to procure for himself the permanent adherence of a strong party in the whole empire, and to animate the zeal of his Christian soldiers for the approaching contest. Yet the precise time of his conversion is very uncertain, and there are traces existing, that he, even after the Romafn victory, continued to waver a long time between the pagan superstition and the new' doctrine, and only gradually came over wholly to the side of Christianity. The war against Maxentius was terminated, as was desired. The inactivity of the tyrant contributed to his fall. He did not rouse himself for the conflict, until Constantinus approached the capital-lost a battle near the Mil

　

　

312 GENERAL HISTORY. vian bridge, and his life in flight; whereupon the victor marched into Rome amidst the joyful acclamations of the people (312). Licinius now ruled in the East, as the heir of Galerius, and the victor of several anti-emperors. The concord existing hitherto between him and Constantine now ceased. At this time the banner of the cross was particularly useful to the latter. It was a religious contest, according to the sentiments of those engaged in it and the means empfoyed. In the first war, the western emperor obtained the cession of Illyricum, Dardania, Macedonia, Greece and Mcesia;: in the second, he took Licinius prisoner, and caused him to be put to death (324), with his ministers and generals, although he had promised him safety by oath. HISTORY OF RELIGION. MORE ANCIENT HISTORY OF RELIGION. LET US, before we proceed with the history of Constantine. cast a glance back to the origin, consummation, and character of Christianity, which henceforth exercises an influence on the history of the World. Religion, which is given to man, and is coeval with the human existence, may be represented, whether Adam be a real or symbolical being, as deriving its origin from a revelation imparted to him who was the progenitor of the race. Whether this revelation was determinate and complete, whether it required further developement and improvement, is a bold question; the conjectural reply to which must vary, according as Adam appears to us with the traits of perfected humanity, or with those of childhood and of the rude state of nature. In history, nations appear every where at first with rude ideas, which are refined only gradually, and often further disfigured, or with nothing but dark forebodings, which, excited and developed, first by external causes, are slowly converted into a more definite consciousness, or more lively sentiment. But notwithstanding. the greatest L ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ _

　

　

THE HEATHEN RELIGION. 313 rudeness and disfiguration, the fundamental capacity always remains discernible, which, like a slumbering spark only requires kindling and favorable circumstances, in order to become a world-illuminating flame. ORIGIN OF THE HEATHEN RELIGION. IT is manifest that the first fostering of this spark is derived from the phenomena of the sensible world. The attention of man and the sense of his weakness is early awakened-yet at first, more by such phenomena as interrupt the common course of nature, and in particular by the experience of terrifying or destroying powers. He searches for the causes of such phenomena, and his imagination, outstripping his later-maturing understanding, ascribes them to the arbitrary activity of more powerful beings. Fear, so we are taught by most kinds of divine worship which are yet in a rude state, and even by a variety of those that have attained a high degree of perfection, fear has at first agitated the soul of man and produced his religious disposition, which, progressing on the way once opened, was soon directed also to the beneficent powers of nature, and to these with love and gratitude, as to the threatning with terror and timid prayer; but at last combining with these awful impressions that, which echos to them softly dnd sacredly from the innermost recesses of the heart, discerned in those unknown powers the moral rulers, as well as the sovereigns of nature, and upon their mysterious potency built the bold hope of immortality. This adoration of objects, powers and appearances of nature (it is called by the general appellation feticism, which however does not designate it definitely enough) is discernible in all ancient religions as the basis, and often still later, in their more refined state as the predominant form; but the objects themselves must vary according to the diversity of country and climate, of wants and customs. The storm and the thunder; the power of water and fire, in general the elements and meteors; or the fostering soil, the river that sometimes fertilizes by inundation, and sometimes produces desolation; in the smaller circle, even a running fountain, or a tree which afforded a hospitable shade or delightful fruits; and even the inferior plants; friendly and hostile animals and inanimate objects, but more than all others the sun, the VOL. 1-2 P

　

　

314 GENERAL HISTORY. source of light, fertility, and life; the moon, whose gentle majesty speaks to all hearts, and all the high luminaries of the heavens. This veneration of the celestial bodies may be considered as the most elevated form of the pagan religion, because it is nobler in itself tihan the common Feticism, and raises the soul much higher; and also because it has become mediately by the investigations of astronomy, which it occasioned, or with which it was connected, the source of far more ingenious systems, and has chiefly determined the dogmas and usages of nations, which are of historical importance. For after a commencement was made-which was probably first done in Egypt-in investigating the courses of the celestial bodies according to the rules of art, and in seeking for a certain measure of the year and the seasons in the changing constellations, it was necessary to distinguish the.various stars and groups of stars, especially those through which the apparent course of the sun and the planets passed, by particular names and fancied images, which were derived in the most natural manner from the affairs of agriculture, the phenomena of the seasons, or other terrestrial objects, that might be connected by an easy association of ideas with the constellations; according to their time orregion. Figurative expressions were also selected to represent the various appearances of the heavens, as the varying remoteness and proximity of the stars among themselves and towards the sun, such as, union and separation, love and hatred, dominion and. subjection, &c. By the frequent use of such expressions, their original signification, which was merely figurative, was almost inevitably forgotten, and the sign was exchanged for what was designated, the earthly for the celestial. Then those'figurative expressions, taken mostly from human qualities and relations, occasioned, as was indeed already done in the common Feticism, the application of ideas which represent the active and passive state of man to the gods, and caused a succession of symbolical positions to be regarded as a series of actual events, and the histories of the gods to be formed like those of men, and by this means a third class of religious systems was created. This is the deification of departed men. For when once the gods were brought down to men, and considered subject to human inclinations, infirmities, and destinies, when they were

　

　

THE HEATHEN RELIGION. 315 nabitually imagined to be men who had formerly been upon earth; nothing was more natural than that real men also, who had distinguished themselves perhaps by wisdom and virtue, by power and beneficence, and consequently elevated themselves above common nature, were regarded as gods or children of gods, and after their death translated to heaven, from voluntary gratitude, servile flattery, or by the mandate of rulers. The number of deified men, however, (the Grecian, and later the Roman religion, excepted). has never been very great. The sound.understanding of man, rose against this apotheosis, and it could by no means enter into those systems of religion, which were based upon philosophy and speculation. The worship of images, or idolatry in the stricter sense, prevailed more generally. We find this worship of idols associated as well with Feticism as. with the veneration of deified men, here andd there almost alone predomipanqt, and even introduced into those religions, which rest. upon an intellectual foundation. If we, except, however, those natural, bodies, or rude products of art (as serpents, stones, and hewn pieces of. wood, &c.),. which are venerated by the most simple nations as fetischbs, and indeed merely as religious objects rather than divine-perhaps! as talismans, amulets, &c. —we. find that, idols, according to the principles of a prevailing national religion, were nowhere actually venerated as, gods, butonly as images of the deity. A distinguishedi man has justly remarked, that the name idolater- is one:ntroduced only by those who enjoy a purer religion, but an unjust stigma.upon the heathen nations, and that never one of them would have acknowledged the validity of such an appellation in. that full sense of the word. The proper dogmas-which e. g. admitted only one Jupiter, who was: enthroned in Olympus -were manifestly,contradictory to the divine veneration of the thousand statues of his anme, which adorned so many temples. And accordingly it is evident, that the idols were not gods, but were designed only as representations.of the deity. Wise and deserving men also venerated these images, since a sacred meaning and a sacred object rested upon them. Soon the devotion of the multitude felt inclined to confide to them higher and miraculous powers; the priests favored this belief, because it brought authority and wealth to them-the guardians of the images,-and by a natural increase of devdtion, and an artfully

　

　

316 GENERAL HISTORX. enhanced illusion-the conversion -of the sign into that which was designated, of the image into the deity, was gradually introduced among the low populace, as well as that which was found in all classes, upon which the philosopher will forbear to pronounce a too severe or partial sentence of condemnation. NATIONAL RELIGION.-PRIESTS. — FABLES. ALL the religions of the ancient paganism may be reduced to one or the other of these classes; yet their characters are nowhere to be found unmixed, and the distinction can be made only according to that which is predominant. But before any system whatever could have been constructed with determinate and durable forms, religion must have ceased to be a private affair; it must have been national property, and a priesthood must have existed for its preservation. Uniform notions, uniform ways of worship amongst numerous masses of men arose, and this communion became the most precious possession, the most important tie of nations. The similar experience of the inhabitants of one region concerning the influence of the same natural 9bjects, the transmission of ancient tradition through all the members of a spreading family, the persuasion and instruction of individuals of superior minds, particularly of foreigners from civilized regions, but chiefly the labors of wise legislators and of the priesthood often established, and generally favored by such legislators, and frequently arising without their assistance, effected this revolution, so remarkable in the history of man. The appearance- of these priests makes a principal epoch in the religion, and in the whole condition of men. They appear in the early twilight of history. They did not, however, make religion, they themselves arose rather through religion. But they cherished and brought the slumbering germ to perfection, and gave it its direction and form. By them, what was before wavering and inconstant, became determinate and durable, and presentiment was made doctrine, —dream, positive truth; they preserved faith by formulas, devotion by usages, substituted coercion of condcience for freedom, and subjected the most secret thoughts to their dominion. Since now, what to the laity was merely a fugitiye impression, a transient emotion, formed the principal business of their lives, they were able easily.

　

　

THE HEATHIEN RELIGION. 317 guided or seduced by speculation and fancy, to spin out the thread of sacred tradition further, to convert the simple creeds of nature into ingenious systems, and, according to the measure of their illumination and their good will, ennoble or corrupt the sacred endowment of man. Now, learned religions first originated, as well as a great number of symbols and fables, whereby the religious ideas of the confessors were confined, as it were, in an enchanted circle, the natural subordinated to the positive, — often stifled by it-minute distinctions between the various systems of religion effected, and their number greatly multiplied. But it is a perception of the highest importance, and one which throws a surprising, radiant light upon the most sacred concern of man, that in all this variety, and amidst all changes, many principal traits, however, are found to be uniform, and the fundamental ideas constant. Hence results for the philosophical observer, the clearest distinction of the chaff from the grain, of the veil from the substance, and, at the same time, the interesting discernment of the most secret nature of man. First, we see everywhere, man, although limited.to the world of sense in his active and passive state, look beyond its confines with foreboding and desire,; acknowledge higher, living, moral powers over the blind forces of nature, in the triumph of predominant wickedness, hqpe for a time of retribution, and, surrounded with the images of corruption, believe in a continuation beyond the grave. But this divine spark in the human soul, an evidence of its higher origin, how miserably, for the most part, we see it cherished.!- Its excitation is the work of accident, its nourishment is unrefined, folly and deceit stifle its splendor. The sublime ideas, the lively sentiments of natural religion, the most precious boon of our race, are converted into dead formulas. The harmony of nature proclaims one supreme, ruling Spirit. But the common understanding is unable to soar up to the majesty of a God, who lives in all the powers of nature, and fills heaven and earth with his presence. Hence it is glad to admit as many gods as it knows natural powers, consequently good and bad, and also particular gods for every country, and even for every community and every house. Even if, by the instruction of solitary sages or enlightened priests, a supreme God is

　

　

318 GENERAL HISTORY. announced to it, still it retains the belief in subordinate gods, and directs confidently to these its supplication. And under what image does man conceive his God? At first under none, or at least under no definite one, as long as he is not much engaged with him, and only on particular occasions perceives his dependence on higher powers. Yet he soon feels the want of forming clearer ideas and more definite images of the beings which he adores. He takes them from the world of sense, because beyond this the stroke of his spirit's wings becomes feeble; therefore he gives them mostly a corporeal veil; and since, in the whole province of his experience, no nobler form than that of man appe/ars, and at the same time no w6rthier emblem of the divine Spirit can be found than the human, we see the idea of God in. no;inational ieligion carried higher than to an enhancement. of h"umamn pefection.:'But soon not- only the superior qualities of human nature,'biut its restrictions and wants were also embraced in the idea'of' gods; even passions and vices were ascribed to'them, and now they were made throughout similar to men. This anthropomorphism is observable in all religions.. Even the ideas of the relation of the gods among themselves are borrowed from human relations, and in the conceptions of their order of rank, and of the gradations of their power, we meet mostly with'an image of the civil constitution of that nation in which such conceptions prevail. For the service of these gods, and for the extension and pre servation of religious ideas, we see everywhere a priesthood instituted or forming itself, which, by this destination, exercises a power over minds according to its principles beneficial, but in its abuse extremely dangerous. We see this class mostly enlarge and establish their power by all the expedients of an ambitious policy, aspire to a permanent guardianship over nations, not only in sacred, but also in worldly affairs; for this end surcharge religion with heterogeneous additions, veil the understanding of.the people by superstition. substitute authority for free investigation, the terror of penal power for conviction, usurp the monlopoly of the sciences, and with this the administration of the state, and even the vocation of magic, plunder the debased people at pleasure, and in a selfish manner appropriate to themselves all the advantages of civil union, without participation in its burdens. Yet priests have also produced a very beneficial effect

　

　

THE HEATHEN RELIGION. 319'pal ticularly in primitive'timies; since without them nations would not have escaped barbarism at all, or not until a late period, civil societies would have been established with much more difficulty, commerce would have been less extended, the -arts and sciences less fostered, and nations would have inevitably become here the victims of anarchy, there of wild despotism. MYSTERIES. - ORACLES. BESIDES the prevailing national religion and the general worship, there existed almost everywhere a'secret doctrine, which was either communicated by priests, likewise to a small circle of selected individuals, or taught by particular inquirers as the fruit of profane philosophy. Of the first especially, remarkable proofs appear among many small nations. We speak here of mysteries, which we see originate'in remote antiquity, and, at that time, produce the greatest effect. There were several kinds of mysteries, which differed widely in object and effect. Some consisted only of religious ceremonies, the mystical solemnity of which seemed adapted to proclaim a higher majesty of the god, or to fill the mind with religious awe. Other mysteries were associations of devout people, who, by particular devotional practices; or by pursuing peculiar rules of life, endeavoured to attain a higher moral perfection than that of the rest. The third and noblest kind of mysteries were those where a secret doctrine was imparted to the initiated concerning subjects to the investigation of which we are urged by a high and eternal interest, but the unveiled contemplation of which is dangerous for the common intellect. There were, however, several grades of initiation. To the inferior-where those admitted were prepared, examined, or entertained by vain delusion, as in the great Eleusinian mysteries-many, even women and children, were able to attain; into the inner sanctuary but few were introduced. They sufficed to prevent the. extinction of the beneficial flame, and always let as much light emanate from their centre into external circles, and into the whole nation, as relations and the general state of cultivation permitted. We meet with oracles in the ancient religions still more generally than with mysteries, by which here not merely those

　

　

320 GENERAL HISTORI. sacred places are understood, where a certain god replied by some organ to the questions put to him, but in general all the means and ways which superstition has invented to arrive at the knowledge of the divine will and the future. Man is incessantly tortured with the inquiet desire to raise the impenetrable veil, which lies over his future; and inexplicable feelings are often in his mind, which he calls forebodings, because he supposes a secret connexion between these and a coming event. For his little person is the centre from which he considers the world. Everything exists in reference to him; he imagines that on account of his private affairs, the gods stop the machinery of nature, and that even the celestial bodies direct their courses according to his destiny. This disposition was early abused by cunning men, and, to the question, who invented soothsaying, we may without hesitation answer with Voltaire; "it was the first rogue that met with the first blockhead." What advantage they were able to derive from this superstition did not escape the priests. Even legislators, who discerned in it an efficacious means for the direction of the multitude, favored the same, and it became a peculiar, sacred art, pursued according to fixed rules, and generally respected, to interpret the future from the constellations, the entrails of animals, the flight of birds, dreams, lots, &c. The proper oracles also, which, as the Libyan of Hammon, or the Delphic of the Greeks, captivated through a succession of centuries the respectful confidence of nations, which were venerated by the wisest of the ancients, and the decisions of which were so often sanctioned by success, find in these principles their explanation. There were oracles which were respected not only in their own countries, and by the votaries of the same religion, but also at a great distance abroad. To these belonged that of Jupiter Hnmon or Ammon, in the Libyan oasis. The service of this divinity had been brought from Mer6e to the Egyptian Thebes, and hence to Ammonium, and it appears that the very ancient oracle at Dodona, in Epirus, had the same origin. The oracle at Delphi was established later, but was more important by its reputation, influence and weath. Here Apollo gave answers through the mouth of a priestess, the Pythia, who'was generally a simple girl, educated for this destination by the priests, to +he deputies from all the Grecian states, and from a hundred foreign

　

　

THE HEATHIEN RELIGION. 321 kings, and to innumerable private persons. These responses determined more than once the fate of whole kingdoms, and exercised especially upon Greece a powerful influence, as a tie of the nation and as a support of its governments. When afterwards these governments ceased to be popular, when the potentates in Greece no longer needed the assent of the god, and would have received his disapprobation ungraciously, Apollo lestricted himself to private affairs, and finally became silent. OF THE SEPARATE RELIGIOUS SYSTEMS IN PARTICULAR AMONG the separate religious systems, the Egyptian is first distinguished by its age, and because it was the root of several others. But the causes, which in general make the Egyptian history obscure and enigmatical, are according to the nature of the subject here of twofold effect, and in relation to this, we nust be satisfied for the most part with mere conjectures. The divine worship in Egypt was by no means a mere veneration of the celestial bodies, or founded upon physical and mathematical astronomy, (although some learned men have asserted this,) but it was far more ancient than astronomy, and if, at that time, already the heavenly bodies had a share in it, this took place only because they, as other remarkable objects of nature, had made an impression upon the mind of man. But also the beneficial Nile, the frugiferous earth, and then all the striking powers of nature, and even animals and plants which were particularly useful and important were adored, and the character of the Egyptian religion was no other than Feticism, which at first, was probably, as rude as among the other nations of Africa, but which was modified by the peculiarities of the Egyptian country and climate, afterwards purified by the speculations of enlightened priests, elevated, modeled according to the wants of agriculture, health, &c., and connected with the discoveries that were gradually made in physics and astronomy. A symbolical language enriched constantly the religion which thus originated with new fables; diversity of divine worship, according to particular names, then the variable progression or retrogression of science in the sacerdotal colleges, and finally, the mingling of the Grecian ideas with the ancient religion of the country, increased the confilsion, and thus arose gradually the VoL. I-2 q 21

　

　

322 GENERAL HISTORY. perplexed and enigmatical system, which, indeed, at the time of Herodotus, the Egyptian priests themselves were no longer able to interpret, and the Greeks, who sought everywhere only their own gods, explained still worse. This summary view of the Egyptian religion suffices for the ooject of general history, which leaves the enumeration of.the separate fables, and the names of the gods to antiquaries and philologists. The public worship of the Egyptians was solemn, their temples were magnificent, their festivals numerous and brilliant. At that which was celebrated annually in Bubastus, n honour of Artemis, nearly 700,000 persons assembled. We find traces of human sacrifices. The Egyptians believed in the immortality of the soul, and rewards and punishments after death, yet we have not an accurate knowledge of their ideas upon this subject, and only know that they asserted a continual interest of the soul in the preservation of the body, and that the embalming of their dead, and their durable sepulchres were a consequence of this idea. Of the Egyptian priests and their power we have spoken before. The Sabian system of religion, as that of the Phoenicians and the Chaldeans, is less interesting, and also less elaborate, than the Egyptian. But it is evident that the leading character of the Sabian system, was the veneration of the celestial bodies, and that it prevailed over Arabia, and a great part of interior and Central Asia, until Zoroaster's doctrine limited its empire. The basis of the Phcehician system-which, however, was prevalent also in Syria, and at a greater distance —was Feticism. Several Phoenician divinities were also admitted into the Grecian mythology. The Chaldean divinities which are most known, are Baal, the supreme, and, according to the opinion of the learned, a spiritual god, Mylitha, whose service is so notorious, and the evil being, Tt7rrach, the god of war. The sacerdotal caste of the Chaldeans, which was celebrated for its power and knowledge, is generally considered as a native Babylonian race, which took later tilh name of the conquering Chaldean horde. The following principles may serve to characterize the (;recian religion: 1. Its basis was, as everywhere, the adoration of corporea objects and the powers of nature.

　

　

TIHE HEATHEN RELIGION. 323 2. Then to this number of domestic gods, those were added, which by foreign emissaries and colonists, and in general by foreign intercourse, were brought to Greece, principally fiom Eg3 pt and Phoenicia. But the Greeks did not admit these foreign fables servilely; they transformed them according to their own lively manner of thinking and feeling, and according to the nature of their country, combined them with their traditions, and even with the histories of their heroes; and collected ill this manner abundant, although.chaotic matter for the elaboration of the poets. 3. For it was poets, that ennobled and established the Grecian religion, not priests, not legislators, and not abstract sages., Equally remote from gross Feticism and abstruse metaphysical doctrine, they remained true to the character of their. youthful, fanciful people, and their mythology became a living picture of nature and the world. 4. The Greeks had already anteriorly, by the impulse of their lively imaginations, peopled heaven and earth, and all the elements and the natural kingdoms with gods. Where they saw power and motion, there they fancied life, and because they beheld themselves everywhere, a life like man's. In no religion has anthropomorphism prevailed so extensively as in the Greek. They made all domestic, all foreign gods, men, all divine images were human forms, all symbolical doctrines were clothed in human histories, all distinguished men deified. In accordance with this peculiarity of the Grecian imagination, and intent merely upon the improvement of their images, until then rude, the poets created that enchanting mythology, into which they interwove all the riches of nature and life, of history and science, of the fancy and the heart. There prevails in these creations such a peculiar, lovely spirit, that they, as exceptionable as they appear to cold reason, in a religious and purely moral respect, have remained notwithstanding, on account of their aesthetic and sentimental worth, the delight of the cultivated of all succeeding generations. 6. So many gods, and of so diverse a nature, made also a great variety of rites, of festivals, prayers and sacrifices necessary, in order to gain each according to his character. The pious disposition of the Greeks urged them, without positive compulsion, to numerous public and private prayers; almost every action of

　

　

324 G GENERAL HISTORY. their lives was accompanied with religious rites, the voice of oracles was heard, everywhere, omens or diviners were found in all places, and few days passed without purification or expiation. The functions of the civil authorities were generally hallowed by religious ceremonies, and political institutions, as the celebrated games, were brought by them into intimate connexion with religion. There was an extraordinary number of temples, sacred groves and domestic altars, and the smoke of sacrifices ascended in all places. There were even cases, where the fanaticism of the priests demanded human victims, and the noblest blood flowed upon the altars. But the Grecian priests were neither.a hereditary caste (some sacerdotal dignities, however, were confined to certain families), nor did they constitute a restricted class, (for they remained citizens, renounced the priesthood for civil offices, or administered both at the same time); nor were the priests of the different temples connected together among themselves, and hence had not all together, as in the east, a common interest, which was throughout hostile to the laity, and not such high power and dignity, and hence less pride and presumption. The religions which we have thus far treated of were founded entirely upon traditions and rites of diverse origin and little connexion, and upon the opinions and doctrines of poets or priests appended to them, which were venerable by their antiquity and object, and in part also fixed by hieroglyphical or common writing, and entrusted to a learned class for preservation, but entered, however, into no properly sacred book, nor authentically collected, and hence always subject to change and a free explanation. We pass now to the systems which rested essentially upon writings or written belief, and which were derived, according to the opinion of the people, from superhuman, or at least inspired doctrines, and, endowed with this superior authority, were more potent to sway belief, and were able to maintain themselves uniform through a series of centuries. The Chinese system of religion belongs to this class. But we are not accurately acquainted with it. For in its sacred books (they are called kings) those places which treat of religious things are unintelligible or enigmatical, and the Jesuits have evidently interpreted them too favorably. This much is to be discerned, that this religion, like the rest, proceeded from Feti

　

　

THE HEATHEN REL CGION. 325 cism, but was early improved by the doctrines of particular seers, so that the Universe (Tien, later Shang-ti, was its name) was adored as the first god, and the separate powers of nature, and parts, only as subordinate divinities. The Chinese hlad, together with natural, also artificial Fetichs, even divine images, many temples, solemn rites and priests. The sacred books, over the origin of which an impenetrable darkness lies, and which in the course of time have been much sophisticated, particularly by their restoration after a general conflagration of books, contain various ordinances for divine service, and, with many foolish stories and doctrines, some evidences also, that a part of the Chinese sages-without, however, their belief'sbecoming national-discerned at a very early period a creating and sustaining God, distinctive from the created world. Confucius, the great teacher of the Chinese, and who, as an improver or renewer of the national religion, is venerated to this day by his people, had soared without doubt to the same elevation, although he was not in a condition to raise the mass of the people to an equal height. The influence of this great man remained limited to his fatherland; Zoroaster (or Zerduscht), the teacher of the Magian religion, operated beyond the boundaries of his. He was not the founder, only the extender and reformer of his country's religion-the Median-and perhaps rather the compiler than the author of the Zendavesta, or living word. Not under the Persian king, Darius Hystaspes, as was supposed at one time from insufficient evidences, but a century earlier, under a Medo-Bactrian king, Gustasp (probably Cyaxares I.) Zoroaster appeared among the Magians, the ancient sacerdotal caste of the country, in North Media (Aderbeidschan) where burns the everlasting fire, which is still regarded by the Parsees (fireworshippers) as an emblem of the deity. Here and beyond the Caspian sea, in Bactra, the residence of king Gustasp, he preached against the errors which had been introduced into the Magian religion, as well as against the general corruption of his tilne, and, since he renewed the doctrine which once Ormuzd himself had revealed to the great king Dsjemschid, he established laws which were based upon religion, but related mainly to politics and morals. According to his doctrine, there is a supreme, spiritual being,

　

　

326 GENERAL HISTORY. Zeruane Akerene (time without bounds), which has produced through Honover (the creating word) two other divine beings, a good and a bad, Ormuzd and _Ahriman. These two are the authors of the other spirits and of the corporeal world, and in.his, each, according to his nature, is the source of all good and of all evil. Ormuzd, and six other Amschaspands, are the princes of light; they form the first order of celestial spirits. Under them stand the izeds, the superintendents of the elements and of the parts of nature, the genii of all that is good. These good spirits are opposed by Ahriman with six other Dews, the princes of evil, and a multitude of lower Dews, which are dependent upon the first. To Ormuzd's empire belongs also in the corporeal world all that is good, pure and useful, among men, animals, and plants, and in the whole of nature; but what is bad, impure or injurious,-to Ahriman's empire. The true servant of Ormuzd will therefore be pure and beneficent in his sentiments and behaviour; he will enlarge Ormuzd's empire, by begetting and educating good children, by fostering useful animals and vegetables, by improving the soil, &c. and endeavour to diminish the empire of Ahriman, his enemy, by extinguishing what is injurious and impure. He will assidiously purify his body by bathing, and his soul by prayer-a disinterested prayer for all the servants of Ormuzd. He will do this upon high mountains, surrounded by the pure ether, or before the sacred fire, the most worthy symbol of the deity, or at least with his face turned towards the sun. The soul of him, who has fulfilled all this, is borne upon ethereal wings into the realms of light, to the smiling Ormuzd; the soul of the wicked flees trembling to the realm of darkness, where the terrible Ahriman is enthroned. Yet a limit is set to its torment, and a time will come, in which all evil will become good, even Ahriman and the Dews, and in which only one empire will continue to exist, the empire of Ormuzd. The magians, the ancient sacerdotal caste of Media, as they, after some opposition, acknowledged the word of Zoroaster, were appointed in later times-with an improved constitution, however-preservers of this doctrine, iiediators between God and man, assistants of the king in his government, as counsellors and judges. Their division into the three classes, of Herbeds (disciples), olobeds (masters), and Destur Mlobeds (complete

　

　

TIHE HEATHEN RELIGIGN. 327 masters), promoted necessarily the internal order of the caste. All were subject to the direction of the Archimagus, who resided at Bactra, and was regarded as Zoroaster's successor. It is probable, that the service of Ormuzd was made the religion of the Persian court, and also that of the noble race of the Pasargadua, by Cyrus. The other tribes seem to have persisted in the ancient religion of their country, and many notions and practices appear to have been transferred from this into the Magian system. Hence, and from the inclination of the Greeks to mould everything foreign according to their own peculiarities, is explained their variation among themselves, and from the sacred books of the Parsees, in their representation of Magianism and the doctrine of Zoroaster. The religion of ancient India, which was early peopled, and, without doubt, the first civilized of all countries, would probably, if we were better acquainted with it, throw much light upon the origin of religion in general, and upon the derivation and affinity of the religious ideas among most nations. But here we take a sad leave of our best guides in ancient history, the Greeks, and are restricted, with the exception of some unimportant notices, to the domestic traditions of India, and its sacred books. These are called, collectively, Vedams, and the four principal ones, entitled, the four scriptures of the mighty Spirit's divine words, are said to have been translated by Branma himself, from the divine language into the Sanscrit, but so many interpolations and variations have crept into their text, and into its explanations, that a true exposition is hardly possible. The principal doctrines are nearly the following: A supreme spiritual God, uncreated and infinite, is the original being, whence heaven and earth, gods and men, and all existing things, have sprung. According to some, this being is named Achar (the;mmoveable, constant, eternal); according to others, Karta, Paxrabrama, Parawastu. From this supreme God a part of the spirits created by him revolted, under the command of Moisasur and Rhabun, were conquered, and were banished for punishment into the bodies of men. By this expiation the evil spirits may be purified and again happy; but many remain bad, and seducers of men. To these men-who at first were of immense size, and lived to a great age, but in both gradually, and indeed in determinate epochs, (they are characterized by progressing diminution

　

　

328 GENERAL HISTORY. of innocence and moral worth), have dwindled down to the measure of the present day-the supreme divinity, the unsearchable, stands in no immediate relation. But from him three other beings have proceeded, which, in their union (Trimurtz), contain the sum of all divine powers. Brama, Wischnu, and Schiwen, are the names of these divine beings, whose mysterious nature has occasioned the most violent religious wars. Each of them has his particular adherents, who mutually hate, persecute, and oppose one another in sacred wars. Besides, fable also ascribes to each of these three divinities different powers and deeds, and also particular races of gods descending from them. The first, Brama, has, as we mentioned before, formed from the parts of his body the ancestors of the different Indian castes. The second, Wischnu, has come, for the welfare of man, ten times upon the earth-sometimes in a human, sometimes in another form-he has generated the powerful god Indra, and conferred upon his priests the power to convert every body under which he shall be represented, by consecration into his real person. Schiven, the third divinity, is the most enigmatical of all. For, although he is called the destroyer (probably only because he overcomes by his superior power all others), yet he is at the same time the all-generating power, and is represented by the Lingam. The sun also is his emblem, and there burns in honour of him, upon an Indian mountain, an eternal fire. He has, as well as Brama and Wischnu, produced many other gods, and has innumerable subordinate gods in his service. Finaily, the doctrine of metempsychosis is characteristic in the Indian religion, according to which, spirits are purified by their abode in various animal and human bodies, and in this manner brought again nearer to the divinity from which they have proceeded. This doctrine has received-partly because it recommends itself to the common understanding by its easy comprehension, partly because it leads to the fear of bloodshed, and in general to mildness of character —the approbation of several philosophers of antiquity and even of modern times, and was probably the basis of the emanation system, which extended over a great part of Asia, and also over Greece. Of the immense and hereditary prerogatives of the Bramins, or Indian priests. we have already spoken. We will merely remark here, that besides the proper priests, whose office is to

　

　

JUDAISM. 329 explain the sacred books, and to direct the c vine service, a large number of monks have always resided in India, of whom the Greek writers make mention, and who, in part by their severe practices of penance, and extreme torture of their bodies, surpass the ascetic sanctity of the most celebrated among the Christian anchorites. WVe come at length to the Hebrew religion, which, as the pures, in the ancient world, and as the foundation of the far-prevailing Christian doctrine, attracts pre-eminently the attention of the historian of the World. If we consider the high pre-eminence of the Hebrews' religious ideas over those of all ancient nations, (for of none but the Hebrews do we know that also the popular belief acknowledged a sole, supreme God, of a spiritual nature, and therefore incapable of being represented by any image, the Creator and moral ruler of the world,) if we reflect upon the uninterrupted transmission of these ideas from the first origin of this nation until its last days, and survey the chain of wonderful events, by which its selfsubsistence, and the faith of its fathers was preserved, the idea obtrudes itself upon us, that,since the religious ideas bestowed upon the human race at its very origin, as man's most precious boon, in the course of time, when the races were dispersed, and when they became barbarians, and had to contend with the obstacles of nature which was yet untamed, and when society was in a bad state of organization, could not but be deformed by thoughtlessness, passion, and deceit, Providence, which has regulated the education of the human race according to natural laws, so disposed events, that those sacred and most ancient traditions should be preserved and transmitted pure in one race, in order some day, under more favorable circumstances, and when mankind, having become more mature, would be better adapted for their second reception, to go forth among them from this favored people, in their perfect form, enlightening and ennobling. That the worship of JEHOVAH should be maintained in its purity, and, by means of this, the independence of the Jews preserved, was the high object of the Mosaic laws. On this account, and because they were communicated collectively in the name of God, they all belong-even those which in their more immediate object, are political and civil, or dietetic-to the religious constitution of the Hebrews. The dogmas were VOL. 1-2 R

　

　

330 GENERAL HISTORY few, and Moses sought to insure the preservation of the ancient doctrine in its purity, excellence, and power, without formulas, as those soon become dead sounds, without images, because none.are worthy of the Deity, merely by rites, which signified the mysterious majesty of an invisible God, and infused into the heart the solemn sentiments of adoration, by festivals, which preserved the recollection of the divine miracles performed for Israel, and strengthened the feeling of national union, and finally, by a sacerdotal caste (which was manifestly Egyptian), whose interest was connected with the dominion of Jehovah's worship. It was natural that the Israelites, as long as they remained nomades, should perform their divine service in a tent (the tabernacle of the congregation), where the law was preserved in a precious conservatory (the ark of the covenant). When afterwards the Jews became accustomed to a settled life, and wealthy, Solomon built the celebrated temple, which in this period (the schismatic chapels, at Dan and Bethel excepted) remained also the only one, and was a new Fond of union for the Jews. Notwithstanding the many alterations and subsequent additions to the Mosaic law, notwithstanding the frequent inclination of the Jews to paganism, and the various changes in their form of government, the fundamental doctrine upon the whole continued to prevail, and the Babylonian captivity increased the zeal of its adherents. Moses, who proclaimed so loudly the majesty of God, and inculcated so impressively his moral commands, has-and this is quite difficult to explain —been silent upon the immortality of the soul. The zeal for this doctrine, which made its first appearance after the Babylonian captivity, was founded not upon Scripture, but merely upon tradition. Without doubt, this tradition ascended to the most remote antiquity; for the acknowledment of an almighty God and moral law-giver, appears incompatible with the pusillanimous belief of annihilation. And could that consoling prospect have perhaps been withheld from the often oppressed Hebrews, which their Egyptian tyrant certainly. and probably even their rude neighbours of Canaan enjoyed?

　

　

CHRISTIANITY. 331 CHRISTIANITY. THE progress of philosophy and science in Greece, as well as the prevalence of immorality and crime in Rome, undermined the altars, and made the service of the imbecile gods a void form, without impressiveness or sanctity. The philosophers, each in his own way, sought that satisfaction in their reason, which the Hesiodic fables could not give. They were' multifariously divided among themselves by the theories which they formed, but all concurred in the contempt. of the popular religion, to the principles and rites of which they conformed, however, externally, for the sake of public order. The people, also, became gradually sceptical in relation to their gods, and turned with distrust from their altars; the secret opinion of the impotence of the gods penetrated through all classes of society. To escape the disconsolateness of such a state of mind, the nobler souls attempted to soar up to the sublime stoical doctrine; common men plunged into still grosser superstition and complete folly. The divine spark of religion, in order not to become perfectly extinct, required an entirely new animation. But even in that nation which preserved the germ of the primeval worship in its purer tradition, the want of a new formation had become simultaneously perceptible. Under foreign supremacy, and after the restoration of its independence, when its intercourse with powerful and cultivated states was constantly enlarged, and Jewish colonies were settled abroad, an onward movement with the general spirit of the time, and the exchange of its ancient simplicity for dangerous refinement, were inevitable. At the same time hostile sects were formed among the Jews, the reciprocal animosity of which led to the misunderstanding, or to the perversion of the ancient books and traditions. The common hatred of the genuine Jews rested upon the Samaritans, who continued to have their own temple upon Gerizim, as upon heretics. They were embroiled by the conflicting doctrines of the Pharisees (Pharishim, zealots) and the Sadducees (Za(dikim, the moderate). For the Sadducees-they consisted of the more eminent and wealthy-adhered exclusively to the written law, and its literal sense, performed the duties of men and citizens, and practised humane toleration; but they rejected the immor

　

　

332 GENERAL HISTORY. tality of the soul, or reward and punishment after death, angels and spirits, predestination and other doctrines, which the Pharisees, partly by the authority of tradition, partly as an allegorical interpretation of Scripture, had added to the letter of the law. Many of these tenets were derived from oriental nations, with which the Jews had become more familiar during the Babylonian captivity. The Pharisees, who were respected by the multitude on account of their external piety, adhered with the most un yielding strictness to these innovations, as well as to the ancient doctrine, and most to the ceremonies and usages, without any regard to the change of relations, and frequently holding fast the chaff instead of the grain, the letter instead of the spirit.* The time was approaching when, according to the prediction of Moses and the prophets, a Saviour would appear to Israel. The people clinging to the interests of earth, desired a temporal Messiah, who would restore the throne of David in increased splendor, and exalt the Jews above all nations of the earth. It was indicated in the prophecies, that he would proclaim the ancient, sacred doctrine, in an unveiled, perfected form, and no longer for the Jews alone, but for the whole world, which would then be susceptible of it. The Messiah appeared. Almost 4000 years after the creation (3983), and (as is commonly. computed) 753 after the foundation of Rome, JEsvs CHRIST, the Saviour of the world, the Divine teacher of man was born, at Bethlehem in Judiea, of a daughter of David's humiliated house. After he had walked among mortals with a modest mien, but with superhuman wisdom, sublimity, and moral power, he resigned to the chosen among his disciples the continuation of the work established by him; and they —in themselves common, plain men, but directed by the spirit of their master-scattered the seeds, whence gradually, in silent growth, and unbounded propagation, the most beautiful flowers of humanity, the most excellent fruits of knowledge and virtue, were to spread among the nations of the earth. In two centuries the Christian religion was spread from the banks of the Ganges to the Atlantic ocean; in most countries completely victorious, in others at least germinating, and daily * Less important than these two principal sects were the Esslei, a troop of mystic fanatics, who, in seclusion, practised self-denial and the deadening of their senses, in order to become more acceptable to God than other men.

　

　

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C i RISTI A N IT Y. 333 radicating itself more firmly. This produced an immensity of results, in number and extent. The origin of Christianity is one of the principal links to which is attached the whole chain of all the succeeding destinies of man. What then are the causes of this wonderful revolution? By what means did Christianity obtain the victory in the east and west, in rude as well as in the most refined nations, and by what means its immovable foundation for all succeeding time? THE CAUSES OF ITS EXTENSION. I. WHO can fail to perceive that the intrinsic excellence of the doctrine, in which respect it is altogether incomparable with the heathen religions, is the first and most important of these causes? It is true, some of its principal excellencies, especially the main doctrine of a sole and spiritual God, the author and moral ruler of the world, belong also to the Mosaic law. But the Gospel is much more distinct and definite in these ideas, much more sublime and impressive in moral commands and their sanction. The prospect of retribution beyond the grave, upon which Moses was silent, is here exhibited in the clearest and most consoling light; the thoughts of annihilation are banished, the boldest hope of man confirmed, and the wrongs of fate deprived of their depressing power. Besides, much in Moses' law was merely temporary and local, much only ceremony. This scaffold-work was taken away by Jesus, who inculcated only eternal and general truths, enjoined only the improvement of the heart, and the duties of the purest humanity.* Besides, Christianity is the only religion fitted to become,universal. Its doctrine, which sets up no local divinities, but a universal God.for veneration, prescribes no sanctification or extermination of certain plants and animals, no climatic diet, does not permit polygamy; which does not command war, pronmses neither triumphs nor dominion, but pronounces the equality of all men and nations; preaches general love, peace and tolera* But tew sensual religious actions are derived in their institution from Jesus. What he ordered for his apostles and disciples, as priests of his churches, is no less simple. But as the purest motives are seldom the most effective with the multitude, so the subsequent increase of ceremonies, the exaltation of the clergy promoted-although Christianity was disfigured by both-its wider extension.

　

　

334 GENERAL HISTORY tion —it is this religion alone, as reason itself and humanity-that can become a common possession, an all-embracing band for men. II. This divine doctrine was taken up by the earlier ChrisAans pure, steadfastly professed, and most zealously promulgated )by word and deed. The zeal of the Christians was exhibited not only in maintaining their law, like the Jews, from the midst of whom they had gone forth, but especially in its extension. It appeared a religious duty to impart to all men, what was announced for all. Every convert became also an apostle of the doctrine in a smaller or larger circle, according to his relation and power. But many (and such zeal is discernible still among the latest missionaries) made the general obligation the particular business of their lives, carried the gospel to remote nations, regarding neither toil nor danger, braving the hostilities of nature and man. The impression of their doctrine was also confirmed by examlle. The first Christians edified the pagans by the spectacle of an innocent, virtuous life, amidst all the corruption of the world at that time. The pure morals of the Christians, their unity and mutual love, their generosity (frequently even a complete commu nity of property was introduced), their sedate and harmless manners, all these excellent fruits of the yet uncorrupted doctrine, spoke with an impressive voice to the hearts of the better men, and prepared the way for conviction. But the new doctrine was viewed less favorably by the magistrates and emperors; and it excites our just surprise to see the principles of tolerance, which at other times prevailed in the Roman empire more than in any other, and for all religions, laid aside only in regard to Christianity, and its adherents persecuted-not merely by tyrannical, but mostly by the best and most discerning emperors. But the various religions which enjoyed tolerance under the Roman empire, exercised such tolerance also mutually, and rested upon the same foundation with the prevailing doctrine. The Christians, on the contrary (and likewise the Jews, on which account they were subject to a similar hatred), had not only a peculiar mode of worship, but they manifested at the same time towards all others, and especially against that of the predominant people, an offensive contempt. and 2an 1 <i e tt a os tice ab!derrmnce. Indeed, the Chris

　

　

CHRISTIANITY. 335 tians waged both by word and deed a regular war against paganism. Besides, the striking contrast which their doctrine formed with the prevailing national ideas and usages, could not be otherwise than displeasing. Indeed, the conflict of Christianity with those principles which had'mainly promoted the fortune and dominion of Rome, and seemed to guaranty their continuation, not only justified this oppression before the tribunal of policy, but demanded it. Sound criticism, however, is far from admitting so large a number of martyrs as is commonly given by writers of limited views or by those who exaggerate intentionally, upon the authority of just as exceptionable testimonies. The first pretended persecution of the Christians is that of the tyrant Nero, of which however there is doubt whether it really happened to the Christians, or to another,Jewish sect, which was indeed abandoned, and bore likewise the name of Galileans; but this persecutioq, however it may be, lasted only for a short time, and was confined to the capital. The persecution of Domitian was as transient, and its cause doubtful. The noble Trajan ordered a regular proceeding against the Christians, against whom, as is to be inferred from the doubts of the younger Pliny, until that time no general and definite law had been issued. The regulation of Trajan exhibits a severity mitigated by humanity, although from political causes, not entirely forsaken. Hadrian and the Antonines followed his principles. But Commodus, controlled by his concubine Marcia, was favorable to the Christians. Severus, not until late however, ordered a severer persecution. The sentiments of his successor were dissimilar. Alexander Severus, and Philip, in particular, were friendly to the Christians. Maximinus abused them as he did the other citizens. But Decius, again a praiseworthy emperor, renewed the persecution. Valerianus did the same. From Gallienus until Diocletian the church enjoyed almost an undisturbed tranquillity. The latter was at first also friendly to the Christians. But the Cresar Galerius. who hated them personally, and the importunity of the pagan zealots, who from tile constant growth of Christianity, felt concern for their own altars, induced the sage emperor to cause a severer persecution than any of the precieding (303). But it was not put into execution in the whole empire, especially in

　

　

336 GENERAL HISTORY the provinces of Constantine, and Galerius himself restored to tne Christians his clemency. After one more persecution by Maximinus Daza, Christianity (313) was finally invested by the edict of Milan, issued by Constantine and Licinius in common, with the same rights as the pagan religions, and a general freedom of conscience proclaimed. But however severe these persecutions may be imagined, it is certain, that they did not hinder the progress of Christianity, but rather promoted it. Every execution effected more than the most eloquent exposition of the doctrine, and with truth it has been said, " that the blood of the martyrs was the most fertile seed for the increase of proselytes." The only persecution which wore a threatening aspect was that of the apostate Julian. He made use of terror and force much less than of derision and contempt. He aimed at undermining the walls, which defied the regular storm. But this persecution did not shake the constancy of the Christians. II. The situation of the world at that time, and the whole series of events, favored Christianity, in an almost miraculous manner. The internal decay of the antiquated Roman religion supported the efficacy of the external attack, and the victory of Christianity was facilitated by the want of zeal and combination among the Roman priests. In Persia for example, where the caste of the Magi contended for the preservation of the ancient doctrine, the Christians were far less successful. The enormous extent of the Roman empire, the well-regulated connexion of its provinces, and the great facilities for mutual intercourse, opened an immense field to the Christian doctrine, and the best way for its diffusion. The uniformity of language facilitated also its communication. The eloquence of the teachers came at last to the assistance of the general belief in miracles, which had always prevailed in the heathen world, and had gained strength by the unsettled state of conscience, as well as by the oppressed condition of nations. The opinion became prevalent that the Christian church and its best members had the gift of miracles. The church itself did not disdain, particularly in later times, to make a gobd use of this for the conviction of those who could not be converted by other means; and a more favor

　

　

CHRISTIANITY. 337 able theatre for the performance of miracles was hardly possible than the Roman world at that time, which was ruled by daemons, visions and prophecies. Therefore, silently, but rapidly, the number of proselytes increased, and the church was firmly established before it at. tracted the observation of the government. The oppression which it experienced from this time, served only to keep its zeal alive, and the general persecution of the succeeding times gave it further nourishment. Various emperors were made by particular circumstances protectors of Christianity, and the persecuting edicts of others sometimes were mitigated by the kindness, sometimes by the carelessness of the emperors themselves or their governors. At length the long slumbering zeal of the servants of paganism awoke, who were challenged to resistance even by scorn. They entered into a closer connexion, and prepared themselves for serious war. The persecution of Diocletian was the storm which burst from such threatening clouds; but the church, which was already confirmed, bid defiance to its force; and only ten years elapsed from the severe edict of Nicomedia until that of Milan. Afterwards the prudent Constantine went completely over to Christianity, and from this time forth, the triumph of Christianity, as well as the fall of paganism was decided; for although the principles of equal toleration continued until about the reign of Theodosius M., yet the Christian Religion had obtained by the avowed favor of the court, which was gradually converted into pious zeal, such a preponderance amongst a people of slaves, that paganism was no longer able to continue the unequal contest. The last tempest which threatened the Church, under Julian, passed quickly over by the desirable death of this dangerous opponent; and the hopes, which the difficulties of the Christians among themselves might have given the pagans, were frustrated by the energetical measures of Theodosius against heretics. The same prince also gave to paganism immediately its deathblow. Among foreign nations, also, an entrance was procured for the Christian doctrine, by the influence of the emperors. The barbarous mercenaries adopted willingly the worship of the legions: and from them conversion was easily transmitted to sister VOL. I-2 s 22

　

　

GENERAL HI-STORY. nations. The emperors favored missionary affairs in every way. Commercial connexions opened for the Christian teachers the way to Ethiopia and India, and even the Persian monarch respected, at least in times of peace, the:intercession of the emperor for his fellow-believers of -Central Asia. THE CHURCH. IN proportion as Christianity spread, the internal constitution of the Church was formed and consolidated, and the intimate connexion of the Christians under a well-regulated government contributed greatly to the prosperity of their doctrine, and-confirmed their victory. But very little, however, that is authentic, catn be said of primitive times. Secretly and silently as Christianity itself, the constitution of the Church was developed. The love and harmony among the first Christian communities made legal ordinances unnecessary, And when, as their society extended, it became more requisite to determine their internal relations, natural equity, voluntary agreement, custom, and the current of general events directed this determination. But the artificial structure of hierarchy first arose in the course of centuries, not without much opposition and great change in forms and spirit. From the writings of the apostles and the earliest fathers, it is perceived that Christ determined the proper ecclesiastical power, and also its gradation in a general manner only-merely alluded to it -and committed, rather the ministry alone, the continuation of his own work of love and humanity, to his disciples. They planted many churches, over which they all, with one another, had a paternal supervision, without restriction to particular dioceses, and without pretension: to any power incompatible with the freest fraternity. The oldest, the most devoted of their pupils, were gladly received by the churches as successors of the founders in the office of teachers and supeIvisors; but each only in his own church. For the general apostolic dignity vanished with the apostles themselves, and the wants of separate churches required now particular intendants. Their appellation uglswriegow and Esp5ari, (both of which words were used with little distinction,) indicated the natural grouna of their authority, age, which is worthy of respect, and the

　

　

CHRISTIANITY. small extent of their simple functions. As the churches were enlarged. an increased number of teachers was necessary; and, for the -sake of order, the higher supervision of one of them ower the others. Thus the distinction between bishops: and commnon elders was introduced in the first century. But as the Christian doctrine rests upon the foundation of the Mosaic, so the model for the constitution of the church, was gradually taken from Judaism. The bishop became similar to the high priest, the elders to the priests, the assistants to the Levites. By this means, an essential change of ideas took place, and a separation, foreign to the Romans and Greeks, but common among the Orientals, of the priesthood fran the laity, and the foundation was laid for the proudest pretensions of the clergy (the spiritual, in opposition to the temporal celass). Diverse traces of this aspiring disposition appear already in the times of persecution, but it was completely displayed after the elevation of Christianity upon the Roman throne. The emperors themselves not only forgot their ancient rights in religious matters, which they had asserted from the time of Augustus, but subjected their own persons, their public and private actions, to the ecclesiastical tribunal, and lent their arm for the execution of Christian ordinances and laws, From this time forward, the spiritual class in general, and the bishops in particular, made a rapid progress in the way that was opened. They obtained privileges and immunities, honours and riches, jurisdiction in affairs of the church and of conscience (and the interpretation of these words became continually broader), the established right, which, however, they had exercised before, to hold greater and smaller assemblies (councils), and afterwards to issue laws for their class, and especially decisions in matters of faith, at general councils, the first of which sat at Nice (325), under Constantine. At the same time, their former equality ceased among the bishops themselves. The ecclesiastical government was regulated after the manner of the civil administration, especilly according to that organization introduced by Constantine M., and generally the authority of the bishop was estimated accord ing to that of the secular magistrate in the same city. Over the common bishops were elevated by degrees the metropolitans, primates, archbishops, exarchs, and patriarchs. The dignity of the lnast was the summit of ecclesiastical elevation. The bishops

　

　

340 GENERAL HISTORY. of Rome, Antioch, and Alexandria, afterwards also, those of Jerusalem and Constantinople enjoyed this dignity exclusively. Some traces of the pretensions of Rome to a still higher rani, and even of its expectations, were already exhibited, but the, remained for the present without important influence in eccles, astical or civil history. CONSTANTINE J. TIIE elevation of Christianity upon the throne, whilst it decided the victory of this religion in the Roman empire, and promoted mediately its extension into barbarous countries, operated at the same time potently upon all political and civil relations, and laid the foundation for a complete alteration in the order of things. The Roman state, in its foundation and extension, had been built in a great measure upon religion; the dogmas, as well as the practices and institutions of religion, had been united with civil affairs in a multifarious and reciprocal relation, and therefore the sacerdotal authorities had been most intimately connected with the civil, under all forms of the constitution. But now a religion became prevalent, the objects of which had nothing in common with those of the state, which-according to its essential principles-withdrew the view from the earthly to the celestial, and for this very reason made the distinction of a twofold commonwealth, and the separation of the civil and the ecclesiastical authorities, necessary. The yet unregulated relations, nay, the idea of these two powers, which were yet completely indefinite, produced multifarious distraction, and directly weakness of government and compulsion of conscience, and the pagans might have complained, not without apparent cause, that on the triumph of Christianity, the guardian genius had forsaken Rome entirely, and that with the gods, whose veneration and whose names had so often inspired to victory, victory itself had also fled from the Roman banners. rHE CONSTITUTION AND ORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE. IF we cast a glance back from this appropriate point of view to the earlier history of the emperors, we shall see how Augustus extinguished liberty with artful policy, although the republican

　

　

ROMAN EMPIRE. 341 forms were retained, and inured the people to the supreme power of one; so that Tiberius could venture, by transferring the comitia into the degraded senate, to subvert the old constitution entirely, and by issuing the law of majesty, proclaim tile unlimited power of the Imperator; in conformity with which he and the following Caesars trampled cruelly and insolently upon all classes of the people, all public and private rights, rather, however, by single acts of violence, and in their immediate vicinity, than systematically and in a general manner; and at the same time so many monuments, recollections, and names of the times of freedom-in the pretensions.of the senate, in the privileges of Roman citizens, in the magistrates' sphere of action, in the tone of the government, and the'domestic manners of the rulers-were still left, that good princes, as Trajan or Marcus Aurelius, appeared hardly more than highly respected heads of a republic, whilst the tyranny of a Domitian or Commodus was regarded as an illegal and transient oppression; until Severus, applying the principles of the military power to civil government, oppressed the people —who had been before reduced to a condition of equal humiliation by the abolishment of the distinction between provincials and Rtomans-by the full weight of a firmly organized military despotism, with the neglect of all distinction of birth, rank, civil and magisterial dignity, which was derived from republican times; whereupon, after some faint gleams of transient alleviation, finally Diocletian and Constantine added to the terrors of the imperatorial power the imposing pageantry of oriental courts, and fortified the structure ot.unlimited power by the introduction of a well-devised hierarchy, which indicated and made the elevation of the regent over the people perceptible by the long gradation of the two species of dignities regularly arranged and proceeding from the throne, and extinguished the last recollection of the personal dignity of man and the citizen by the artificial system of " tame servitude, overladen with usages." Among the particular regulations of the government, whicn Constantine made, the division of the empire into four praefectures deserves especially to be mentioned. The praefectus praetorio, the head of the body-guard, had been already under the earlier emperors, the most important among the imperial servants. But when, since the times of Severus,

　

　

34,2 GENERAL HISTORY. the civil, together with the highest military power, was intrusted to him, he was, like the grand vizier of a sultan, indisputably the first after the emperor, and formidable to him as well as to the people. For the uncertain duration of his office incited to more speedy depredation, and it required only a bold stroke of the sword to elevate himself to the throne. When Diocletian took three colleagues in the empire, four prwfecti pratorio were created, and Constantine M. retained this number also, as sole ruler, but with the essential alteration, that he deprived them of all military command, and made them merely civil governors in the four great prefectures of the empire which he established. Conformably to this division, which was attended with longlasting consequences, not only in a political, but also in an ecclesiastical respect, the four great prefectures were the East, Illyricum, Gaul, and Italy, each of which was divided into a number of dioceses, and these again into provinces. The dioceses of Thrace, Pontus, Asia, Egypt and the East, (in the stricter sense,) with their capitals, Constantinople, Cesarea, Ephesus, Alexandria, and Antioch, constituted the first prefecture. The second consisted of the dioceses, Macedonia (capital, Thessalonica), and Dacia.* The third contained three dioceses, Gaul (capital, Treveri), Spain, and Britain, and the fourth contained the same number, namely, Illyriat (capital, Sirmium), Africa (capital, Carthage), and Italy, with the capital of Rome. In proportion to extent, or according to other considerations, each diocese was then further divided into from seven to eight, and twelve, and up to fourteen provinces (the whole empire into one hundred and seventeen), the enumeration of which, however, would be too prolix for our purpose. The important separation of the civil from the military powers, which was now generally. introduced, was not only designed for the security of the court and provinces, but was also a necessary result of the existing state of affairs, for the generals, who were * Not Dacia Proper, between the Danube and Carpathian mountains, but the nearer countries of the southern Danube, to which, after the loss of Dacia, the name was transferred, t Illyria had quite different significations. Originally, it designated mrerely the east coast of the Adriatic Sea, but afterwards it included also Pannonia and Noricumn (the diocese of Illyria). But the great Illyricum embraced in general, the countries south of the Danube, or more precisely-as a prefecture-the country from Hellas, as far as the Danube, with the exception of Thrace and Illyria Proper.

　

　

ROME. 343 usually rude and ignorant-mostly of the lowest; and even of barbarian origin, and elevated, only by physical strength' —were not qualified for the affairs of a regular and artful administration, which required extensive knowledge, and, in particular, the study of jurisprudence. The law schools, especially that at Berytus, became the fertile nurseries of the higher and lower magistrates through the: whole empire. The hatred of the christian Constantine towards pagan Rome, was the immediate cause of his founding a new capital for the empire. Byzantium was the place selected, a Grecian colony, celebrated in ancient times, the fortunate selection of which, made it peculiarly fitted for the residence of the world-potentate. With zeal, Constantine devoted himself to the foundation of his new capital. Constantinople was to become a permanent monument of his glory, a worthy rival of Rome —the daughter of which, or New-Rome it was also called —a magnificet, strong, and populous seat of the imperial power. With incrdible rapidity, houses, palaces and temples arose by the zeal of the powerful monarch, and covered the five hills situated nearest to the sea; two others were gradually overbuilt in the space of a century, and finally the suburbs were extended still further, on account of the increasing population. The capital of an empire, especially of a despotic one, is its heart, to and from which the vital current flows —its situation and condition, therefore exercise the most important influence upon all internal and external relations of organization, power, defence, prosperity, and finally connexion of particular parts. By the necessary shock, which therefore, the removal of the residence from Rome to Constantinople gave the declining empire, the west, however, suffered for the most part only. The east gained, and during the whole reign of Constantine, no diminution of power was perceptible. On the contrary he intimidated or tranquillized by arms and alliances the different barbarian nations, as the Goths and other Germans, also the Sarmatians, and secured for nearly' a half-generation the external and internal peace of the empire. In the thirty-first year of his reign, and in the sixty-fourth of his age, fourteen years after he had combined the whole empire by the fall of Licinius, the " great" Flavius Valerius Constan

　

　

A44 GENERAL HISTORY. tinus died; praised and deified by the Christians, despised and reviled by the pagan party (337). THE HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE. —JULIAN THE APOSTATE. CONSTANTINE himself had diminished his numerous family by executions, yet three sons, several brothers, sisters, and nephews survived him. The eyes of the emperor were now hardly closed, when a sedition of the soldiers arose against his collateral relations, and Constantius, who arrived first, from the east, which was his province, commanded the execution of two uncles, seven cousins, and several more distant relatives, also their adherents and friends, after he had previously promised them safety by oath. Gallus and Julian only, the two youngest sons of the second brother of Constantine the Great, escaped, with difficulty, the general massacre; we shall soon see them again make their appearance. Constantius seized upon the greater part of the spoils of the murdered; but the empire was divided by agreement between the three brothers. Constantine obtained the west, Constantius, the east, Constans, Italy, Illyria, and Africa. But Constantinople and the preference of rank were to belong to the eldest. In a short time, however, it was perceived, how little these princes deserved the purple in which they were born and educated. Whilst Constantius carried on a long, and for the most part, unfortunate war against the Persians, and the Roman eagles, yielded in nine bloody battles; the west was distracted by internal war and revolt. Constantine marched with a numerous army against Constans, but the generals of the latter repulsed him at Aquileia, and Constantine was killed in flight (340). Constans seized upon his countries. But his general, Magnentius, rebelled against him in Gaul (350), caused him to be assassinated, and assumed the purple. In Illyricum the army proclaimed the weak Veteranio emperor. Constantius, at this perilous time, elevated his cousin, Gallus, from the prison to the dignity of Caesar, committed to him the administration of the east, marched against the rebels and vanquished them. Constantius, who was cruel from timidity as well as by nature, avevrzed the revolt by bloody decrees (353).

　

　

ROMAN EMPIRE. 345 In the meantime, Gallus had made himself equally contempt ible and odious, at Antioch, by debauchery, insolence and cruelty. Constantius, although he had as little moral worth himself, saw with displeasure and anxiety the audacious abuse of power on the part of Gallus, caused the inconsiderate Caesar who was decoyed by artifice, to be suddenly arrested-dragged to Pola, and according to the decision of his chamberlain, Eusebius, to die by the hands of the executioner as a common malefactor (354). That favored eunuch had also devoted to death Gallus' brother, Julian, the sole survivor, with the exception of the emperor, of the house of Constantine. The intercession of the noble empress, Eusebia, saved him, and soon procured for him the dignity of Caesar, with the administration of the Transalpine countries. The youth of this prince, who was so dissimilar to his relations, had been spent amidst constant oppression, affliction and danger. Even the elevation of Gallus gave him only a slight alleviation, and his death new danger. Amidst the -troubles of his youth, he had found consolation mostly in silent meditation, or in the writings of sages. After the exaltation of Gallus, he enjoyed a somewhat freer intercourse with philosophers and the learned, to which he was led by his inclination; and a residence in Athens, which was agreeable to his wishes, completed his scientific education, without, however, giving him a suitable preparation for civil and military affairs. His genius supplied this deficiency; and, called away from the school to the throne, he appeared in the government of Gaul, for six years, as a, discerning, just, and paternal regent, and as an excellent general. The Germans (especially the Alemanni and Franks), who had crossed the upper and lower Rhine with large forces, destroyed forty-five Gallic cities, and spread terror into the heart of the country, were intrepidly attacked by the youthful Caesar, a stranger to the first principles of mechanical warfare, but endowed with the most important virtues of the general, harassed by zeal, vigilance and perseverance, vanquished by genius and valour, and five times pursued into the interior of their own country. The splendor of such exploits, and their reward, the loud applause of the Roman Tpeople, excited envy and apprehension in the ignoble mind of Constantius. Julian was required to send VOL. I —-2 T

　

　

346 GENERAL HISTORY. away the flower of his troops, ostensibly for the preservation of the east. He well perceived the real design of this command, and his destiny after such a diminution of his forces. The troops perceived it too, and raised: therefore in Paris, the usual winter residence of Julian, a sedition. against Constantius. After they had become heated with wine, they run with torches and swords to the palace, with the eventful cry, "Julianus Augustus." }lifusal, entreaty, and menace, were all in vain. The rage of the soldiers seemed to leave Julian no other choice than the throne or death. He therefore sent an embassy to Constantius to apologize for what had happened, and in order to request the,sanction of his dignity, with the most equitable proposals. Constantius, full of rage, set out from Antioch for the west. Julian, as no hope of peace remained, marched also against Illyricum. But the opportune death of his opponent liberated him from the necessity of civil war (361). The army, which had been long weary of the dominion of eunuchs, the capital, and the whole empire, now submitted to Julian. This excellent prince, 1" the pride of the Roman empire," as a spirited writer expresses himself, " but by his apostacy to pagarsm unfortunately the scandal of Christendom," has receivedtas Constantine the Great, with a changed part, however, passionate praise and passionate censure from the writers of his time. But the panegyrists of Constantine, as well as the enemies of Julian, belonged to the victorious party; their voices sounded far above those of the others, and indeed, in the succeeding centuries, were alone heard. But at length, in modern times, philosophy and criticism have weighed the evidences, have no longer judged according to declamation, but according to facts, and have restored to their characters their genuine forms. According to their decision, Julian appears as one of the noblest and greatest emperors, in all that does not relate to religion. Here only he committed a great error —it was such even in a political point of view, —in deserting from the already victorious banner of the Christian faith to antiquated paganism, and in opposing the former with zeal and animosity-without bloodshed, it is true, but with severity. But the key to that otherwise incomprehensible perversity lies in the history of Julian's youth, and in all his relations. The tyrant Coastantius, who was a zealot for Christianity, had murdered Julian's father, brothers

　

　

ROMAN iMRPIRE. and relatives, condemned him to prison, and had been constantly the terror of his youthful fancy. By a natural connexion of feelings, the doctrine itself, as well as: the head of its adherents, became easily the object of Julian's hatred; and as he did not see the pure form of Christianity, but mostly only its corruption, he was accustomed to consider that religion as the source of all mischief, and of moral as well as political ruin. On the contrary, the sole friends of his maturer youth, the secret confidants of his feelings, as well as his cares, and in whose communication he recovered from the oppressing constraint of his education, had been heathen philosophers and priests. The latter-especially in Athens, where Julian pursued his studies-and in connexion with the dead teachers, who had always been his friends — kindled the spark to a flame, and raised the excited feeling even to fanaticism, by those well-calculated ceremonies of initiation into ihe mysteries, the inspiring power of which even a Marcus Aurelius hald felt. In this manner predilection for paganism became the ruling passion of his soul, gained still greater strength by constraint to dissimulation, which circumstances required, and when it finally made its appearance, the imprudent provocations and the violent opposition of the Christians increased it to a consuming flame. Placing this unfortunate aberration out of view, Julian may be regarded as a model'of an enlightened and virtuous prince, and of a man. Everywhere he showed himself the pupil of wisdom, wlxch alone had been the consolation of his afflicted youth, the- respecter of freedom. and justice, who had groaned so long under the oppression of arbitrary power, the friend of all men, indulgent, modest, tender-hearted, affectionate and amiable. But fate did not permit the Roman empire to possess long this excellent regent. In the war against the Persians, after he had fought in a manner that was worthy of a general of Rome's brightest days, and with success in the beginning, he was compelled in the fatal countries beyond the Tigris to retreat, remained in difficulty and danger always equal to himself, received in battle a mortal wound, and died as a hero and sage.* * 36. His reign lasted only twenty mnonths, and he was only thirty-two rears old.

　

　

d49 GENERAL HISTORY HISTORY UNTIL THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. -COMMENCEMENT OF THE MIGRATION OF NATIONS. THE army, which needed a leader, appointed now the chief officer of the imperial guards, Jovianus, in a precipitate manner, emperor, a weak, sensual, but kind man, and a zealous Christian. In order to secure the throne, he received willingly from Sapor the terms of peace. The five provinces beyond the Tigris, which Galerius had acquired, the fortress of Nisibis, which had defied the Persian power three times, together with the important places of Singara and Castra Maurorum, were surrendered, and afterwards amidst constant hardship and hunger, the miserable retreat was terminated.. But Jovian, before arriving at Constantinople, died unexpectedly. The army appointed now the valiant Valentinian I., a chief officer of the guards, emperor (364). He took directly afterwards his brother Valens as an assistant in the empire and Augustus, committed to him the east, and retained for himself the three remaining praefectures. With difficulty and amidst vicissitudes of fate, Valentinian checked the Germans, in particular the Alemanni, but disgraced his military glory by treachery and cruelty. He died in consequence of anger (376). His sons, Gratian and Valentinian II., succeeded him. In the meantime the miserable Valens had tyrannized over the east, fought against the Persians with loss, but successfully against the Goths, and discovered the first terrors of the migration of nations. For about this time the Hiong-nu (Huns), who were driven by Asiatic revolutions from the distant Mongolian steppes as far as the Tanais and the Maeotic lake, fell irresistibly over Europe, and commenced, by their powerful impulse upon the nations which resided from the Don to the Danube, the long series of revolutionizing expeditions, and sanguinary destructions. The Goths, whose empire was at that time far-extended, were unable to cope with 1he Huns, and entreated Valens to receive them into his empire, as subjects and soldiers (376). Valens permitted them to cross the Danube, but demanded hostages and the surrender of their arms. The Roman commanders,

　

　

ROMAN EMPIRE 349 blinded by avarice, left to them their arms for compensation, and practised, notwithstanding, against this nation, which was now formidable, the most audacious extortion. Then the Goths revolted, and overwhelmed as a desolating river Thrace and the adjacent countries. Valens mustered an army, and risked in the plains of Adrianople a battle (378). It was bloody, and of terrible decision. Valens saw the ruin of his army, and was killed. Terrible desolation, and, on both sides,inhuman cruelties, characterized the following war. The furious enemies penetrated as far as Constantinople; but their untutored courage rebounded from the firmness of its walls. The level country experienced their unsparing abuse. THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. DELIVERANCE was finally found in Theodosius, who had been anteriorly banished by the disfavor of the court, and whom now in the hour of necessity, the youthful Gratian-he was nineteen years old-mindful of his talents, and confiding in his virtue, appointed associate emperor and Augustus, and committed to him with the east, the conduct of the Gothic war (379). Theodosius answered to expectation, vanquished the Goths by prudent management, promoted their disunion, destroyed one part by the other, and gave the remnant, after a four years' war, an equitable peace (382). The greatest part of the nation obtained residences in the Roman territory, where they were to live as subjects of the emperor, but according to their own customs; and from the midst of them an army of 40,000 men, under the name of Faderati, was formed for the constant service of the eastern empire, which was distinguished by particular favors, and formidable by the union of the Roman military art with barbarian valour, but was soon as dangerous to friends as to enemies. The internal administration of Theodosius was also energetic and wise; such merit, however, did not procure for him the surname of "I Great," but his religious zeal, by which he accomplished what Constantine had commenced, and made the triumph of the Christians over the pagans, as well as that of the orthodox over the heretics, complete. Paganism had already retreated almost entirely from the court, from the schools and magistracies,

　

　

350 GEN'ERAL HISTORY. andout of the-camp; it had retired-with the almost only exception of Rome-into the solitude-of the country,where it visibly declined. But Theodosius considered it his duty to accelerate the ruin of an antiquated religion by severe laws. The senate was obliged to condemn by a decree of its own the service of the gods, who re. ceived its veneration. The -colleges of priests were abolished, the treasures of the temples were confiscated, and the idols were mostly destroyed. Severe imperial laws prohibited -all sacrifices and pagan rites; and if in their execution but little blood was spilt, this was by no means the result of moderation on the part of the rulers, but of the ready obedience of the spiritless pagans. Even the vacant walls of the temples did not escape holy rage. In all the provinces of the empire, the master-works of the noblest architecture, the most magnificent ornaments of the cities, were destroyed by troops of fanatics, and not seldom were the desperate defenders of the temples buried beneath their-smoking ruins. Now terror drove the greater part of the pagans into the Christian churches, and although they preserved in secret their old aversion, yet a race of sincere Christians grew up in their children. In one generation after the death of Theodosius the Great, in the whole extent of the empire even the last trace of.paganism had disappeared. Theodosius showed the same zeal against Arianism, which had distracted, for several generations, the state as well as the church, but which, as the history of the succeeding period will show, after his time, did not cease to distract them. He also practised the most humble devotion, and submitted in a childish manner to the heads of the church, whom he revered as vicegerents of God upon earth. Hence the virtues of the great Theodosius were praised with all the power of the eloquence which that age could afford, and even his-faults received the stamp of virtues, or were covered at least with a concealing veil. The profane historian, however, will respect the memory of a prince, who combined many private virtues with the genuine talents of the ruler; who was temperate, moral, a friend of domestic enjoyments, grateful, just, accessible, unspoiled by fortune, and, as much as his education and relations permitted, was conversant with the sciences. Intolerance in religious affairs, dangerous subjection to the will of the clergy, abuse of civil power for the promotion of ecceesiastical tyranny, were the general faults of

　

　

ROMAN EMPIRE. 351 his time, above which to rise, is indeed worthy of the great man, but was not given him. The young Gratian had as much piety, and as good a disposition as Theodosius, but less energy and wisdom. By the.;mprudent contempt of the soldiers, which he manifested, he plunged himself into destruction. Maximus, a valiant, ambitious warrior, was proclaimed emperor by the troops in Britain, invaded Gaul, and put Gratian to death, whom his own soldiers perfidiously deserted (383). Theodosius acknowledged the strong rebel as emperor of the Transalpine countries; yet Italy, Africa, and west Illyricum, were to remain to Gratian's brother, Valenrtinian II. But the inexperienced youth of the last was not equal to the administration of an empire, and his zeal for Arianism made him odious among the people. The vigilant and crafty Maximus made use of these circumstances, surprised the careless Valentinian in Milan, and by the latter's precipitate flight became master of his countries without bloodshed. Now Theodosius took up arms and was victorious. Maximus was decisively defeated in Pannonia, overtaken by his pursuers, in Aquileia, and executed (388). The victor, after having secured the tranquillity of the provinces by wise ordinances, gave magnanimously all the countries of Maximus to Valentinian, for whose protection he had raised the sword. But Arbogastes, a Frank by birth, who, in the service of Rome, had elevated himself to the rank of commander of the Gallic armies, put the weak prince to death, and:placed —as the Romans would have disdained the dominion of a barbarian-his private secretary, Eugenius, upon the throne, in order to govern in his name (392). Duty, honour, and policy called Theodosius again to the battlefield. In the decisive battle, heaven itself seemed, by storm and tempest, to fight for the pious Theodosius. After the defeat and dispersion of their army, Eugenius and Arbogastes died, the former pusillanimously under the blows of the exasperated victors, the latter manfully and by his own hand (394). Thus the Roman world was united under the seeptre of Theodosius, and it was for the last time. But it enjoyed this fortune only for some months. Theodosius, hardly 50 years old, was soion ca:ried. off by a disease which was occasioned by the hardships

　

　

352 GENERAL HISTORY. of this expedition (395). According to his desire, his sons, Ar ('adius and Honorius, divided the Empire. The former received tne east, the latter the west. The two were no more united. WESTERN EMPIRE.-HONORIUS UNTIL AUGUSTULUS. AFTER the death of Theodosius the Great, the full stream of the migration of nations rushed in. Ancient history is here closed; the middle commences; we may yet give, however, as an appendix, the brief relation of the fall of the Western Empire. This experienced already under Honorius the severest blows. This prince, pitiful beyond description, whose guardian, his father had made the valiant but intriguing Vandal, Stilicho, governed, or rather slept at Ravenna, twenty-eight years, during which time, at first the mutual enmity of Stilicho and Rufinus (the last was Arcadius' guardian) distracted the empire, and afterwards, by the expeditions of the barbarians, its dismemberment commenced. We shall relate these expeditions in the history of the Middle Ages. In order to defend the heart of the empire, Stilicho recalled the legions which were stationed beyond the Alps, and from all sides the barbarians rushed over the unprotected boundary whilst in Gaul, Britain, and Africa, anti-emperors arose. When now Stilicho, who had repulsed the Goths before, had been executed by the suspicious Honorius, no one was able to protect the sinking majesty of Rome. Alaric appeared three times before Rome, and finally took it by storm (410). In the eleven hundred and sixty-third year after its foundation, this magnificent city sufered retaliation for its injustice to the world. The sword of the Goths reeked with the blood of the defenceless population, public and private wealth, and the treasures of art vanished by plundering or annihilation, an abandoned populace, arnd slaves desirous of revenge, took advantage of the confusion, for perpetrating crime in a thousand forms. Alaric died, and Adolphus, his brother-in-law, conducted the Goths to Gaul. Here, in the south of Gaul, and soon also in Spain, the great kingdom of the Visigoths was formed. On their north-yet somewhat later-the Franks established themselves. In some corners of countries the name or the ruins of

　

　

THE GERMANS. 353 the Roman dominion were preserved yet for several generations. Africa was lost under the following reign. After the death of Honorius (423), the eastern emperor Theodosius II.,although he had an established claim to the inheritance appointed Honorius' young nephew, Valentinian III., emperor of the west, under the guardianship of his mother, Placidia. Valentinian accelerated the ruin of the empire by vice and indolence. Bonifacius, Comes of Africa, was induced by a disgraceful artifice of his rival, /Etius, who ruled the court of Ravenna, to take the unfortunate step of inviting the Vandals from Spain to Africa, for his protection. They came under the insolent Genseric, not as friends, but as conquerors, whom Bonifacius, after he had discovered the fraud, opposed in vain with the courage of desperation (429). He saw the terrible ruin, the irrecoverable loss of that fine country, conducted the remnant of his army back to Italy, found mercy, however, with Placidia, and was killed by _Etius in a duel. Then the king of the Huns, Attila, overwhelmed the countries from the Black Sea, as far as the Marne. Blood and desolation marked his course. The western empire had been lost, if /Etius had not obtained, with the combined forces of the Romans and Germans, the glorious victory in the Catalaunian plains (451). Attila'sirruption into Italy in the following year was only a transient storm. As a reward for this exploit, LEtius was murdered by Valentinian himself (454). Soon afterwards Valentinian fell by the avenging sword of the senator Petronius Maximus, whose wife he had disgraced (455). The murderer ascended the throne and the marriage bed of Valentinian; but Eudoxia avenged her husband. She invited the king of the Vandals, Genseric, over from Africa. He came, abused Rome much more cruelly than Alaric had previously, and carried away an immense booty. Maximus was killed in flight by his 9wn soldiers. After hint, Avitus, a general, usurped during one year the purple, and lost it (456) by the revolt of Ricimer, a man of great abilities, but of barbarian (Suevic) descent, who henceforth, during sixteen years, ruled the Roman empire, although he conferred the imperial title in succession on Julius Majorianus, Liblus Severus, Anthemius, and Olybrius. None of these, not even the excellent Majorianus, dared to attempt to govern independently. The anger of the general was the signal of death. Vo", 12 23

　

　

354 GENERAL HISTORY. Olybrius survived Ricimer about a year, and was succeeded by Glycerius (473). He was deposed by Julius Nepos, and the latter by Orestes, a general who declared his own son Romulus (Momyllus) Augustulus emperor (475). But the true power was held by the army, a mixed multitude of barbarians, which consisted of the Heruli, Scyrri, Turcilingi, Rugii, and Alani, who entered the Roman service after the death of Attila, and, encouraged by the sense of their strength, were desirous of imitating the example of their transalpine brethren, by taking possession of the country. They demanded of Orestes the third part of the lands of Italy, and took up arms, when he refused this. The bold Odoacer, an adventurer of uncertain origin, became their leader, defeated and killed Orestes, and usurped, yet without the title of emperor, the dominion of Italy (476). Augustulus, through his youth and innocence, found mercy with the magnanimous victor, and obtained a pension. The last successor of the great Caesar died forgotten in a private condition. The XWestern Empire was extinguished. HISTORY OF THE GERMANS. PRIMITIVE HISTORY. CoNCERNING the origin and the primitive events of the Germans, and concerning their country's condition at the time of their appearance in history and through the whole of the present period, no internal sources are left except some uncertain traditions and confused monuments. Even those monuments-as traces of entrenchments and mural works, &c.-are derived more from the Romans than from the Germans, and, without the Greek and Roman authors, an impenetrable darkness would rest upon the original history of this people. Beyond (in regard to Rome) the Danube and Rhine,in the vast regions, which the deficient geography of that time bounded in a doubtful manner, on the north by the frozen ocean, on the east, by the home of the Sarmatians, the gieat, free German country was extended. According to this determination, the

　

　

TIHE GERMANS. 355 Scanzian (Scandinavian) islands —for Sweden and Norway were regarded as islands-and the country to the east. as far as beyond the Vistula and to the Carpathian mountains, were included in Germany. And indeed still further, beyond Dacia, through the Scythian country as far as the Don, the German race was found in larger or smaller masses. But the German race, which appears south of the Krapack and along the Danube, might have been derived from a later immigration. We meet with Sarmatian (Sclavonic) races, as the darkness retreats from the northeastern regions, already on this side of the Vistula, and the northern part of the great Scandinavian peninsula is an ancient inheritance of the Finnic race. We seek in vain for the origin, for the primitive residences of this German nation, which was so widely extended. The god Teut proceeded out of the earth and produced 1"Mann," the ancestor of the Germans; this is the account of figurative tradition. The Germans were natives of their home, an independent, unmixed race of men, as far as the memory of generations reaches. Notwithstanding their dispersion, and before the existence of any political combination, they exhibit themselves to the observer as one nation by a remarkable harmony of characteristic traits, not only in manners and way of life, which might be the result of a similar climate and a similar state of civilization, but in the genetic characters of corporal form and language; by nature-alas not by unity!-a brother-raFe.* We shall speak here merely of Germany Proper, on This side of Scandinavia and the Vistula, and take only a general view of the variegated mixture of isolated hordes, which there wandered about, and mostly not until later, when they entered into permanent combinations, assumed the form of nations. Tacitus divides the Germans into Ingaevones, Istevones, and Hermiones. The first lived in the northwest, the second along the Rhine, the last in the interior of Germany. But Pliny mentions also the Bastarnae, in the southeast, and the Vindili, in the northeast, as principal nations. To which of these classes of nations all the individual races * Of the appellation Germans-which is used by the Romans-there are various derivations. It is probably the same with lVeh hrnannen or Waffenmenner-a title of honour of which the Germans boasted. Thre name of Tuiskcs, Tuiskones, aId Teutoalns, is derived from historical or mythical persons.

　

　

356 GENERAL HISTORY. belonged, is a subject of multifarious contention among the learned. But this much is discernible, that not only between the tribes, but also between the principal nations (if it is permnitted to call a number of tribes, not politically, but geographically connected, a nation) a constant jealousy and discord prevailed, which, in particular, between the nations of the north and south of Germany, was reciprocally manifested at an early period, and became the principal cause of almost all the misfortune that befel Germany. Among the individual Aribes we will notice the following:*The northern Frisii (the neighbours of the Batavi), the savage Bructeri (on the Ems), on their east, the Chauci, who were poor, but ardent lovers of liberty, the powerful Sicambri (about the Lippe and Sieg), the valiant Catti (Hessen), and Herrmann's people, the Cherusci (in Brunswick), are often named. But above all, the name of the Suevi was celebrated. The greater part of the nations between the Elbe and the Vistula, and to a great distance south, belonged to the Suevic confederation. The Semnones (in Lausitz and Brandenburg) were. considered the noblest of them. The Longobardi (the western neighbours of the Semnones), the Angli, the Fosi, who were afterwards lost among the Saxons, (living as, far as the vicinity of the Weser), the nations of the Cimbric peninsula, the Rugii (in Pomerania), near them the Heruli, and even the Vandals (many confederated tribes on the Baltic), the Burgundians (in west Prussia), and many others, were considered as Suevi. Long braided hair, but still more brilliant military glory, distinguished the Suevi. Later the name of the Suevi remained more particularly to the immigrated tribes in south Germany, from the Lech as far as the Rhine (Swabia). The Alemanni, who make their appearance from the fourth century, were probably Suevi. We will notice also the Hermunduri (between the Saal and the Elbe), the Marcomianni (a people residing near the Suevi, at first on the Rhine, afterwards in Bohlemia), and the Quadi (in Moravia and Austria). We shall * The Germans, who passed over to the left bank of the Rhine, belong no longer to free Germany, and are included in the course of the Gallic and Roman history. But of them, we will name the Tribocci in Alsace, the Vangiones about Mentz, the Treviri in the district of Treves, further below, the Tucngri, in the district of Liege, the important Batavi, and the valiant Nervii (near Cambray). The Ubii (near Cologne), did not pass over until later

　

　

THE GERMANS. 357 mention, at the proper time, the powerful Goths, who are said to have come from south Sweden,afterwards the great confederacy of the Franks on the Rhine, and other nations or national unions, which appear later. From the Cimbric and Teutonic migration (113 B. C.), the first positive appearance of the Germans, until Caesar's time, the Romans had but little intercourse with them. But Caesar fell into a war with Ariovistus, a Suevic chieftain, who had made himself powerful by artifice and arms in the Gallic countries. Caesar defeated Ariovistus, repulsed him over the Rhine, and made two irruptions over this river into Germany Proper, but without success. By the conquest of Gaul, Rome obtained the Germans for neighbours upon a great extent of boundary. The Cis-Rhenish tribes learned to obey; but on the other side, in wilder nature, lived more refractory men. The great river could not check the ambitious spirit of the Romans, nor the inclination of the Germans to plunder. From this time, there was war almost without interruption. By the conquest of Vindelicia' and Noricum, under Augustus, the Romans came in contact with the Germans, also, on the Danube. But the northern banks of the Danube were thinly populated, danger threatened only from the Rhine. A standing army, fortresses, and lines, appeared necessary for the protection of Gaul. But Drusus, Augustus' heroic step-son, designed by the conquest of Germany, to destroy the source of the war. Drusus made four campaigns in Germany with great power, and with the employment of all the expedients of the Roman military art and policy, and supported even by Germans against Germans. Ile penetrated as far as the Elbe, yet without permanent success, and died in a doubtful manner (3975). Many towns on born sides -of the Rhine grew up from the encampments and castles of Drusus. Tiberius, his brother, supported the force of arms by negotiation and artifice. Many tribes united with him, or were subjected. But Maroboduus, the leader of the Marcomanni, had marched to Bohemia, whence he expe..ed the Boji. His growing power

　

　

358 GENERAL HISTORY. threatened Rome. Then Tiberius marched fronm Pannonia against him, and concluded peace again, because a dangerous insurrection was raging in the countries of the Danube. HERRMANN, THE PRINCE OF THE CHERUSCI. QUINCTILIUS VARUS now held the chief command between the Rhine and Weser. The Germans appeared humbled by arms; they were now also to learn civil obedience and Roman manners, in order that the dominion of the Romans might be established. With astonishment and indignation, the Germans saw the rods, the axes-marks of abject servitude according to their notions-saw the forms of a subtilized administration of justice, the power of chicane, felt the ignominy of obtruded, foreign law,, and the unaccustomed oppression of arbitrary imposts. Then the prince of the Cherusci, Arminius (Herrmann, perhaps Heermann, Herzog), kindled the secret fire to a flame, led the forces, which were silently assembled, against the outcrafted enemy. Lulled into dedeptive security, decoyed artfully into pathless and dense forests, Varus heard suddenly and upon all sides' the terrible battle cry. After a bloody combat, which lasted some days, in the Teutoburgian forest, after Varus and several of the most eminent of his attendants had killed themselves, the remnant of the Romans, exhausted by toil, hunger, and wounds, fell: in senseless astonishment under the blows of a merciless enemy. Many were sacrificed to the gods, some sold as servants, their own and the plundered riches fell to the victors. The great army was annihilated, the freedom of Germany gained.* Rome feared still greater mistortune, and made vows as in times of pressing danger. But the Germans did not pursue their victory. Internal contention among them, particularly between Herrmann and Segestes, whose daughter the former had ravished, enfeebled their power against the external enemy. After Tiberius had ascended the throne, his nephew, Drusus' noble son, Germanicus, conducted the German war with the * A. D. 9. No monument marks the place of this immortal battle. OuJ learned seek it in different provinces of Westphalia.

　

　

　

　

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THE GERMANS. 359 same glory as his father, and yet upon the whole without success. The Germans did not oppose him in the open field. Four tines he penetrated deeply into Germany; the nature of the country, and the German warfare which was well adapted to it, always forced him to retreat. But Germanicus defeated the Catti, the Marsi, and the noble Herrmann, took his consort, the high-minded Thusnelde, prisoner, and exhibited her in Rome in his triumph. Rome lost gradually the hope of subduing Germany. It seemed enough to protect its own boundaries; and even this could not have been done, had there not been discord among the Germans. Maroboduus, with the combined power of the Quadi, Hermunduri, Semnones, Langobardi, and others, waged war against Herrmann, who was followed by the Cherusci and many nations of North Germany. Herrmann was indeed victorious, but lost his life by domestic treachery. With him the glory of the Cherusci -became extinct. The Marcomannic kingdom, after the fall of Maroboduus lost its vigor, and was distracted by inter. nal war, as well as by Roman intrigues. Instead of them, other nations arose, especially. towards the Rhine, and pressed the Romans. The emperor Claudius marched his troops back to the leftlbank of the Rhine, and the Germans were inspired with ne-r courage from this confession of weakness. THE BATAVIC AND MARCOMANNIC WAR. SOON afterwards, when, during the civil wars, after Nero's death, Cl. Civilis, the leader of the Batavians, raised an insurrection against the: oppressive dominion of Rome (69), and his fortune at the commencement induced many Gallic nations to revolt likewise, the Germans profited by such an opportunity for glory and booty. The lieutenant of Vespasianus, the excellent Petilius Cerealis, checked the fortune of the Batavi and their allies; he suffered, however, great disasters likewise, and finally concluded peace, as it appears, upon equitable terms. From this time the attacks of the Germans upon the Roman territory were increased. Always vigilant, and ifull of hatred to Rome, they were- mostly combined.with its enemies. Thus they assisted the Dacian, Decebalus, defeated Domitian (85), and extorted an annual tribute. Energetic emperors, as Trajan

　

　

360 GENERAL HISTORY. kept them within bounds. Trajan penetrated even again beyond the Rhine, but already at his time, the Roman authors observe, that the welfare of the empire rested solely upon the internal discord of the barbarians. But these barbarians now perceived the advantage of larger confederations, and their first experiment was the Marcomannic war (166). All the nations, from the Upper Rhine, as far as Illyria, took up arms in this terrible war. The Sarmatian nations participated in it likewise, and all the firmness of the heroic Marcus Aurelius was requisite, in order finally, after a long and doubtful conflict,r t6 6onjure the storm, and this was effected more by negotiation than by arms. The Romans retained some places beyond the Danube. Commodus concluded the contest, which broke out again, most ingloriously. He retreated beyond the Danube, and purchased peace. THE PRINCIPAL NATIONS OF GERMANY. FROM Caracalla until the fall of the empire there. was almost incessant war between Rome and the Germans. The theatres and the events changed; suspensions of arms and some treaties were concluded; but there was hardly ever general peace. Germany was like a wild stream forsaking its bed and overflowing everywhere. It tore down all dams raised against it, and, was it obstructed in one place, fell the more furiously upon another. But new nations appear now gradually in the place of those which appeared in the earliest times: in part really new, that is to say, such as had resided back in the north and northeast, and now advanced to their southern boundaries, in part fundamentally the ancient tribes, only united under new names and in larger confederations.. Among these, the Alemanni and Franks appear first, among those,the Goths with theGepidae, the Heruli, Vandals, Burgundians, and Saxons. It would be an ungrateful task to attempt to trace out in order all the irruptions of these barbarians into the Roman territory, and the incessant tumult of battle. We have seen in the history of the emperors, which of them fought with success, or with misfortune, against the Germans; the chronological order of the German wars is also connected of itself with the succession of their names. But frorw 1~~~~~~~~~~.............,,,,

　

　

THE GERMANS. 361 the time. when predatory expeditions are converted into plans of c.nquest, and the ruins of the empire come into the perma — nent possession of the barbarians, the particular history of these nations commences, which we shall reserve for the Middle Ages. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE GERMANS. THE Germans of this period, as is required by the purest theory, had not in reality sacrificed more of their natural freedotn and equality than was indispensably necessary for the attainment of the object of society, according to their state of civilization at that time. Every head of a family, every young man who had been presented with a shield and spear in the assembly of the community (Mann, Wehr), was the unlimited, independent master and ruler of his person, the members of his family, and his possessions. But a union existed between the men of each district (Markgenossenschaft, Gau) for the common welfare and defence of the district. Real estate belonged to the community, not to individuals (at least among the Suevi; otherwise among the Saxons). They received annually a certain measure of lands, assigned in proportion to their families. The breeding of cattle, not agriculture, was the principal source of profit. Private property included only moveable things (animals, arms, simple utensils, perhaps also moveable huts).* The defence of priv'ate property, as well as the revenge for private injuries, was left to individuals or their kindred; only general affairs came before the community. The particular confederacies (Markgenosschaften) of a whole county stood in the same relation to the nation as the heads of families to a Markgenossenschaft. Each was free by itself, independent and unlimited, but combined with the rest to participate in more important national affairs, principally defence. Hence originated the Mannien and the Heermannie, i. e. the military union of the nation. But what was it, when the members possessed such extensive liberty, when individuals, as well as communities, enjoyed perfect independence, that held together the cantonal confederacies * The firmer huts were also built of bad materials in a miserable manner, and were, according.o humour or accident, isolated or scattered irregularly about. VOL. I. —2 V

　

　

~36 GENERAL HISTORY. (Markgenosschaften) and nations, that they remained true. commonwealths, and were not' dissolved in wild anarchy'? It was the nobility, the priests, and, more than all, customs. 1. The Nobility.-Although the earliest Germans were most jealous lovers of liberty, and lived in a rude manner, yet they -had a nobility, which was conspicuous by honour and influence. This originated probably from the natural preponderance of wealth. In every case there was a nobility, which, however without actual power, possessed only more respect and confidence than the common class; hence the leaders were constantly chosen out of the nobles, and since, from such relations, they appeared better qualified to manage affairs, the adjustment of the smaller concerns, on account of which there was no necessity of assembling the community, as well as the preparation of the more important, was generally committed to them. The measure of such influence, however, was different, according to circumstances, and nobility was not strictly nor generally hereditary. Noble families might decline, and become common, if they did not for a considerable time produce able leaders, and the confidence of the people might give the first rank to a hero of the common class, and by this means nobility. Many nations, especially those of Suevic origin, had princes (Furst, the Erste, Vorderste), who presided over the courts of the district (Gau), and, in the assemblies of the people, proposed the subjects of deliberation. Those courts, in which the associates of the prince (comites),or also the elders (some derive the Grafen from these elders-" Grauen") sat, had at first but little to do. Crimes against the nation, or those that were considered as such on account of their atrocity, came under the jurisdiction of the popular assemblies; private offences were avenged by those concerned. But to prevent the abuse of self-revenge, or its excess, the custom arose for the magistrate to dictate a fine to the offender, which he was obliged to pay, and which was divided between the court and the injured person. If a nation had princes, they generally had the command in war, particularly in national wars, that is to say, such as were carried on according to the resolution of the whole nation, ano hence with its entire military force. Where there were not princes, the commanders were chosen from the nobility. He, who stood at the head of the national force (Heermannie) of the

　

　

THE GERMANS. 363 iarger nations, appeared in the eyes of the Romans, not unworthy of the royal title. But mostly offensive wars were not conducted with the national force, (Heermannie) but only with a land of followers (the Gefolge, comitatus). A number of enterprising warriors selected themselves a leader, who was to conduct them in some expedition, which they had resolved upon independently of the nation; or particular chieftains (they were mostly-nobles, sometimes also of the common class), induced a larger or smaller number to engage in a military enterprise under their command, and kept them together constantly, even in times of peace, for similar objects, and rewarded them by gifts,or a share of the booty. If such a leader distinguished himself by talent or fortune, he could easily collect a powerful army among the warlike youth of his nation, or of foreign nations, and render himself formidable even to the Romans. Ariovistus, the Sueve, it is highly probable, was only the: commander of such an army. Fidelity and obedience to these leaders were regarded as duties, free in their acceptation, but afterwards very sacred. II. The Priests.-The German religious, already in the earliest times, acknowledged the priests as the first of the people' They enjoined order and silence in the general assemblies; they conjured the storms of internal wars; they gave authority to the courts; pronounced the formidable anathema, and executed the sentences of death, which were passed in the name of God (since the German would have defied a merely human judgment); they directed even military commanders, imparted to them by unction a sacred authority, and carried at the head of the national army (Heermannie) the banner of the Deity. The Druids, whose horrible priesthood Caesar has portrayed, existed probably only among the Celts, and not among the Germans. But both had priestesses, upon whom popular belief conferred particular sanctity and supernatural powers. The bards also, the singers of devotion and war, were priests; their songs excited the heroic ardour and enthusiasm for freedom and fatherland. The religious system of the Germans (or, in general, of the northern nations, for its fundamental traits appear to have been the same as far as the profoundest north, and, in part, in the west) bears,so far as the darkness that rests upon it, permits us to discern, the general character of Feticism, deification of men,:and, in a less degree also, the worship of images. It has likewise

　

　

361 GENE9RAL HISTORY. festivals, sacrifices, and oracles; and finally, the assumption of evil gods, in common with other religions. The supreme god, Alfadur, as he is too sublime for rude, sensual men, appears to have received less veneration than the subordinate gods and goddesses, particularly than the gods in the hero-heaven. From the name of Asen, which those hero-gods bear, with Wodan, or Odin. their chief, it has been inferred that they are Asiatic heroes,which conjecture we will let rest upon its own worth. The observation is more important for us, that the Germans rose also to the hope of immortality, which is given to man as his most precious inheritance, but their ideas of a future life, as everywhere, were moulded according to their life here below. T;IE CUSTOMS OF THE GERMANS. IlI. Customs.-The Germans lived in the uncorrupted simplicity of nature, and therefore needed neither artificial regulations, nor written laws. They hardly knew yet-especially the Suevic tribes-what private landed property was; agriculture was in a most imperfect state; their few wants were satisfied without toil, by the chase and the breeding of cattle; there was no want of room in their vast country, for their unsettled, unconstrained manner of life; and even where the lands were allotted, there were more than sufficed to satisfy all the families. They were without industry, without gold and silver (except what was introduced by their little intercourse on the boundaries), consequently without commerce, and had, of course, no necessity for a long code about " mine and thine." The adjustment of disputes arising at any time from such simple relations, might be committed to the natural equity of unlearned judges, and even to the parties themselves. In regard to the other, personal, and particularly domestic relations-customs took the place of laws. The German was king in his own house, but he did not abuse his authority. The adult son became independent, but nature taught him filial fidelity. The wife was the property of the husband (sometimes he purchased her, and sometimes she was his plunder), yet he respectee her —which barbarians seldom do-listened even to her counsel, strove for her approbation, and was true. The wife repaid him with chaste love, and elevated, perhaps somewhat too masculine

　

　

THE GERMANS.' 363 sentiments. Punishments were imposed upon adultery, but cases for their application were rare. Only the more eminent permitted to themselves polygamy, and this more for family connexion than sensuality. The -impulse of nature was not unseasonably excited; therefore strength was preserved and transferred. The servants-they were mostly enemies taken in war, often also bondmen by agreement-experienced a mild treatment, and lived almost as their masters; but a lighter punishment was imposed upon the murder of a servant, than upon that of a freeman. Out of his family also, the German was -benevolent and honest towards his fellow-provincials, and towards friends. Hospitality, fidelity, and truth, respect for age, virtue and dignity, adorned his character. Finally, as lax as was the civil union of the Germans, they adhered to the common cause with the strongest feelings. With unlimited freedom of suffrage, they adopted mostly unanimous resolutions, and gave away their lives willingly for freedom and their country. But such a low state of cultivation has also inevitably a dark side. How many talents, how many powers remain undeveloped or useless,where only the most general wants rouse activity, and the realm of ideas is closed to the mind! The German dreamed away the greatest part of his days in joyless inactivity; but, although he avoided labor, which appeared to him servile, yet he could find, with the sense of his power, no satisfaction in indolent repose. To fill up the void, which was burdensome to him, he abandoned himself passionately to drinking and gaming.* The inclination for the chase and for war was derived from the same source. That was not less a pastime than a livelihood, and this was considered probably as the noblest chase.. War was loved principally as an excitement of activity. But the German had also the desire for glory, plunder, and revenge, by which The inclination to war became his ruling passion. The " Their drink was beer. The Romans carried them wine; and they had such a nassionate desire for this, that Domitian forbid the planting of vineyards in the 6ountry of the Rhine, because it allured the Germans to invasions. The eagerness for gaming (but also their honesty) is shown by the trait,that they with the most ardent love of freedom often staked their own,.rs'ons upon a die, and if they lost, became patiently servants.

　

　

368 GGENERAL HISTORY. German, although he was so honest in the common actions of life and in peace, considered every thing his which he could obtain by physical strength, beyond the boundaries of his province or country. He believed, that he who had killed no enemy, was unworthy of freedom; hence, although the nation was not engaged in war, he was almost incessantly occupied with arms, in private enterprises or quarrels abroad or at home. Arms were the pride, the delight, the constant companion of the German. In the popular assemblies, as well as in drinking festivals, he appeared armed, his dances were the dances of arms, and when dead, his arms were laid with him in his grave. But most of the warriors carried merely unwieldly spears, battle-axes, and thin arrows. A miserable shield was their defensive weapon. The most eminent had a helmet and cuirass, the common class a loose military garment. And these half-naked and only half-armed barbarians, without military discipline and tactics, defeated the legions, the victors of the world. HISTORY OF ASIA. THE PARTHIANS. SINCE one part of the history of Asia is already included in the Roman, and the other unimportant or obscure, we have for the present merely to complete the Parthian and Persian history, and to glance at China. Although the Parthians, after the defeat of Crassus, had excited terror in the east, and desolated it in part; although they had fought with success against the Romans during the triumvirate, yet they were induced by the imposing appearance of the combined power under Augustus, and still more by internal distraction and insurrection, to seek peace. Phraates IV. restored,!herefore, the standards of Crassus to Augustus, and was contented with his boundaries. The glorious days of Parthia were

　

　

PERSIA. 307 ovcr. The wars against Rome commenced again, and continued, but with some interruption. Armenia was mostly the subject of contention; Rome maintained its superiority. Later, Trajan brought Parthia near to destruction. With arms in his hand he obtruded a king upon the humbled Parthians of his own choice, and kept the countries as far as the Tigris for himself. After his death the Parthians swore allegiance again to their old king, whom Trajan had dethroned, and Hadrian's moderation fixed once more the Euphrates for the boundary. The kingdom, however, did not recover. The fundamental defect- of the constitution and the degeneracy of the ruling family prevented it. Parthia was near its dissolution; but an unexpected revolution rendered it again powerful and formidable. THE MIDDLE PERSIAN EMPIRE. UNDER the reign of Alexander Severus, the Persian Ardschir Babecan (Artaxerxes) raised the standard of rebellion against Artabanus IV.; he had sprung from the dregs of the populace, and was illegitemately generated, according to some; according to others a genuine descendant of the ancient royal race of Persia. He, when fortune had favoured his revolt, and placed him upon the throne (226) by victory after a three days' battle, in which Artabanus fell, assumed the pride and the language, as well as the title of the "king of kings," and declared that he was called to restore the religion and the empire of Cyrus in their ancient splendor. His race (the Sassanidae) ruled over Central Asia five hundred years, until the time of the Arabian dominion. Artaxerxes, notwithstanding the satraps and the numerous nobility, and their relation of loads to the enslaved people, remained (in reality a Polish constitution), suppressed energetically the spirit of revolt, as well as the solitary relics of Grecian freedom, and destroyed by the restoration of Zaroaster's doctrine, the seed of dangerous party division. And now Artaxerxes fell upon fhe Romans with the entire force of his great, reanimated nation. A proud embassy had previously demanded in a supercilious tone the retrocession of all the countries, which formerly in Asia and Africa belonged to the empire of Darius. Alexander Severus now marched with

　

　

368 GENERAL HISTORY. three armies against the Persians. The war was bloody, on both sides destructive, but without decision. Artaxerxes, the founder, the powerful ruler, and wise legislator of the (middle) Persian empire, died after a reign of twelve years (238). His son, Sapor, subjected Armenia, upon the throne of which sat a collateral line of the house of the Arsacidae, and excited terror ii the whole of the Roman East. Valerian marched against him, was surrounded, and taken prisoner (260). The proud Antioch, with many other cities, experienced a terrible desolation, many flourishing countries were made deserts. But the valour and fortune of Odenatus of Palmyra, compelled Sapor to re-cross the Euphrates. In general, the Persian forces were more fit to inundate countries than to maintain them. The Persians understood the art of sieges, and not that of fortifications, and had no regular tactics. A large quantity of baggage and a numerous retinue rendered the movements of their armies and their support difficult, and in mountainous regions, they could not cope at all with the western nations. The superiority of the Roman arms was visible, particularly in the war of Diocletian. Armenia, which had received as king, the fugitive, Tiridates, who was one of the Arsacidue, and had been protected by Rome, drew upon itself the vengeance of the Persian king, and after conquering the country, Narses threatened the protector of the rebel. Diocletian sent the fiery Galeriua, with a strong army, to Mesopotamia. In the first campaign he fought against the Persians unsuccessfully, but in the second successfully. The humbled Narses sued for peace, and obtained it for the cession of Mesopotamia and five provinces. beyond the Tigris, among which was the remarkable mountainous country of Carduene. Tiridates obtained Armenia, under Roman supremacy (297). This peace, which was so glorious for Rome, lasted forty years. But Sapor II. retaliated. The reign and life of this prince, who was born king, was prolonged to seventy-two years (308 — 380) As soon as he had arrived to the age of manhood, he overthrew with a strong arm his and the state's enemies, and commenced, immediately after the death of Constantine the Great,war against the Roman empire. He penetrated into Mesopotamia, and de

　

　

INDIA AND CHINA. 369 feated, in nine bloody battles, the armies of Constantius. This war with Rome lasted nearly through the whole reign of Constantius: it was interrupted only at times, by a short cessation to which the king was forced, not by the power of the emperor. but by the irruptions of the Scythian hordes. With what success Sapor conducted the renewed war against Julian, and how oovian gave the provinces acquired by Galerius, together with the most important fortresses on the boundary, as the price for peace, is already related in the Roman history (363). It was a great price, but Anterior Asia obtained by that means repose for a considerable time. INDIA AND CHINA. INDIA and China remained through the whole of this period, and much longer, in the condition that has been already described. We find in China, it is true, a succession of different dynasties; but who would wish to burden his memory with the dynasties of Tong-Shehu, Ta-Tsin, Hehu-Tsin, Han (Si-Han and Tong-Han, the western and eastern Han), Goeh, U, Tssin, Gong, &c.? But we will mention the powerful Tschi-Hoang-Ti, the founder of the line Hehu-Tsin (3736). He united China, which was much divided, into one empire, ruled over it many years, completed the great wall, and possessed the genuine talents of a despot. He caused all the sacred books of the Chinese, which probably contained things that appeared unfavorable to his usurpation, to be burnt, and persecuted their pious defenders with bloody severity. The grandson of Tschi-Hoang-Ti lost the unjustly acquired empire and his life, in insurrection. China was separated again into smaller kingdoms, but Liehu-Pang (3776), a robber, then a general, finally emperor and "son of heaven," reunited it, and founded the long and powerful dynasty of Han. The political influence of China was enlarged under this dynasty in the west. Later, three conflicting kingdoms (Tschenkue) again appear and still later, a southern and a northern. Tartar or Mongul con querors have ruled over the last since the close of the iourti century, they came from the vicinity of the'lake Baikal. VOL. 1-2 W 24

　

　

　

　

INDEX OF VOL 1. PREFACE - - - - INTRODUCTION. I. OF HISTORY IN GENERAL. Definition and division - - - -. 1 General history. Philosophy of history - - - - - - - - - 3 II. OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD IN PARTICULAR. Definition - - - - - - 4 The subject of the history of the world - -. - - 7 The changes of the human race -.... - - - 10 The causes of the changes in the human species - - - - - 11 Object of the history of the world - - - - - - - - 16 Of the utility of history in general - - - - - -- ib. Method of the history of the world- - - - - 21 FIRST BOOK. ANCIENT WORLD. HISTORY FROM THE ORIGIN OF MANKIND, OR FROM THE COMMENCEMENT 01 HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE, TO THE MIGRATION OF NATIONS. INTRODUCTION. Chronology - - - - - - - - - - 29 Character of the ancient world, and its separate periods - - - 32 Theatre of the events - - - - - - - 37 FIRST PERIOD. GENERAL HISTORY FROM ADAM TO CYRUS (FROM THE YEAR Of THE WORLD 1, TO 3525). I. GENERAL SURVEY. Summary of the political events - - - -..- - -- - 52 Civilization - - - - - - 54 Language and writing- - - - - - - - -.56 II. DETAILED HISTORY OF THE FIRST PERIOD. The antediluvian world- -. -. 59 The deluge and dispersion of nations -.. - 62 HIITORY OF THE HEBREWS. The most ancient history as far as Moses - - -. - 65 Joshua and the judges - - - - - - - 69 The kings - - - - - - - - - - - - - 69 The division of the kingdom into Israel and Judah.-The fil l of both - - - - - - - - - - 71 (371)

　

　

372 INDEX. Page HISTORY OF THE EGYPrIAMNS. The origin of the Egyptians and th2eir civilization - - - - - 74 The principal data of the history of the Pharoahs - -- -- - - 78 Fall of the kingdom - - - - - - - - - 80 CENTRAL AsIA. The most general characteristic - - - - - - - - - 81 Ancient Assyria - - - - - ib. New Assyria, New Babylon and Media - - - - - - - - -82 Cyrus - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 85 SYRIA AND PHlENICIA. Syrians - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -.. - 86 Phoenicians. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 87 AsIA MINOR. In general -90 In general, - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 90 Of some nations in particular- - - - - - - 91 HISTORY OF THE GREEKS. Origin and growth -- - - - - - - - - - - - 93 The heroic age - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 95 The national union of the Greeks 97 General history of Greece until the foundation of the republics 98 Of the separate states in particular - - - - - - - 99 The Greek islands - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 103 The Greek colonies - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -104 History of Sparta. —Lycurgus - - - - - - - - - - - -108 History of Athens. —Solon. 113 ITALY. Etruscans.-Latins - - - - - - - - - 118 Foundation of Rome.-Rome under the kings - 120 CARTHAGE. Foundation of Carthage - - - - - - 125 Power, commerce, and constitution - - - - - - - - - 126 HISTORY OF NATIONS ON AND WITHOUT THE LIMITS OF ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY. Ethiopians.-In particular the state of Merme - - - - - 128 The Celts - - - - - - - - - - 130 Scythians - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 131 Indians - - - - -13.3 Chinese - - - - - - - - - 135 SECOND PERIOD. GENPERAL HIsTORY mFROM CyRus TO AUUSTUS (A. M..3425 —3953). I. GENERAL VIEW. Summary of the political events - - - - - - 138 Summary of the history of civilization - - - - - - - - -142 Ii. DETAILED HISTORY The history of the Persians - - - - -.- - - - - - 146 Formation of the empire.-Cyrus - - - - - - - ib. Darius Hystaspes. —Conatitution - - - - -. 148 Xerxes.-Ruin of the empire - - - - - - - - 150 Artaxerxes Mnemon.-Darius Codomanus - - - - - - -151

　

　

INDEX. 373 Pagp H[LTORY OF TrHE GREEKS.g Division -.-.-...,- 153 The Persian wars - - - -.- - - - 154 The war of Darius - - - - - - - - 155 Xerxes' war -- - - ---------- 156 The peace of Cimon - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 158 Internal history of the Greeks. —Ascendency of Athens - - - 159 Pericles - -- -. - - - - - - 161 Peloponnesian war - - - - -.- 162 Alcibiades - - - - - - - - - - - - 164 Sicily - 165 Misfortune of the Athenians.-Prosperity - - - 167 Fall of Athens.-Lysander - - -- - - - - - - - - 168 Sparta's ascendency - - - - - - - -. 170 New Persian war.-Peace of Antalcidas - - 171 Epaminondas and Pelopidas.-The grandeur of Thebes - - - - 173 Greece subjugated by Macedonia- - - -.- - - 174 MACEDONIA. Primitive history - - -- -176 Philip II. - - - - - — 177 Alexander the Great - - - - - - - - 180 Dismemberment of Alexander's empire- -.. - 184 New kingdoms - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 186 I. NEW MACEDONIA AND GREECE. Antipater.-The disasters of Macedonia- - - -- - - - - 186 Antigonus Gonatas and his family - - - - - - - - - - 189 The confederations of the Achweans and SEtolians - - - - - 190 Macedonia and Greece, subjected by Rome - - - 192 1I. SYRIA. Seleucus Nicator, and his house - - - - - - - - - - 193 The Parthian kingdom - - - - - -..- -195 Armenia - - - - - - - - - - - - - 196 Judeea.-The Maccabees - - - - - - -197 III. EGypr. The first Ptolemies - - - - - -- - - - - - - - 199 The history continued to the Roman dominion - - 201 [V. SMALLER KINGDOMS - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 203 ROMAN HISTORY. FIRST DIVISION. FROM THE FOUNDATION OF THE REPUBLIC, UNTIL THE PUNIC WARS. Importance of the Roman history - - - - - - 206 Division - - - - - - - - - - - - 207 First wars of the republic - - - - - - - - - - - - 209 Internal disputes.-Progress of democracy - - - - - - - - ib. Decemviri.-Complete victory of democracy - - 211 Senate, knights, and people.-Optimates - - 214 War of the Samnites, and of Pyrrhus -.. - - - 216 Constitution and condition of Italy - - 218

　

　

I34 INDEX. Page Roman policy.-....... 220 History of Sicily and Carthage.-. 223 ROMAN HISTORY. SECOND DIVISION. I:ERIOD OF THE PurNIO wARs. First Punic war - - - - - - 226 History of Rome and Carthage, until the commencement of the second war - - - - - - -.. - - - - - - - - - 228 Second Punic war. —-— Hannibal.-Scipio - - - - - - - 230 Peace - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 234 General situation of the world - -.- - - 235 Wars against Macedonia, Syria, and Greece - - - - - - 236 Third Punic war - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 241 Viriathus.-Numantia - - - - - - - - - - - 243 ROMAN HISTORY. THIRD DIVISION. PEMIOD OF THE CIVIL WARS. Constitution of Rome, after the expulsion of the kings - - - 245 The Gracchi - - - - - - - - - - - 248 The war with Jugurtha and the Cimbri - - - 250 The war of the allies - - - - 253 First civil war - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 255 Continuation. -Mithridatic war - - - - - - - - - - 257 Pompey, Crassus, and Casar - - - -. - - - - - 261 Catiline.-Cicero - - - - - - - - - - - 266 The first triumvirate.-Cato. —Cesar's Gallic war -267 Second civil war - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 271 Caesar as dictator.-Is assassinated - - - - - - - - - 274 The second triumvirate.-Antony.-Octavianus. —-Lepidus - 277 Battles of Philippi - -.- - - - - 280 Battle of Actium - -- - - - - 281 THIRD PERIOD. HISTORY FROM AUGUSTUHS TO THEODOSIUS M., FROM THE YEAR OF THE WORLD 3953, TILL A. D. 395. I. GENERAL VIEW. Summary of the political events- - - - - - 284 IL DETAILED HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. Characteristic....... 288 History from Augustus to Commodus -.-.ib. Augustus' reign - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ib. The house of Augustus - - - - - - - -. - - -. - 291 HISTORY OF THE JEWS - - - - - - - - - - - - - 294 Vespasian.'-Titus.-Domitian- - - 2 - - - - - - - 2.

　

　

INDEX. 37' Page From Nerva to M. Aurelius - - - - - - - 297 State of civilization.-Arts and sciences - - - - - - - - 300 From Commodus until the fall of the western empire - - - - 304 Commencement of its ruin- - -... - - - ib. From Diocletian to Constantine - - - - - - - - - - 309 HISTORY OF RELIGION. Most ancient history of religion- - - - - - - - 312 Origin of the heathen religions - - - - - - - - - - - 3'. National religions-Priests.-Fables - - - - - - - - - 316 Mysteries.-Oracles - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3193 Of the separate religious systems in particular - - - -.. - 321 Christianity - - - - - - - - - - 331 The causes of its extension - - - - - - - - - - - - 333 The Church - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 338 Constantine M - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 340 The constitution and organization of the empire - - - - - - ib. The house of Constantine.-Julian, the apostate - - - - 344 History until Tneodosius the Great.-Commencement of the migration of nations - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 348 Theodosius the Great - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 349 Western empire.-Honorius until Augustulus - - - - -.. - 352 HISTORY OF THE GERMANS. Primitive History - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 354 Hermann, the prince of the Cherusci - - -.- --- - 358 The Batavic and Marcomannic war - -...... 359 The principal nations of Germany - - - - - - - - - 360 The constitution of the Germans - - 361 The customs of the (ermans - - -.- - -. - 364 tISrTORY OF ASIA. The Parthians..-.... - - - - - 366 The middle Persian empire - - - - - - - -. - - - - 367 India and China.-..... - - 369

　

　

　

　

　

　

MOHAMMED EXPLAININ" TmHE KORAN. Pbeqggjpg~~e*'to/2

　

　

ROTTEOK'S HISTORY OF THE WORLD: FROM THE GREATION TO THE PRESENT TIME; Containing a general History of the RISE, PROGRESS, REVOLUTIONS, WARS, EVENTS, etc. OF ALL THE NATIONS OF THE EARTH. BY CHARLES YON ROTTECK, LL.D. WIT:I CONTXINUA'TIONS DB CHARLES J. PETERSON, AUTHOR OF "MILITARY HEROES OF 1776," &c., &c. FOUR VOLUMES IN ONE.-VOL. II. PHILADELPHIA: LEARY & GETZ, PUBLISHERS, NO. 138 NORTH SECOND STREET. 1857.

　

　

Entered according to- Act of Congress, in the year 1856, BY LEARY & GETZ, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. PRINTED BY SM1ITlI & PETERS, Franklin Buildings, Sixth Street, below Arch, Philadelphia.

　

　

SECOND BOOK. MIDDLE AGES. HISTORY FROM THE GREAT MIGRATION OF NATIONS, t NTo. THU DISCOVERY OF BOTH INDIAS, AND THE REFORMATION. FROM THE YEAR A. D. 400, TO 1500.

　

　

................ IIIII II I I - ~

　

　

INTRODUCTION. THE CHARACTER OF THE MIDDLE AGES, AND THEIR PARTICULAR PERIODS. THE wonderful pictures of a twilight age, the lofty figures of Greece and Rome, and finally, the glimmering life-sparks of a declining world have now disappeared. Another race, another theatre, another tone of action and passion appears. Here, from the dark forests of the north, and there, from the solitude of the Arabian desert, nations hitherto unknown, or slumbering in dead repose, overflow, as in-breaking ocean-billows, the Roman world. The long-decayed foundation shakes, and the structure, shattered in all its joints, falls with an astounding crash. What the human mind had created in centuries, the toil of generations nurtured, never-slumbering experience perfected and established, the monuments of the power, genius, and virtue of the ancient world, all fell to sad ruins. But this fate was not undeserved, and, considering the incurable internal corruption, hardly worthy of regret! All that was beautiful and great had long since been abandoned or disgraced, every germ of a nobler life stifled. The human race-represented by the most important part, in number and cultivation-had become a despicable herd irrevocably alienated to its drivers, a possession of the master without a will of its own, desiring only physical enjoyment, with no sense for human good or human worth. They, who, so disgracefully fallen from ancient virtue and splendor, crawled in the (lust, without a blush, in the presence of the Images of heroes and gods, despised freedom as a tale of the past world, neither hoped nor even desired anything better than servitude, how could they ever have elevated themselves again? This race was incurably corrupted; hope-unless a deluige intervenced, and produced a general extermination-could be revived only bv (5)

　

　

6 INTRODUCTION. violent commotion and general reparation. Considered in this point of view, the swarms of barbarians appear to us in their desolating and destructive expeditions, as the armed messengers of Nemesis, as the sharp instruments of a painful operation, which was the only remedy. But what may we now expect from them? Perchance that they, after having completed their work of ruin, erected immediately a new and faultless structure, that they founded without delay, over the bleeding surface of the earth, disgraced by crime and slavery, the empire of peace, freedom and justice? Such a conjecture would be contrary to the general course of nature, and particularly the nature of man. The objects of nature, moral as well as physical, are attained in slow approximation, which admits indeed some interruption or acceleration, but no sudden transition from one extreme to another; and the nobler the creations are, the later they arrive to perfection. Unenervated by pleasure, uninfected by the corruption of the Roman world, the avenging nations appear in complete youthful strength, and in almost the original state of nature, but also unenlightened by science, and uninstructed by the experience of a foreign race. Their heavy tread crushes without distinction the monuments of wisdom and virtue, as well as those of folly and crime. With rude pleasure, or thoughtlessly, they walk over the ruins, having no regard for any treasures of the classic soil, and unmoved by the most instructive pictures of an unknown past. They are obliged now to develope from themselves the sleeping germs of humanity, to strike out a peculiar way to civilization, since the old paths which the exterminated race had pursuedlong with fortune, and deviating only at last-were buried beneath the ruins. But until they felt the want, the desire of a better condition, centuries might pass away, and in the meantime the rust of barbarism become constantly harder and more dense. Fortunate if they preserved at least the power, which under more favorable relations might be applied to the new and difficult structure; fortunate if solitary sparks of light fell from the beautiful world that was past, back into the night of their labor; if they found some well preserved basal walls and pillars among the long despised ruins of antiquity, and made use of them for the advancement, confirmation, and embellishment of their structure. We shall see this, but more in the west than in the I ~

　

　

INTRODUCTION. 7 east,;and not until after many generations, and indeed not until towards the close of the middle ages, when, whilst in Asia the Arabian civilization, which flourished earlier, but imperfectly and par. tially, became forever extinct in barbarism and degeneracy; in Europe a new period of civilization, in the commencement splendid and promising much, but yet, as the history of the latest times will show, again unsatisfactory in its later fruits, was established by the beautiful union of German vigour with Italian grace, as well as by the combined riches of native genius, and the treasures of the classical world, which had escaped the wreck. With this survey the general character of the whole of the Middle Ages, as well as the particular of the separate periods into which they are naturally divided, is exhibited. In the first period, the night of barbarism commences in the territory of the migrating nations; but the refracted rays of the sun which had gone down, maintained still, at least upon classical soil, a twilight; whilst Christianity, diffusing itself among the northern barbarians, in connexion with their noble, youthful vigour, secured them from a complete savage state, and preserved the beautiful flowers of humanity through the night of the following centuries, for more fortunate times. Otherwise we see nothing but destruction, nations upon nations rushing over the stage in a surprisingly rapid succession, kingdoms suddenly rising and vanishing; as pictures in the magic mirror; nothing stable, nothing constant, upon which the eye can rest. The world, and Europe especially, has no longer any centre of gravity-all falls in lawless confusion. - At length the storm subsides; the increasing power of the Frankish- kingdom becomes the new political centre of gravity for. Europe —as already earlier- the Arabian Caliphate had become for Asia, —and the relations of Christianity, which was already multifariously deformed, becoming estahlished at the same time, and especially those of the hierarchy, combined with the extended dominion of feudalism, prevented any great commotions, and gave to nearly all the west a uniorm condition, which continued more than three hundred years. This condition, which was in general deplorable, lasted from Charles the Great until the Crusades,-which conclude the second period of the Middle Ages-and it may be called consolidated barbarism, unilluminated night, until soon after the commence

　

　

INTRODUCTION. mnent of those sacred wars, the first traces of a returning dawn became visible, and after the termination of the Crusades-in the third period of the Middle Ages —whilst in Asia all was sunk in permanent sleep, the grateful appearance of the Aurora proclaimed to Europe, although deceptively, a new and serene day. There are many to whom this characterizing of the Middle Ages will appear incorrect or common-place. For the barbarism of the Middle Ages has been portrayed and lamented so long and frequently already, that the desire for novelty and the love of paradoxes will not fail to find here subjects or at least attraction for panegyric. There are two particular causes that operate in favoring at the present day, the rise and welcome reception of ideas concerning the Middle Ages, which are directly opposed to all the preceding. The spirit of poetry predominant in modern literature, which has produced a partial preference for the Middle Ages, as they are so rich in poetical views; and the dissatisfaction, which may be just, with the degeneracy and the misfortune of our own time.* But it may perhaps contribute to the mediation between the panegyrists and the censurers of the Middle Ages, if the idea of the word barbarism is first clearly understood. If a nation has abandoned the savage state, but not yet arrived to that of the higher civilization; or if a civilized nation has retrograded, but not yet arrived to the completely savage state, their condition, which is thus a medium, or a transition to the higher or lower, is called barbarism. In the case of retrogression, the condition is sad, and almost disconsolate; its character is corruption and weakness, it terminates either in dissolution or in the slumber of death. A political revolution, a restoration of the corrupted blood by foreign conquest, can alone restore new life and new hope. Then is the case like the first, where a nation, having forsaken the savage state, has but just attained barbarism. There are indeed many charms and excellencies peculiar to this state of demi-civilization which mostly escape that of the higher civilization; a more free and energetical life, pride and boldness, truth, sincerity, violent passions and heroic characters * The excellent Daunou mentions another very efficient cause (Essai sur les garanties individuelles): " Le moyen age est l'age de fer du genre humain; c'est l'age d'or des oppresseurs... aussi voyons nous los regards ded oppresseurs se reporter sans cesse vers une epoque si redoutable.'

　

　

INTRODUCTION. 9 The consideration of all this operates the more exaltingly upon our minds, if we contrast with it the usual relaxation, cowardice, servile submission, and moral corruption of highly civilized nations. But where the more refined civilization shows such deformities, a lamentable deviation from the right path is commenced, which may be avoided, although it seldom has been hitherto. It is not impossible to retain the noblest virtues of demi-civilization, even in the most refined state of society; but to this the excellencies and virtues of the higher civilization remain always and necessarily foreign. The expression " barbarism," as a designation of the character of nations or periods, implies, according to what has been said, by no means a judgment absolutely condemnatory, and it is compatible with reasonable praise as well as with just censure. But that this expression is appropriate as a designation of the Middle Ages, is discovered from the most cursory survey of those defects-founded in rudeness and ignorance-which even the most decided panegyrists of that time must perceive, although, with more or less art, they have endeavoured to represent even these defects as excellencies or virtues. Of these faults-the more accurate description of which the following histories will contain-rwe will name only some of the most prominent as a preliminary: a badly organized political constitution, fluctuating between anarchy and tyranny, on the one side depressing the mass of the people even to bondage, and on the other sanctioning in private twars the natural right of physical strength, and civil regulations equally bad, judicial duels, ordeals, secret courts; the understanding of man impover. ished in scientific knowledge, and almost without the means of acquiring it anew, chained by superstition, and in the least efforts for freedom, thundered down by fulmination; the hierarchy-sometimes it was indeed a salutary check upon the tyranny of the nobility and princes-yet always a dangerous expedient, and a dominion, which, from circumstances or its abuse, from its conflict or its combination with the civil power, could enhance or complete public misery or general slavery. To all this, in fine, the rude manner of life, total want of the more refined enjoyments, no industry, little sociality, little intercourse between men and nations-if these are not the traits of barbarism, what shall we call so? VOL. TI- ___ __ ___ __ ___ __ __ _ _________________ I

　

　

L- -_i-_ — - n - I -. —-.

　

　

FIRST PERIOD. (FOURTH PERIOD OF THE ENTIRE HISTORY OF THE WORLD.) FROM THE GREAT MIGRATION OF NATIONS UNTIL THE RENOVATION 3f THE WESTERN EMPIRE, OR FROM THE DEATH OF THEODOSIUS M. UNTIL CHARLES M. A. D. 395-8M. GENERAL SURVEY. SUMMARY OF THE POLITICAL EVENTS. IN the commencement of this period the Roman name fills up still the greatest part of the historical world. But the immense realm is now divided into two parts, the Western and Eastern empires, of which the former is brought by internal disease and external storms- to a speedy fall, the latter, after an almost miraculous destiny, continues its existence, for the most. part miserable, yet, for many centuries. In the east the Persian throne stands brilliant and formidable to the Romans; in the north the diverse and multinominal swarms of Germans, Sarmatians, and Scythians move around like the threatening clouds of a tempest, and fulfil by their cotemporaneous shock the destiny which had long hung over Rome, and change suddenly the aspect of the world. For before the close of the first century the throne of the Ceesars was prostrated; the Herulian Odoacer, and after him Theodoric, the Eastgoth, extended their foreign sceptres over Italy and Rome, after they had experienced repeated plundering from the Westgoths and Vandals. (Italy experienced this like. wise from the Huns.) The barbarian nations had taken posses. sion of all the provinces of the western empire; the Vandals of Africa, the Alani, Suevi, and Westgoths of Spain, the last a. the same time, of South Gaul, the Burgundians, of the countries (11)

　

　

12 GENERAL HISTORY. of the Saone, the Alemanni, of those of the Upper Rhine, the Franks, of North and East Gaul, the Angli and Saxons, of Britain, the Rugii and Heruli, of Noricum and its environs, the masters of Italy in fine, the Goths at the same time, of the Rhaetian and Illyrian countries. The Eastern empire also had to see the greater part of its provinces desolated by the barbarians; some of the northern were entirely lost. All the tribes of the Goths ravaged the countries of the Danube and the Haemus before their western expeditions;(their kindred race, the Gepide, established themselves later in Pannonia.) After them came the terrible Huns, whose appearance in Europe had been the principal signal of these great movements, who drove on before themselves, and drew along a whole flood of tribes as far as the Loire and Po; the wild Bulgari, Avari, Ugri, Chasari, &c., followed the Huns. These national expeditions continued in the sixth century (or the second of the present period), and did not cease in the seventh and eighth. New swarms succeeded, supplanted and drove away the older, or were driven away by them. The pastoral nations of Asia, which have been mentioned before, then the Slaves variously divided and immensely extended, and new German tribes, or those which had been previously unimportant, established themselves in the Roman, or in the Old-German and Sarmatian countries. The kingdoms of the Saxons, Frieslanders, Thuringians, and Bavarians arose, or were more accurately defined; the Langobards seized upon the dominion of Upper Italy; Wendic and Sclavonic, Turkish and Tartar races wandered about, confusedly mingled together, and hostile towards one another, in the vast countries between the Black and Baltic Seas. But the greater part of the kingdoms first founded, and even many of the later, which were built upon the ruins of those, went to destruction in this revolutionary time. Even the names of several nations were lost, the independence at least of others ceased, and the alterations of boundaries were innumerable. The kingdom of the Hunls, which had been so powerful under Attila, the butcher of nations, vanished immediately after the tyrant's death (454). Only the predatory rabble of the Huns continued to live henceforth about the Palus Meotis. From this as far as the boundary of Bavaria, the above named Tartar

　

　

SUMMARY OF POLITICAL EVENT8. A3 and Calmuc hordes practised their hostilities through the following centuries; north of them resided the unsettled Sclavonic tribes to an indeterminate distance. The Suevi and Alani in Spain succumbed to the Westgoths. The Vandals had crossed voluntarily the strait; and the African kingdom of the formidable Genseric was overthrown in the first third of the sixth century under the blows of Belisarius. Soon afterwards, and in a similar manner, the Eastgothic throne fell under the immediate successors of the great Theodoric, which he had established, and a few years later the Langobards wrested again from the Byzantines, Upper Italy, the fairest part of the Gothic booty. The same Langobards had destroyed previously the kingdoms of the Gepidm and the Heruli. They themselves succumbed at the close of this period to the more potent Franks. Fortune, valour, and crime, made this last nation the most powerful in Europe. What Clovis, the founder of the Frankish kingdom (for his ancestors were of no political importance) had established with energy, and his immediate successors, less talented, but equally unprincipled, had enlarged-was brought to perfection under the later incompetent kings, by the genius of the mayors of the palace, and afterwards the sovereign rulers, from the family of Pepin. Clovis had already extinguished the remnant of the Roman dominion in Gaul, conquered the Alemanni, driven the Westgoths from South Gaul, and fought with success in all directions. After him the Burgundians, the Thuringians, Frieslanders, Bavarians, and even a part of the Saxons, were subjugated or made dependent, the Lombards humbled, and at last swallowed up, and thus in the centre of Europe, a kingdom was formed, which could serve as its centre of gravity, or the basis of a new political order. But such a summit of power and glory was first attained by Charles the Great, whose reign forms the transition to the following period. Constantinople had diverted by the firmness of its position, and other fortunate circumstances, the principal stream of the migration of nations. In the second fourth of this period, under Justinian M., the heroic glory of Rome seemed to flourish anew through the genius of Belisarius and Narses. But it was a fleeting glimmer. The old causes of decay remained-despotism, degeneracy, and internal dissolution. Few histories are to be compared with the Byzantinian in hideousness. The unworthi

　

　

14 -.GENERAL HISTORY ness or vices of the emperors, the insolence of the;priests -and soldiers, the baseness,- luxury, and corruption of the people, fill by turns -its pages with scenes of- disgrace- and crime.' - Hence, although the fairest countries. of three parts of the world continued tooobey the Byzantinian- sceptre, the' weakness became more perceptible from generation to generation, -and'the fall more inevitable.,.It was rather the favor- of exterral circumstances, than.internal power, that averted- so- long the -fate of the Eastern empire.- Destiny, however, appears to threaten it more in the seventh century (the third of:this period), for there arose against it from the';south, a' storm of -unexampled:formidableness: and- sudden violence, revolutionizing the world, like the northern migration -of nations, and the more irresistible, as it came without a warning or presentiment. At the tirue when the Persian and Roman empires concluded, from common- exhaustion, their tedious and changing conflict, and, by the restoration of the ancient boundary, which had separated, seven hundred- years before, the Parthian from the Roman dominion, gave evidence of their mutual:invincibleness, then- at the call: of a citizen of Mecca, a band of fanatics rushed forth fr6m-the Arabian deserts, attacked both empires, to which, hitherto, the' hordes of:Saracens,ad been either despicable as a predatory rabble, qr subject as mercenaries, in one and the same -moment, with':the omnipotence of enthusiasm,. prostrated one entirely, and' wrested from. the other; the fairest, the richest, the best-protected countries, and, after GConstantinople, the principal seat- of its power. But the Persian empire, as formidable as it had been under the two Koshrus, was, however, diseased with the weakness of age-which is always perceptible at an early period in despotical states-and, with the exhaustion which the war, at first glorious, afterwards unsuccessful, against Heraclius, occasioned; internal ferments, disunion, and sedition accelerated its ruin. The last king, Jezdegerd II., although-he ascended the throne innocent;y, lost, according to the matured decree of fate, in three battlesas fbrmerly Darius against Alexander-the Empire against; the Arabian generals. The- Byzantine empire, in which age- was-'morO perceptible than -in the Persian, was also unable to cope with the vigorous followers of Mohanmmed. Even the victories of Heraclius, since

　

　

SUMMARY OF POLITICAL EVENTS. 15 they cost the last energies of the state, paved the way to destruction. Hardly was the Persian and Roman blood dried up in the provinces re-conquered by him, between -the Euphrates and the Mediterranean Sea, when the same provinces, and, besides, the magnificent Egypt and all North Africa, Rhodes, Cyprus, a part of Armenia and Asia Minor,: fell into the power of the Moslems. They would have conquered the whole empire, if the firmness of the capital, the Greek- fire, and disunion had not checked their progress. The:Byzantine empire, after-it had been unfortunate one whole century,.under:-the-house of Heraclius, was ruled in the following (the eighth:.:ent-try), by the family of Leo the Isaurian, and recovered its -power by his: energy and penetration. But the fatal contention about the worship of images, in which all the princes of this house engaged with more passion than wisdom, caused the loss of the; important exarchate; and accelerated the general decline. - - Not only the Persian empire, and the fairest provinces of the Byzantinian were conquered by the Arabians, but they;extended their: dominion also beyond the confines of both. Bucharia, Turkestan, Manarennahar, and other countries -in the'east,- the Pyrenean peninsula in the west, Nubia, and -other parts-of the eastern coast of Africa, at last also, Sicily and various'countrie-s on the Mediterranean Sea, fell into their possession. They penetrated as far as the heart of France, where, however, the sword of Charles Martel prevented their further progress.' The relations of Arabia and the rest of the world explain this' rapid career of conquest. Separated from all'other nations by the strong barriers of nature, Arabia had continued for'thousandg of years, an isolated and free existence. Unknown, but inextinct, the forces prepared by destiny, slumbered there, which required only an impulse, to be developed with a wonderful- effect. The spark of religious enthusiasm, excited by; a; m-an:of genius; fell into the inflammable souls of the -inhabitants "of the desert. Soon the wide Arabia was blazing with one flame,: which, since it found beyond the desert also, various combustible'matter, and, on account of the corrupted state of religious atindpolitical relations abroad, met with but little resistance, spread'rapidly, and' appeared to threaten the whole globe.: -- But in proportion as it extended, the energy of-'the'Arabian state was diminished. The throne of- the caliphs, which stooq at..~~~~~~~~~~~~

　

　

-1b GENERAL HISTORY. first in dignified simplicity at Medina, was soon removed to the magnificent Damascus, and afterwards to Bagdad, which had been rebuilt with extraordinary splendor. The rulers of the faithful, since one half of the world obeyed their will, had no cause to aspire higher; the maintenance of their possessions anDl enjoyment seemed now the principal thing. Religious and military enthusiasm yet continued to live for some time in their generals and warriors; but they adopted gradually more refined and effeminate manners, and some of the noblest devoted themselves to the arts of peace. In addition to this, there was internal discord among the Saracens, hereditary enmity between the adherents and opponents of Omar and Ali, oppression of the grand-sons of Mohammed by the house of Ommiyah, the later vengeance which the Abbassides took on this, and by the fliehl of a prince of that house to Spain, the division of the empire into the two hostile caliphates of Bagdad and Cordova. The power which was divided, or directed against itself, was now unable to operate with so much effect abroad: but the principal distraction did not commence until the following period; and hatred towards Christendom remained common to the conflicting dynasties, with a few exceptions, notwithstanding their mortal enmity towards each other. CIVILIZATION IN GENERAL. WE will yet add to the general picture of the character of this period some principal traits. The world remains divided, although unequally, between Roman degeneracy and northern barbarism. Not only men, but countries also, bear the stamlp of this age. The monuments of art and industry, the traces of opulence and taste, vanish; the constant residences of a dense population, the sources of sociality, and the higher culture of man, the cities, sink into dust. In the vast empire of Attila. there was not a single city: half of Europe served for pasture. grounds for the encampments of unsettled hordes of Calmucs. The German tribes were less desolating than the Asiatic. The Vandals alone have obtained the horrible glory of the Huns by a similar rage for destruction. Other nations, and more than all, the Lombards, were pleased, after the intoxication of victory had ceased, with the practice of the peaceable arts of the vanquished; and even in their home, some tribes, especially the I.

　

　

MANNERS AND CIVII IZATION. 17 Saxons, were inclined to agriculture. This was still more the case with several Wendic tribes, among which we even find traces of industry in the arts. Complete barbarism prevailed beyond the Wends. Upon the whole, after the fall of the Western empire, Europe is in a wild and desolate state. Places of conflagration, heaps of r uins, vast deserts mark the course of the migrating nations and the misfortune of the time. The plough, and the instruments of industry are almost everywhere, only in the trembling hands of the defenceless vanquished, whose condition is in part real slavery, in part similar to it by arbitrary oppression and contempt. The predominant nations are engaged in war, the chase, and at the most, some breeding of cattle. Rude customs and insolent violence take the place of Roman refinement, corruption and weakness. The Saracenic expeditions were almost equally extensive, but less destructive than those that had come from the north. Even at the epoch of their greatest fanaticism, the Arabs respected the essential institutions of civil society, spared cities, favored agricilture and industry. Afterwards when their wild, religious fanaticism had abated, they became the fathers of a civilization which eclipsed the European for centuries. MANNERS. THE moral corruption of Rome continued, although its splendor was most lamentably tarnished by the plunderings of the barbarians. The splendor of Constantinople was enhanced by the wealth concentrated there, and by the pride of the court, which increased with its contemptibleness. But the vices of luxury and corruption were gradually associated, by the decline of good taste, and by the increasing number of barbarians, with those of rudeness. Moral corruption became complete. The rude simplicity of the German manners, displayed in inclinations, manner of life, civil and domestic regulations, remained perceptible in them as conquerors and rulers in their new abodes. Their enjoyments were multiplied, it is true, by their rich plunder and the possession of power; but the same barbarian taste as formerly in their native forests, was now enthroned in the Roman pleasure-gardens and palaces. The rudeness of the victors was also transferred gradually to the provincials, although VOL. II. C 2

　

　

18 GENERAL HISTORY. the love of civilization continued to survive in them for some centuries. Gaul, Spain, and a great part of Italy sunk into northern barbarism. On the other hand the pure morals of the old Germans, their princil)les of fidelity and truth, their simple piety, the incorruptness of their whole nature, could not be preserved in their new relations of conquest, wealth, and irregular dominion. Their passions were let loose. Ambition, avarice, propensity to sensual enjoyments divested them of shame; continued abuse of powver extinguished the sentiment of justice; their pride of liberty, the true nobility of the soul, was lost with liberty itself; the nation was divided into insolent tyrants and dastardly slaves. Hence we find in the history of this time not only those horrible scenes, which are the usual consequences of military rage among barbarous hordes, not only the odious manifestations of an almost brutal ferocity, and these also in internal quarrels, even in the family-circle, and among the noblest of the nation; but we are revolted almost without intermission by the appearance of those detestable and hateful vices, such as knavery, treachery and perjury, which are otherwise called the sad excrescences of civilization, but combined with rudeness and superstition are still more audacious and hideous. But'this judgment is not passed upon all nations equally. The Germans, who remained in their home, preserved more faithfully their ancient customs. Some of the victorious tribes -as the Eastgoths, and still more the Lombards, whose minds had not the ferocity, which their exteriors seemed to betray-acquired the reputation of humanity and even of liberal sentiments. The Westgoths also-they were, however, under the dark empire of superstition-did not renounce entirely the excellent habits of the old Germans. But the Franks possessed no kind of morality, and as they became the dominant nation, their corruption was communicated to the others. NATIONAL INTERCOURSE AND COMMERCE. As the waves of the great migration broke over countlies, national intercourse and commerce were destroyed with the other institutions and arts of civilization and peace; not only as the natural consequence of the incessant wars, but on account of the character and relations of the victors; They knew not, alld despised in their rudeness the blessings of civilization., the

　

　

NATIONAL INRERCOURSE AND COMMERCE. 19 rewards of quiet industry, the benefits of commerce, which multiplies engagement and unites nations. Force was their sole art, robbery their source of acquisition, and-according to the sentiments of all the migrating nations-the sword the only surety of possession. Thus all the ancient ties of mutual confidence, of necessity approaching in a friendly manner, were suddenly severed: and again the words s" stranger" and 1" enemy," became synonymous. Domestic intercourse also ceasod; civil industry was frightened away by the clashing of arms, ahd stifled by slavery. The degeneration of the allodial constitution as well as the anarchy of the feudal system, dissolved the nations into a large number of small, hostile governments, which aspired to independence; public security, the condition of pacific intercourse, disappeared; the iron age of the isolating law of the strongest commenced. But civilization, where it has become once deeply radicated, is not easily extirpated. Those cities that were favored by their situation on the sea or large rivers, and were strong enough by their population or possessions, to maintain some independence amidst the general ruin, continued to practise at least a part of the civil occupations, and carried on some commerce-although it was attended with danger and difficulty-on the routes, which ~*ere encompassed by barbarism, but not yet forgotten and entirely destroyed. The cities on the Rhine, some on the Atlantic and Mediterranean, but particularly the Italian cities were the most fortunate in this respect. In the east commerce declined far less. Constantinople, by its wealth and debauchery, animated it in a wide circle; and indeed it became the first commercial city of the world, when Alexandria, which maintained this rank earlier, had fallen into the hands of the Saracens. A great revolution in commercial relations was effected by the conquests of the Saracens. The commerce of the interior and south of Asia came almost entirely into their hands. They carried on also a brisk commerce with the east coast of Afiica to a great distance south, and with some important countries in the interior of this large part of the world. But the commerce as upon the whole the civilization of the Arabs, was not thus extended and firmly established in its prosperity until the following period. I _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

　

　

20 GENERAL HISTORY. THE ARTS AND SCIENCES. IN relation to the arts and sciences, theirruption of the barbarians into the Roman empire, was the signal of a general retrogression to the savage state. A scanty relic of taste and science remained in few countries only —as in the East, especially in Constantinople, whose walls defied the waves of the migration of nations, and in Italy, whose mild sky softened even the barbarians, and also in some chosen regions of Spain and Gaul. Everywhere else, with the exception of the Arabian civilization, which flourished at the close of this period, it was, or became, perfect night and barbarism. In these few words lies the sum of the present subject, so far as it interests the historian of the world. A blank leaf designates, in the most faithful manner, the state of the arts and sciences among barbarous nations. But also these, where the practice of inherited art is continued only with servility, and the formulas of tradition submissively repeated, where almost all artificers and scholars bear the stamp of the same mediocrity (for the most part also of complete worthlessness), and scarcely one is distinguished by the qualities of real genius, or a remarkable individuality-those, to characterize in such a general manner, suffices for the history of the world. The fifth century, however, produced, besides a considerable number of ecclesiastical writers, several estimable teachers of the real sciences, especially in Alexandria; who, if they did not add to the treasures of ancient learning, at least preserved them. History, on the contrary, with the exception of a few historical poets of merit, is extremely meagre. But the comparatively fortunate period of the reign of Theodoric and Justinian M. commenced towards the close of the fifth century, and'continued through a part of the sixth. The East Gothic king-although himself unlearned, and favoring, in his own nation, military barbarism from principles-was a liberal patron of Roman art and science, and awakened-as much as the favor of kings is able-some noble talents. His excellent minister, Cassiodorus, and Liberius, his colleague, were ornaments of their age. Both enjoyed constantly the favor of Theodoric. But Bcethius, the virtuous sage, distinguished equally by

　

　

ARTS AND SCIENCES. 21 birth, station, talent, science, and patriotism, died as a martyr of liberty. The reign of Justinian, rendered glorious by victories and legislation, was likewise adorned by the arts. The architects, Anthemius of Tralles, and the Milesian Isidorus, were subser vient, by their distinguished talents, to the vanity of the emperor, who caused a large number of edifices to be erected everywhere in his vast empire, for splendor, devotion, and for civil and military purposes. The temple of Sophia is the edifice which has received the greatest praise; but in the age of Augustus or Pericles, it would have received only moderate applause. The real sciences also were pursued under Justinian, not without success. The heathen philosophers were silenced by the mandate of Justinian; but their principal teachers, Plato and Aristotle, continued to prevail even in the Christian schools. The reputation of the Stagirite was greatly enhancdd by John Philoponus (in the seventh century), and still more by John of Damascus (in the eighth), who founded his system of theology upon the Peripatetic wisdom, and by this means gave birth to the Scholastic philosophy. Isidorus and Beda, in the west, were also friends of the Stagirite. In the seventh century art suffered a great loss by the fanaticism of the Arabs, and in the eighth, by that of the Christian iconoclasts. The political commotions, which were occasioned by both, extended this lamentable effect to science also. Feudal tyranny and the iron law of the stronger, prevailed more extensively. The muses, terrified here by the tumult of war, there by the yells of fanaticism, fled from the Christian world, seeking an asylum in the empire of the caliphs.

　

　

11. MORE PARTICULAR HISTORY. THE MIGRATION OF NATIONS. INTRODUCTION. THERE is no revolution recorded in the pages of history which nas been so important and imposing, in extent, character, and results, as the great northern migration of nations. It gave to that part of the world, which was the most remarkable in a historical point of view-and, indeed, almost the only portion then known-a general shock, and produced in more than one half of it a complete transformation. New men, new manners, constitutions, laws, concerns and relations, new states and languages, new characters and names appear suddenly, and all that is ancient vanishes. A new order of things, almost without connexion with the ancient, and the creatress of the latest future, arises, and is established, not only for the theatre of the migrations, but for the whole world, since it determines the history of those nations, which later occupy the first rank among mankind, and, by arms, intellect and commerce, rule the world. This great migration of nations, however, differed from many others which preceded and followed it, rather by its extent and permanent effects, than by a peculiar origin and character, and we must look for the causes of this difference, not in the migrating hordes themselves, but in the general circumstances of the time, anld the relations of the countries which they overran. The Roman empire, filled with the most various and magnificent treasures of nature and art, had been, by this means, and b) its weakness, which increased with moral corruption from generation to generation, for centuries an alluring object for the many barbarians residing along its immense boundaries. The imperial history contains various examples of invasions, which were thus occasioned. The Germans, it is true, never succeeded (22)

　

　

HIGHI ASIA. 23 in establishing themselves in the Roman countries; they were obliged to restrict themselves to transient predatory enterprises, or they were crushed by the superiority of the advanc(ing legions, but on the boundaries new nations appeared again almost every century, of which nothing had been heard before, and which had rolled on from remote regions of the east or north. Upon such expeditions, the ancient inhabitants were either driven away, or incorporated with these foreigners; and Germany, with the surrounding countries, remained a tumultuous theatre of national migrations, the direction of which was indeed, sometimes crossed, but proceeded in its principal stream from the north and east, towards the Roman boundaries. These boundaries became weaker from age to age; it was inevitable, that the dams which were often broken, should at last give away entirely, and that the wild flood should inundate the interior countries. The whole south was rich and weak, the north strong and poor; that became, necessarily, the prey of this. But this great revolution was accelerated and completed by a powerful impulse coming in the most eventful juncture from Asia upon the fluctuating national masses of Europe. And as a river already swollen, if a wildly rising mountain stream pours suddenly into it, breaks at once over all its falling banks with impetuosity, so the nations of Germany, which had been long in motion, and restrained with difficulty, precipitated themselves, when the Hunnic stream rushed on, generally and impetuously, over the Roman empire. We will glance at that mysterious steppe, the great magazine of nations, where the inexhaustible fountains spring, of a tide which desolates countries-revolutionizes the world. HIGH ASIA, AND ITS POPULATION. FROM the vicinity of the Caspian sea, as far as the Oriental, and at all almost equal distance from the Indian and from the Northern Ocean, a high-land rises of immense length and breadth, variously intersected by mountains,which forms the consistence of the whole Asiatic soil. Of the particular summits and chains of mountains, we know in part the ancient, in part the modern appellations, (but mostly the last, because ancient geography did not extend,far beyond the boundary of this high-land); some

　

　

24 GENEJIAL HISTORY. ways have also been'opened through this immense steppe by the spirit of commerce, religious zeal, by the bold curiosity and accidents of particular travellers, or likewise by the larger caravans, and by embassies; yet neither the extent and the precise form of this vast elevation, nor the situation, height, direction, and connexion of its principal mountains are determined. But this want of research-almost unsearchableness —is the most imposing character of the steppe, and the explanation wherefore wild freedom reigns eternally in its wide province, and threatens incessantly the tame plains around with desolation. We can also estimate the extent of this high-land from the large rivers which flow down from it in all directions, from the situation and direction of the opposite sources infer its most general contour, and find out even the principal parts of the great chain of mountains by accurate comparison and combination of the various accounts. The Oxus and Iaxartes (at the present day, Amur and Sir Daria), the former remarkable as a principal channel of northern commerce, the latter as the boundary between Iran and Turan, in the west; the large Oby with its rival, the Irtisch, the Ienisei, the king of rivers in the ancient continent, with the.boisterous waters of the Selinga, Angara, and the wonderful lake of Baikal, and then the Lena, somewhat inferior,in the north; the Onon and Kerlon, after their union called the Amur, the large rivers of Tungusia, and the chief rivers of China, the Hoang-ho and Yanse-kian in the east; finally in the south the three principal rivers of the peninsula of Farther India; the Menam Kom, the Menam and the Irabatti, and the same number in Anterior India, the Indus with its many branches, the sacred Ganges, and its rival, the Burrampooter, all these large, and innumerable small streams flow from this Asiatic high-land. How immense must that territory be, which produces such a mass of water! and what vicissitude of hills and valleys, what various direction and complication of chains of mountains and of steppes may be imagined in such a space! High Asia contains also inland rivers which are lost in the steppe, or empty into its lakes. [ts area must amount to far more than 460,000 square miles. Two principal parts, separated from one another by situation, nature and inabitants, may be distinguished in this high-land; the district of the Mustag and that of the Altai. The first bears mostly the name of Tartary, the second of Mongolia.

　

　

HIGH ASIA. 25 The Mustag, the Imaus of the ancients, according to Rennel, is situated between Great and Little Bukharia, and sends out large branches in all directions to the remotest distances, and is connected in the east and northeast by the rugged Mussart, with the Bogdo-oola and Altai, consequently with the Mongolian mountain regions. Of these, the great Bogdo, which raises its towering summit between the sources of the irtish and Selinga, appears to be the principal. Two large chains proceed from it, the Altai, which abounds in metals, to the northeast, but the Kangai to the southeast. The first sends out its branches to the extreme parts of Siberia; the second runs northerly across China as far as Corea and Japan. The Bogdo is connected also with the chains of the Mustag and the more distant Ural in the southwest and northwest, by means of the Mussart and the Alak mountains.'In general, the Mongolian high-land is situated northeast of the Tartarian. But across both regions, and likewise in a northeasterly direction, from the sources of the Ganges as far as the district of the Amur, is extended-in many places more than four hundred and sixty miles wide, and in its whole extent containing more than 139,000 square miles-the high, cold, waterless desert of Gobi or Shamo, only here and there covered with a little grass, in many places with incrustations of salt, in others with evergreen kali-plants, and in general a plateau, rocky and sandy, from which, after proceeding northwesterly for some days on the roads constructed by nature in a gradual declination, you arrive at the boundary of Siberia, but descend southwesterly, on a more rapid declivity through everlasting wilds, as far as the great wall, and to China. On the north of this empire, almost to the banks of the Amur, and as far as the vicinity of the ocean, a broad inhospitable series of mountains is extended, mostly covered with eternal snow, yet no longer a steppe, but an alternation of hills, valleys and plains, where the wild Dauri, and the unsettled, far-extendedTunguses reside, and where the native country of the Mantchoos, the last conquerors of China, lies. If we follow the series of mountains which we have mentioned, and the rivers which rise from them, in their whole course, we shall arrive at the northern and southern extremities of Asia. But we have in view for the present merely the steppe VOL. II.-D

　

　

26 GEN ERAL HISTORY'. countries, from the eastern banks of the laxartes as far as the lowlands of the Amur, and the dense masses of mountains from the Chinese and Indian as far as the Siberian boundary. The natural properties of this rough country, abounding in mountains and steppes, have imperiously and probably irrevocably determined the manner of life, government, and even thecharacter of its inhabitants; and if we compare what Herodotus has said of the ancient Scythians, with the narrations of Chinese annalists, concerning the pastoral nations of the desert, as welf as with the testimonies of the Roman and Byzantine writers concerning the migration of nations, with the eastern and western histories of Turkish, Mongolian, and Tartarian expeditions, with the descriptions of European travellers, who passed through High Asia in the middle ages, and finally, with the profolind researches of the learned of modern times, undertaken for the most part on the spot, we shall discern the most wonderful uniformity of condition and manners among numberless nations of an immense region, and of a time, that runs through thousands of years. All the roughness, which,under a northern sky, the untamed, natural state of man may produce, is and ever has been the character of the Scythian hordes. Strangers to agriculture, partly from the nature of their country, partly from disinclination, they have remained restricted in their inhospitable steppes for food and raiment, to the simple products of the breeding of cattle, and the chase. Both occupations, especially in a barren country, are incompatible with the arts as well as with the conveniences of civilization. Familiar with want and' hardship, accustomed to bloodshed by the incessant slaughter of tame and wild animals, the northern nomade acquires a hardness of body, as well as of soul, which harmonises with his climate. Unacquainted with the finer or softer sentiments, abandoning his whole power to savage affections, no one is so adapted and disposed as lie to violence and war-his type and school. Hunting and travelling are his daily occupations, his pleasure, and indeed almost the sum of his life. The possession of the horse increases the formidableness of these warlike hordes, and brings them from their unassailable wvilds, with surprising speed, to the most distant plains of an unprepared or effeminate enemy. Such valiant men, who disdain the blessings of civil society

　

　

HIGH ASIA. 27 seem secure also from its dangers, and qualified for the complete maintenance of freedom. The Tartars, however, have been frequently slaves; and freedom has not been able, more than despotism, to establish itself firmly among them, and to become an acknowledged right. Freedom, it is true, is given to man by nature, but it is as such only an animal freedom. That which is truly human, the most precious and noblest of his possessions, is imparted to him only in the state of improvement, not in that of natural rude-?ness. The violent become easily the prey of violence, the unjust are the victims of injustice, the most ambitious must obey, and the stupid are easily persuaded to bend their strong necks. The slavery of the Tartars is no less instructive than the freedom of the Germans. The original government of our race, the patriarchal, prevails always among the multinominal nations of this steppe. But not in the beautiful form in which we discover it in remote antiquity, and in part at the present day among some of the milder nomades, who are naturally kind or more humane by their relations, but in the degeneracy, which is the result of rude customs, and an unnatural excess. The oldest man of a tribe or whoever becomes the head of the horde by hereditary right, should, according to the idea of his power, conduct, direct, and regulate, in peace and war, the members of it, as the members of a family, with paternal authority, not with that of a master. But the general rudeness of the members leads the chief also to savage violence or tyranny; the affairs of the migrations, and still more of war, which desire for plunder, hunger, vengeance, and pride, kindle incessantly among the hordes, require a rigid command, and the events of war, subject twenty, fifty, or a hundred hordes to a fortunate leader. He is master of the vanquished, not according to familyright, but according to that of war. But the victorious horde constitutes with these a larger union; and thus all are oppressed together by the combination of the magisterial and paternal powers. If then the swelling tide overflows the southern countries, effeminate nations, which have always been accustomed to the government of sultans, become a prey to the northern herdsmen: then the predominant khan regards himself as the heir of the unlimited dominion of the thrones which he has prostrated, is considered as such also by the trampled nations, and

　

　

28 GENERAL HISTORY. imposes by the aiding arm of the vanquished, the equal yoke of slavery upon his older, victorious subjects. As often as the *Tartars have marched out as conquerors, so often —and nothing could be more just-they have become slaves. But their recollection at least, and an external form of freedom are preserved for some time in the kurultais or great imperial diets, in which, according to their native custom, the khan, his princes, and the mursas, or heads of a tribe, appear with their military attendants, and deliberate in common about tle great affairs of the nation. Even the powerful monarchs from the house of the great Gengis, continued to hold such kurultais, in which indeed several great khans were elected. Afterwards they degenerated with the consolidation of despotism into vain ostentation of the court, and the tribes which had settled in the south sunk into the general submissiveness and weakness of the vanquished. But this adoption of foreign manners, for the most part also of foreign religion, produced gradually a separation between them and their brethren in their native country, and the spirit of freedom was then usually revived with the more energy in the north. The tribes of the desert threw off the yoke of their monarchs, who had proceeded from it, but become effeminate, and the old,hostile relation of Iran and Turan was seen again. Notwithstanding the general uniformity of the elevated country of Asia in natural peculiarities, and the prevailing similarity of its inhabitants resulting from this, in manners, way of life, and purely climatic traits, we can, however, perceive clearly, a separation of them into two principal tribes or races according to certain striking differences and generic characters.- The first is the Tartarian, the second the Mongolian tribe. The Tartar tribe (called also, the Caucasian, because it appears in greater perfection near the Caucasus, and which has proceeded from thence into many southern and western countries) is characterised by a regular, almost round structure of the skull, an ova. face, a beautiful symmetry of features, a white and ruddy skin, which, however, becomes easily brown, and dark hair. The principal residence of these Tartars, is from the Caspian Sea as far as the Altaian mountains,in the Arabian countries, and in Great and Little Bukharia. But they have spread besides into many countries in all directions. Tartars reside on the north and west of tne Caspian Sea, on the Jaik, on the Wolga, in Crimea and Kubanr

　

　

HIGH ASIA., 29;n various regions of Siberia (but here mingled confusedly with the Mongols, the Calmucs, and Finns) and in a great part of Persia, &c.; and the far-extended Turks, whose name, Turuk, the Tartars use as their appellation, are a kindred race. It is believed that the inhabitants of Thibet and Japan belong, also, to this race. The Tartars seem not originally inclined to civilization and intellectual culture, like the Bucharians (the Turks are certainly far less so disposed); and even among the nomadic tribes, particularly those which obey the Russian sceptre, some commencement of civilization, and, at least, comparatively milder manners, are sometimes discerned. On the contrary, the Mongols and Calmucs are barbarians so much the more obstinate, and equally odious in body and soul. The Mongolian mountain region, which takes its name from them, is their chief residence, and if the Tunguses, with the Lamutes, Daures, Mantschurs, and the tribes of the Koriaks, with the Tschuktschs and Kamtschadales belong totheir race, they have peopled nearly all the northeast of Asia, and it is highly probable, that the Chinese and Coreans, in the southeast, are derived from them. The Mongols, particularly distinguished by this name, are divided into the Yellow or Scharra Mongols, and the Kalkas Mongols, of which the last reside to the south of the first. But the Calmucs, who are considered by many as a peculiar, principal race, distinct from the Mongolian, and live to the west of the proper Mongols, are distinguished into the Torgautes, Soongars, Choschotes, and others. The Samoiedic and Finnic tribes are also supposed to be derived from them. The Mongolian, and particularly the Calmucish race, is characterized by a small stature, a thick-set, very muscular frame, a light yellow complexion, black, stiff and thick hair, an- almost quadrate cranium, and ugly-it might be said only half-finishedfeatures. Their eyes are small, their nose compressed, their nostrils wide, their whole visage flat, broad, and nearly beardless. Ns this race is widely spread, it is of course somewhat affected by variety of climate, but the principal characters remain perceptible. It is natural to suppose that among these numerous nations of High Asia, and farther to the north and south, there has been, since time immemorial, a multifarious change of dominion, sub

　

　

80 GFdi:KGENERAl, HISTORY. jection, and resuscitation. But, even if we had the most distinct accounts in relation to this, the enumeration of such revolutions, occurring perpetually -acording to uniform causes and uniform effects-would be tedious, dry, and of little advantage. Therefore, without repeating the sterile narrations of the Chinese annalists (or of their industrious compiler, De G-ugnes,) concerning the nations of eastern Asia, such as the To-pa, the Geugen, the Sien-pi, the Goni, Yen, and others, (they were besides mostly the same races, which changed their appellations according to the names of the predominant hordes or dynasties) we will notice only the formidable Hiong-nu, whose early power and lasting dominion in the east, are no less important than the later achievements of their probable descendants, the Huns, became in the west. THE HIONG-NU. THE power of the Hiong-nu was established twelve hundred years before our chronology-about a generation before the fall of Troy. Their tents were pitched in the Mongolian high-land, in that part of the desert of Cobi, from which you go down to China; they, " the savages of the mountain," threatened early from that place the Chinese boundary:. But the name Itiong-nu did not originate until the third century before Christ(before, their appellations were changed according to the dynasties), and their history became first coherent from this date. Against them the great wall was built. Tschi-Hoang-ti, the despot, about the time of Hannibal, completed it; but in vain. The Tanjous —their hereditary chiefs were thus called-repeatedly scaled the ill-defended bulwark, and shook the empire, which was internally diseased. The Hiong-nu had extended their growing power over the greatest part of High Asia, fromn the vicinity of the eastern ocean as far as the Irtisch, and from the Chinese as far as the Siberian boundary. In the army of the Tanjous, there were more than 200,000 horsemen. Now under tile parricide, Me-te, the Hiong-nu overpowered by their wild valour the well-disciplined and well-armed troops of the Chinese, which were skilled in war, extorted an annual sum of money, and the more disgraceful tribute of the choice maidens of the country. The emperors of China resigned their own daughters to the embraces of the Tanjous, and yet did not purchase trap quillity by this means.

　

　

THE HIONG-NU 31 The epoch of the highest power and glory, and indeed that of the too secure self-confidence of -the Hong-nu was soon succeeded by confusion and difficulty. The Chinese, conquered by the arms of the barbarians, arose again through the discord of their enemies, and through their peculiar, cunning policy. The same dynasty of the Han, which had been so much humbled by the Hiong-nu, avenged, after sanguinary and changing scenes of war, its old disgrace by some brilliant victories, and gave the power of the enemies of China a decisive blow by stirring up the hordes that had been subjugated by them. A short period of resuscitation renewed the terrors of the name of the Hiong-nu. But internal dissension completed their iuin. The question, whether Punu, or Pe, should be Tanjou. was the occasion of this, for the latter, being pressed by his rival, submitted with the southern hordes, which adhered to him, to the Chinese emperor (A. D. 48). Now the northern Hiong-nu were obliged to atone for the dissension of their rulers with the loss of independence, and to expect their welfare from the favor of the emperor. But. the Chinese remained irreconcilable. After a short suspense they invaded again the wilderness to carry on a war of extermination against the Hiong-nu. The Gien-pi, mindful of the old injuries which they had experienced from them, and incited by the Chinese, took advantage of a decisive defeat of the Hiong,-nu by the latter, and completed the destruction of an empire, which had stood 1300 years (A. D. 93). The Gien-pi ruled now in the principal seat of the old Tanjouate; a part of the Hiong-nu —but probably the smallestremained among them, with the sacrifice of freedom and their name, and became identified with the victors by intermarriage. Another swarm afterwards proceeded south to their long-deserted brethren, who lived under the Chinese supremacy. But the boldest and most refractory tribes of the northern empire had taken the courageous resolution, when its fall:could not be averted, to seek in the distant west an asylum inaccessible to the arms and dominion of their enemies. Immense steppe-countries lay before them; they pitched their camps where they found pasturage and game. The Chinese kept sight of their wanderings about two hundred years, but more indistinctly as their distance increased; finally they vanished entirely from their vision beyond the Imaus

　

　

32 GENERAL HISTORY The comparison of the Chinese accounts with some allusions of western historians and geographers will facilitate the understanding of both, and some conjectures, that present themselves very naturally, will connect the expiring history of the Hiongnu with that of the Huns, which commences a century later, After wandering about for a long time, the main body of them settled between the Jaik and Wolga, in the country -of Yuen-Pan (where the Baschkirs dwell at present, and to the south as far as the viciqity of Astrakan). The name of Great-Hungaria, which these regions continued to bear in the thirteenth century, is a monument of their residence there. But the irreconcilable Sien-pi did not cease to manifest hostility to the Hiong-nu, drove them from the country of the Igurs, and from the Ili, back as far as the vicinity of the Jaik, principally because they themselves were driven from the east towards the west, by the To-pa, who made their appearance in the middle of the third century (about 226). The Scheu-schen (Geugenes), founded by a robber, Moko, and made great by another rdbber, Tulun, over all High Asia, oppressed likewise the Hiong-nu. Europe knew nothing of these great movements, the growing stream of which rushed,soon afterwards, over the countries, from the Tanais as far as the Atlantic Ocean. THE HUNS.-COMMENCEMENT OF THE MIGRATION OF NATIONS. THE HUNs-they appear now under this name, in the Roman authors-resolved to cross the Wolga (374). Their impulse upon the nations on this side of that river and the Tanais, brought the storm, which had been long prepared, to an eruption. On the western banks of the Wolga, as far as the Tanais, and to a great distance north and south, the Alani tended their herds. The Huns fell upon them with irresistible power, defeated them in a decisive battle, and dispersed or combined with their own nation the formidable and far-extended tribes. Their next step brought them over the Don to Europe. The great nation of the Goths ruled there, from the Tanais as far as the Danube, and from the Euxine as far as the shores of the Baltic. Since a long, but indefinite time, they had been divided into the two principal races of the Eastgoths (Greutingi), and the Westgoths (Tervingi). The king of the Eastgoths, at

　

　

THE GOTHS 33 hat time, was the great Hermanric, of the heroic family of the Amales. Athanaric, the Balte,-dependant, perhaps, on Hermani'ic-ruled the Westgoths from the Dnieper as far as the Danube. Now suddenly the intelligence was spread of the hostile approach of hitherto unknown, hideous hordes. The numberless multitude rolled on irresistibly, from the snow-capt mountains of Asia, marking its course with desolation. It was said, they had scarcely the form of man; broad clumps of flesh instead of a face; beardless, with small, sunken eyes, flat noses, and a low stature; in general, like two-footed beasts, or even half-formed blocks, and, in mind and manners, not less deformed than in body, but agile, winged on the horse, pleased with murder, deathly in their aim. They sacrificed their captives to their gods. Flying Alani, soon also trembling Goths proclaimed these terrors. Horrible rumours multiplied them. It was said that evil spirits of the desert had produced them in a disgraceful connexion with the witches of Scythia. The old Hermanric, when this danger became imminent, despaired of the possibility of conjuring the storm,and put anend to his existence. His successor, Withimer, was slain in battle. The Eastgoths surrendered to the Huns. A small part only fled towards the Dneister. The Westgoths, under Athanaric, had retreated beyond this river, but the Huns pursued and defeated them. The greater part of the nation fled now in the greatest consternation, as far as the Danube. This broad stream seemed their only possible defence against the barbarians. But the Romans ruled on the other side of the Danube, without whose consent it could not be crossed. The Goths adopted the resolution to impetrate this consent from the emperor Valens (376), and commenced, by this means, the second principal scene of the migration of nations. A glance at the earlier history of the Goths will properly precede its description. GOTHS (EASTGOTHS AND WESTGOTHS).-ALARIC. Already since the times of Caracalla, (about 215) the name of the Goths had resounded from the countries of the Euxine. They threatened Dacia, extorted an annual tribute, id undertook desolating expeditions even over the Danube to Mcusia, Thrace, Macedonia, and indeed over the sea to Asia Minor and Greece. The Goths were no less formidable to the barbarians. The VOL. I.- E 3

　

　

34 GENERAL HISTORY Vandals, Marcomanni, and Quadi, felt the weight of their arm and became tributary to them with property and life. The Sarmatian nations, as far as Livonia and Esthonia, were subdued by Hermanric (about 350). Many Scythian tribes served him for pay. Two principal and different opinions prevail concerning the previous residence, descent, and original history of this powerful nation. Eminent writers class them with the great Thracian race, and consider them the same with the Getee, which we find already at the time of Herodotus, on the southern bank of the Ister, but later on the northern. According to the other opinion, the Goths dwelt in Scandinavia, especially in the southern parts of Sweden, and came thence at a remote period over the Baltic (Codanic Gothanic) Sea, to the coasts of Pomerania and Prussia. Jornandes' relation of the three vessels which contained the whole emigration-one the Eastgoths, another the Westgoths,* and a third the Gepida —may indeed be a tale; and the tradi tions of Odin or Woden, the great legislator of Scandinavia, which extend to times still more ancient, appear to be rather mythical than historical. With some precision we discern the Goths, from the commencement of our chronology, till about the close of the second century, around the mouth of the Vistula and along the Prussian coasts. On their west, about the Oder, the Vandals resided with the tribes of the Burgundians, Heruli, Langobardi and others that belonged to them. But the Vandals and Goths may have been-as accordances in many characters of form, manners, and language seem to indicate-originally one nation. About the time of the Marcomannic confederation, or a little later, the general movement appears to have begun which brought the whole Gothic nations gradually from the shores of the Baltic to the Euxine. The Goths disdained also the peaceable culture of the countries which they conquered, and continued to live according to their barbarous customs. But they were distinguished from the other Germans by hereditary chiefs (the posterity of Amala, the * We do not distinguish clearly the Ostro and Visi (East and West) Gotns, until the middle of the third century. According to Jornandes this division and situation had already existed in Scandinavia, and continued notwithstand. ing all the migrations of the Goths.

　

　

THE GOTHS. 35 most celebrated leader in their southern migration and a descen dant of the ADnses, the demi-gods of his nation, ruled the Eastgoths; the house of the Baltes [Balta or Bold] governed the Westgoths), accordingly by a firmer political union, without prejudice to freedom however, also by an earlier excitation of somne civilization, which was favored by their earlier adoption of Christianity. Captive priests whom they brought witih them from Asia Minor, about the middle of the third century scattered its seed, which soon matured to excellent fruits. A new period of the Gothic history commences with the irruption of the Huns.. A Gothic embassy appeared unexpectedly at Antioch before the emperor Valens, with the humble.petition to permit their oppressed nation to pass the Danube, and to admit them into the provinces of the empire as subjects and defenders of its boundaries. Valens, incited by the immediate advantages of granting this request, consented, but upon these two conditions, that the noblest youth of the Goths should be taken away, as hostages of their fidelity, into the interior of the Roman provinces, to be educated in a suitable manner, and that the arms of their forces should be surrendered before they passed the Danube. The first was done, but the Westgoths succeeded, by the avarice or luxury of the Roman commanders, in purchasing the preservation of their arms, and thus a formidable-according to hereditary sentiments, hostile-military force was removed, with toil and zeal, across the broad stream of the Ister, into the Roman territory. The emigration amounted to more than a million; 200,000 were armed. The ministers of Valens were foolish enough to excite the wrath of this powerful multitude by raising audaciously and intolerably the price of all the necessaries of life, and finally, by revolting treachery, to force the leaders of the Westgoths, Ala vivus, and Fritigern, to self-defence. Thus the war was kindled, the terrors of which have been already narrated in Ancient History, and hence a mere allusion to them will be all that is now required. Already, before the eruption of the contest, the leaders of tile Eastgoths, Alatheus, and Saphrax, had also passed the Danube, upon which there was no vigilant eye, by their own authority, and after the express refusal of the emperor, and finally thl wise

　

　

36 GENERAL HISTORY. and valiant Fritigern, to whom the nation had confided the chief command, collected from beyond the Danube various other barbarous tribes, even some Hunic hordes, to confirm his power. Unheard of desolations and reciprocal cruelties characterized this war, and they were increased after the battle of Adrianople (378-9th of August). The great Theodosius first terminated, after an admirable warfare of four years duration-favored by the death of the valiant Fritigern and its consequence, the disunion of the Goths-the vexation of the empire, by a peace (382), which assigned the Goths residences in the Roman territory-the Westgoths in Thrace and Mcesia, but a large number of the Eastgoths in Asia Minor-under the obligation of obedience and military service, with preservation, however, of their own laws, customs, and their hereditary chiefs, who were denied the royal dignity alone. The relation of these Goths, who were settled in the empire, was accordingly quite different from that of the other barbarian colonies, which had been before admitted or removed thither. The Goths remained a nation by themselves, dwelling together, and in the enjoyment of an independence but little restricted. The appointment of their commanders-in-chief was almost the sole prerogative of the imperial power in relation to them; in other respects it was merely nominal. But the Goths acquired an important and dangerous influence in all public and private concerns, and could, with a slight cause or incitement, threaten the tranquillity, and even the existence, of the empire. The empire was maintained against such multifarious pressure, less by its own power than by fortunate accidents, or the dissension of the Goths. We have to mention here first the exploits of Alaric. Immediately after the death of the great Theodosius, whose genius and energy had restrained the Goths, a general insurrection broke out under the talented and courageous Alaric-a Balte (395). Few names sounded so terrifying as his in the Roman ear; he was one of the principal destroyers of the empire. Alaric (396) marched from the long-desolated provinces of Meusia and Thrace-passing the capital which -was invincible for a barbarian army-through Macedonia to the yet undesolated Greece, conquered most of the cities of Hellas and Peloponnesus-butchered, pillaged, and destroyed with unsparing fury.

　

　

THE GOTHS. 37 Athens averted a worse fate by its treasures; Corinth, Argos, and Sparta had to lament the death or captivity of the greater part of their citizens, and even the conflagration of their houses. In the smoking ruins of the temples of Eleusis-at which the zealots probably rejoiced amidst the general lamentation-the last vital spark of classical paganism went out. Then the valiant Stilicho hastened from the Western empire over the sea to the assistance of bleeding Greece, and encdmpassed the Gothic army in the mountains of Arcadia; but the vigilant and bold Alaric escaped with his captives and plunder to Epirus. The ministers of Arcadius, to whom the greatness of Alaric appeared less dangerous than that of the odious Stilicho, concluded precipitately a peace with the former, by which he was appointed prmefect of Eastern Illyricum (398). Alaric immediately caused his troops to be equipped from the Roman arsenals, extorted from both empires tributes and gifts, caused himself to be solemnly declared king of the Westgoths, by his grateful warriors, and resolved finally, after weighing circumstances prudently, to attack the west, where he seemed to be beckoned by an easier victory and a greater prize. Already in the year four hundred, Alaric advanced towards Italy. We have only imperfect accounts of this expedition. In the year four hundred and three the attack was continued or renewed. After conquering Istria and Venetia, the Gothic stream overflowed the countries of the Po. Then the hero Stilicho appeared as a saviour, with the forces of the whole Western empire, which he had mustered in haste, repulsed the Gothic king from Asti, in which he was besieging the emperor Honorius, and defeated him completely in the bloody battle of Polentia (29 March, 403). But Alaric ventured, notwithstanding, with his cavalry, the bold march to Rome, received the proffered terms of a quiet retreat and a considerable annual tribute, but with reluctance, and left Italy, forced more by his capricious barbarians than by the Roman power. Six years afterwards, Alaric returned, took and plundered Rome. But the interval, until the renewal of the Gothic war, is filled with still greater terrors. The great tide of North-Asiatic hordes, which occasioned the impulse of the Huns upon the nations of Europe, had operated not only towards the Euxine, but also towards the Baltic Sea. The war-tumult of the expell

　

　

38 GENERAL HISTORY. ing and the expelled nations continued from the shores of the Wolga, to those of the Vistula; a flood of Sarmatian tribes, which fled before the blows of the Asiatic barbarians, threatened the Germans in the Baltic countries, and produced probably the decision of that great emigration, which, like the old Cimbric, under the command of the wild Radagaisus (405),poured irresistably over the Danube and the Alps. Suevi, Vandals, Burgundians, a swarm of fugitive Alani, and many thousand Goths, in part ruins of Alaric's army, altogether a mass of 200,000 armed men, rolled on, marking their course with desolation. Rome trembled at the approaching storm, and still greater terrors preceded the pagan Radagaisus than the Christian Alaric. But Stilicho became once more the saviour of Rome and Italy. With a small army he destroyed the enormous force of the barbarian king, which he encompassed upon the barren rocks of Faesulae with a chain of intrenchments, by famine and partial engagements. Radagaisus surrendered in despair, and was beheaded; the remnant of the barbarians were sold as slaves. But about two thirds of Radagaisus' army, which had separated from him earlier, continued to wander about in the provinces of Upper Italy. Stilicho, by artifice and arms, brought them to a speedy retreat. Gaul, which was destitute of legions, appeared to them an alluring prey. We shall again find them there still later. In the mean time, Alaric, after his retreat over the Alps, had collected again a new army. Stilicho, in order to conjure the storm, concluded a treaty of amity with him, and invested him with the command of Illyricum, which was claimed by the court of Ravenna. But Alaric, after some unimportant attempts against this province, returned hostilely from the east to the west, and demanded insolently a large reward for his doubtful service. Four thousand pounds of gold were granted him, according to the counsel of Stilicho. The latter, however, was charged with having called Alaric to Italy. But this accusation came from the mouth of his enemies, and when Stilicho fell soon afterwards into the disfavor of the emperor, not a tongue was found among a people of slaves for his defence. The miserable Honorious, who, amidst all the calamities of his nation, slept concealed behind the walls and marshes of Ravenna, caused, by the instigation of abandoned favourites, his guardian.counsellor and brother

　

　

THE GOTHS. 39 in-law, Stilicho, who was perhaps proud and ambitious, but great, the frequent saviour of the empire, to be put to death without trial. Soon afterwards Alaric appeared before Rome (408).- The people of the capital-far more than a million in number, and in the possession of immense treasures and resources-were astonished at first at the presumption of the barbarian king, to approach hostilely the empress of the world. But soon they were induced by famine, pestilence, and dejection, to the humble step, to implore the mercy of Alaric. After some negotiation, the king was satisfied with a ransom of five thousand pounds of gold, thirty thousand pounds of silver, and a proportionate quantity of other precious things. The stipulation was faithfully fulfilled, and Alaric appeared also inclined to peace with Honorius. But new difficulties arose, and Alaric marched again before Rome (409). His entrance into this city, the elevation of the miserable Attalus as anti-emperor, then his reconciliation and-repeated rupture with Honorius, and finally his storming conquest of the fallen empress of the world (410) are mentioned in Ancient History. From Rome, where he remained only six days, Alaric marched victoriously, and laden with plunder, to Lower Italy. The cities of the country submitted; many regions were desolated. From Lower Italy, he extended his powerful arm to Sicily, and devoured already, in his mind, the spoils of Africa. But a storm beat back the Gothic fleet, and Alaric died before the close of the year. The Goths chose unanimously, for the successor of the hero, Adolphus (Ataulph), a young man, as valiant as Alaric, but at the same time noble-minded, amiable, and beautiful. His moderation paved the way to a reconciliation with Rome. He left Italy, and undertook, as imperial general, an expedition to southern Gaul, against the usurpers and barbarians ruling there. Marriage with Honorius' sister confirmed the friendship, and Honorius received soon the welcome present of the heads of two tyrants. Adolphus went from Gaul, again under imperial commission, over the Pyrenees to Spain, in order to subdue the Alani, Suevi, and Vandals (414). He took Barcelona, and fell soon afterwards by assassination (415).

　

　

40 GENERAL HISTORY. Wallla, his successor by election, fought as a servant of the -mperor, valiantly and successfully against the Alani, Suevi, and Vandals; restored-true to the treaty with Rome-his Spanish conquests to the empire, and obtained for his nation the fine Gallic province of Aquitania as a permanent settlement (419). This was the first foundation of the Westgothic kingdom, which extended' later over the whole Pyrenean peninsula, and it affords matter for a particular history. Let us now glance at the other national expeditions. ALANI.-SUEVI.-VANDALS.-BURGUNDIANS.-FRANKS. WHEN Alaric invaded Italy for the first time, Stilicho had recalled, for the preservation of this principal country, the troops from all the Transalpine stations. The lines and fortresses of the Rhine were abandoned, and Gaul, without other protection than the name of the Roman power, was exposed to the German nations. Even the legions from the distant Britain were obliged to march to Italy; the British wall against the wild Caledonians remained undefended. On the last day of the same year (405), which had been glorious by the defeat of Radagaisus, the Vandals, Alani, Suevi, and Burgundians, passed the Rhine, and never left again the Roman territory. On the same day the Roman dominion in the Transalpine countries received its death-blow. Of these immigrating multitudes, the Suevi, Vandals, and Burgundians belonged to the German race;* but the Alani were probably a people of High Asia, and a part of those Alani who were driven by the Huns over the Jaik and the Wolga, to the Tanais, and at last completely conquered by them. But these expeditions coincided rather by mere simultaneousness than by an actual combination or formal league of these * The name of the Suevi is the most extended, therefore also the most indefinite of all the German national names. The Suevi here meant, appear to have lived earlier about the Upper Danube. The Vandals are reckoned already by Pliny among the four principal nations of Germany. The common opinion places them on the Baltic sea, on the west of the Goths, to whom they are said to have been a kindred or paternal nation. In the third century they approached the Lower Danube. Many tribes of different origin were probably united under the narhe of Vandals; the Burgundians weie certainly reckoned with them. They proceeded also gradually from the Baltic.owards the Rhine. A~~~~~~~~~~~~____________ ______________________________

　

　

ALANI, SUEVI, &c. 4; nations. Caprice, accident, and the necessity of the moment. separated the armies or re-united them. Soon, however, the Burgundians settled in the immediate vicinity of the Upper Rhine, and about the Saone and Rhone. But the Alani, Suevi, and Vandals, marched through, within two yeafrs, and amidst terrible' devastations, all Gaul as far as the Ocean and the Pyrenees, crossed these mountains (the passes of which the nhabitants had at first courageously defended, but the Roman mercenaries perfidiously opened), and first settled, after equal desolation, in Spain. The fate of Spaiin was particularly deplorable. The description which the cotemporary Idarius gives, although with-some exaggeration, fills the mind of the reader with horror. "All was desolated by the furious barbarians. The miseries of war were accompanied with pestilence and famine, which forced the living to consume the flesh of the dead. Fortunate was he whom death liberated from such terrors." In the second year of the irruption (411), a kind of a division was made, according to which, the Alani were extended from Lusitania to the Mediterranean Sea, but the Suevi and Vandals were settled in Gallicia and the northern provinces. But the fury of the barbarians against the natives had hardly ceased when war broke out among them, and a fourth nation,.the Westgoths, participated in the contest. The earlier conquerors were pressed already by Adolphus, but more by Wallia. The Suevi were restricted to a small territory, the Alani were so much enfeebled that they, giving up the hope of independence, mixed mostly with the Vandals, and these finally were driven more and more towards the southern boundary. Wallia's successors subjected gradually all Spain to the Westgothic power. Before this happened, the Vandals had gone under their king, Genseric, to Africa (429). The kingdom which he established there remained until Justinian M. Its history is related hereafter. Many other waves followed this great tide of nations. The partition-walls between the barbarous and civilized world were thrown down; it was impossible for the enervated empire to erect them anew. The settlement of the Burgundians we have mentioned'above. This took place by the peaceable permission of the anti-emperor Jovinus, which was afterwards confirmed by Honorius (414) OL. lI1.-r

　

　

42 GENERAL HISTORY. Valentinian III. granted them a considerable enlargement.\ The name of the Roman supremacy remained. The Franks, who had fought bravely in alliance with Rome against the Vandals, imitated soon the example of these conquerors. They invaded Gaul; the western provinces, about the Nieuse and Scheld, were gradually taken; the capital of Gaul, T' eves,was plundered. Nevertheless the Franks perceived-7and likewise the Goths, who extended constantly their power, with their mouth at least-the declining majesty of Rome, and the kings of the barbarians sought the title, far more brilliant in their eyes, of generals of the imperial armies. On the other hand, Armorica, and earlier, Britain, had already declared themselves independent of the Roman empire (409). After the departure of the legions, the Britons were exposed to the invasions of the Picts and Scots, and to the depredations of the Saxon pirates from the sea. This nation, as all the subjects of the empire, was disused to arms and to any self-active manifestation of power. But necessity awakened yet some sparks of courage; the Britons seized the sword and defeated the formidable Caledonians. Honorius acknowledged the independence of the island, especially of its cities; but on account of internal dissension, independence could not be easily maintained, and the Britons were repeatedly compelled to implore as a favor the protection of the legions, and accordingly the renewal of the Roman dominion. But under Valentinian III. Britain was forever left to itself; and as its external and internal calamities increased, the Angli and Saxons were finally called to its assistance (449), who afterwards-as foreign saviours are apt to do-made themselves masters of the country. The history of the AngloSaxon kingdom which thus originated, we shall relate hereafter. Following the example of the Britons, the cities of Armorica,the country on the coast between the Seine and Loire-had also declared themselves independent. Their independence and republican constitution were acknowledged by Honorius, afterwards revoked; but in general the prosperity of freedom was prevented by the corruption and division of the people. ATTILA. THE Westgothic and Vandalic storm had not yet subsided, when the Huns, from whose first impulse upon Europe, this had

　

　

ATTILA. 43 proceeded,bore their peculiar destructive arms into the. heart of this part of the world. These destroyers had dwelt for a generation, without important achievements, in the northern countries of the lower Danube and of the Euxine, expended their force in inglorious depredations —sometimes even in the service of their vanquished enemies —and from the loose combination of their hordes, hardly preserved longer the image of one great nation. Their leaders who are named in the Roman authors, appear, until Rua, to have been merely partial leaders. Rua or Rugilas, about the commencement of the fifth century, displayed the power of a general head of the nation. But his exploits were limited to the acquisition of Pannonia in the west, for which he was indebted to his combination with AEtius, and in the east to the plundering of some provinces, and the extortion of an annual tribute of three hundred and fifty pounds of gold. After his death the dominion passed to Attila and Bleda, his nephews, the sons of Mundzuk. Attila, born for a conqueror, for a destroyer, made known, not long after his elevation, to nations, his title to universal dominion, to which lhe aspired. This was a sword which he had found, a certain pledge of divine favor, and even the image of God, according to the hereditary notions of the Huns. He soon showed that he understood how to use it, by the murder of his brother, who stood in the way of his ambition, and by the bloody desolation of all the countries around. This great conqueror trampled nations and kings in the dust, but free from the hypocrisy which causes many other conquerors to seek pretext for predatory expeditions, he did it openly; showed without concealment his designs, and styled himself 4 the scourge of God." Jornandes' expression, that Attila was " master of the Scythian and German countries," is too indefinite to ascertain from it the boundaries of his empire. This much, however, we can collect from the Roman accounts; that Attila kept all the hordes of the Huns, by his authority, in a closer union; that he ruled, besides those, many Sarmatian, and probably also, Scythian tribes, at least, on this side of the Wolga, moreover, the German nations, as far as the Rhine and the North Sea (it is asserted by some, as far as into Scandinavia); that the Eastgoths, the Gepidae, the Heruli, Rugii, the Longobards, the Thuringians, the Burgun&;ans, a part of the Franks, &c., fought under his banners; that

　

　

44 GENERAL HISTORY. a la,ge number of kings, obsequious and submissive as satellites, surrounded his throne; that Persia was terrified, East and West Rome trembled at his name, and that the barbarian nations feared in their master and conqueror the sorcerer also. Immediately after his accession to the throne, Attila extorted a double tribute from the eastern emperor, and other ignominious sacrifices. After a few years, which he employed for the subjection of Sarmatian and German nations, he invaded the empire, destroyed the most important cities and fortresses of the Illyrian boundary, defeated the troops of the emperor in three battles, and poured his desolating multitudes over all the country, from the Black to the Adriatic Sea, and from the Danube as far as the boundary of Hellas; even Constantinople trembled, and more than seventy cities were laid in ruins. Theodosius begged and obtained peace (446). A large tract of country to the south of the Danube, an annual tribute of 2,100 pounds of gold, 6,000 pounds of this metal for the expenses of the war, large ransoms for the Roman captives, free discharge of all captive Huns, and the surrender of deserters, were the terms of peace which Attila prescribed, and the dastardly Theodosius received. But this was not the extent of ignominy. The insolent embassies of Attila insulted constantly the majesty of the emperor, and extorted for every angry and every gracious word of their master a high price, whilst the Roman ambassadors, when they had travelled many days through the desolated provinces of their country, over ashes and heaps of the dead, and filled with ideas of terror, had reached the residence of the king, sought, with the most submissive eloquence, and with the most precious gifts, to clear up the dreaded brow of Attila. Fear and hatred induced, finally, the ministers of the emperor to attempt the assassination of Attila. But the treacherous plan was discovered, and Theodosius' humiliation completed, by the disdainful pardon of Attila. After the death of Theodosius, his successor, Marcian, met the Huns with iron instead of gold, thestorm passed to the west. *The sister of Valentinian III., Honoria, from passion and revenge, offered her hand privately to Attila. He-encouraged by Genseric, the king of the Vandals, to the contest against their common enemy-demanded the emperor's daughter for a wife, and a part of the empire as a dowry. The refusal of the court of Ravenna became the signal for war.

　

　

ATTILA. 45 A tide of nations, united under the banner of Attila, poured out from the plains of Hungary, through Germany, over the Rhine, into Belgic and Celtic Gaul (451). This army, which increased continually as it advanced, consisted of 700,000 bar. barians. Ruins and the dead marked its progress. Many cities were already destroyed-among them the flourishing Metz; — )thers, as Mentz, Strasburg,Treves, Worms, Speyer, plundered; and Orleans, the key to South Gaul, near destruction. Then, at the moment of the greatest danger, the patrician, /Etius, the last hero of the declining empire, brought deliverance. With him were the powerful Westgoths-a short time before at war with Rome, but reconciled by the wisdom of iEtius-also the Alani of the Loire, whose king, Sangipan, however, obeyed the patrician more from fear than fidelity, then the Gallic tribes, which, once subjects of Rome, now claimed the rank of free allies, the Armoricans, the Laeti and others, besides many tribes of the Germans, the Brenni, the Saxons and Burgundians, the Ripuarian, and a part of the Salian Franks. Attila, with quick deliberation, retreated to the Marne, where he covered the wide Catalaunian plains with his superior cavalry. Yet not the Huns, but the Germans, were the flower of his army; the Eastgoths, under the heroic sons of Wandalar, Walamir, Theodomir, and Widemir, were placed on the left wing, opposite their brethren the Westgoths; on the right the Gepidae, commanded by the valiant Ardaric, opposed the Romans, but In the centre the Rugii, Heruli, Thuringians, Franks, and Burgundians, with Attila and his Huns, fought against Sangipan and the mixed tribes of confederated Germans. The greatest of battles that was ever fought on western ground —as unfortunately so many others, especially in our own sad times —was not decided by the principal contending parties, but by German auxiliaries against German auxiliaries. The honour of this great battle-day was wrested from the Westgoths. When Attila had already broken the centre of the enemy, and, turning quickly to the left, had also brought into confusion the main forces of the'Westgoths, Theodoric's bold son, Torismund, restored the battle by a new attack, and after terrible butchery upon all sides, Attila was forced to retreat; 126,000 men. according to some, 300,000 according to ox lers, were left on the battle-field. Attila erected a funeral pile of saddles and precious eaparisons, in order

　

　

46 GENERAL HISTORY. to plunge into the flames, if the barricade which surrounded his camp, as its sole defence, should be taken by storm. But the jealousy of the allies became, as usual, the salvation of the common enemy.:Etius, in order that the Westgoths might not obtain too much glory, induced Torismund to march precipitately to Toulouse, to take possession of his kingdom. The other forces separated also, and the Franks almost alone, pursued at a discreet distance, the king of the Huns, who by a combined attack might have been crushed, but who now accomplished his retreat, proudly and slowly, across the Rhine. Not quite a year elapsed, before the powerful robber returned, marking his path with destruction. This time the storm raged against Italy. Attila, after he had destroyed its barrier, the strong Aquileia, so that the succeeding generation no longer discovered a trace of it, caused many other cities also to feel his rage and rapacity, filled all Italy with the terror of his name, and made the emperor tremble behind the invincible walls of Ravenna. /Etius kept the field with difficulty against the superiority of Attila; and Rome, it seemed, could no longer expect salvation but from the oppressor's mercy, or from a miracle. And the peace which the king granted to the entreaties of Leo (the bishop of Rome who accompanied the solemn embassy to Attila), not without ransom however, is explained in different ways, according to the light in which it is viewed by different historians. We know only, that the desired retreat of Attila liberated Italy, and soon after his death, (he died in the bridal chamber of the beautiful Ildico, 454) the world, from one of the most execrable robbers of nations, and a most insatiable butcher. Upon his death the foundation of the Hunic power was sapped. His sons quarrelled about the inheritance. The hordes separated, and subjugated nations perceived the moment of revenge. Ardaric, the king of the Gepida, and with him the three Eastgothic princes and other leaders, broke their chains in a bloody battle, and put to death Ellack, Attila's valiant son. Irnak, the youngest of his sons, preserved for some time the name, rather than the dominion of the Huns, in some recesses on the Euxine. These last remains of the great empire were soon destroyed by the Avars.

　

　

MIGRATION OF NATIONS. 47 GENERAL VIEW OF OTHER MIGRATIONS. TImE dissolution of the Hunic kingdom, had for its consequence, the accelerated fall of the Western empire, and a long series of migrations and great catastrophes. We will consider the most important of these in their chronological order. The fall of the Western empire, which, after nine kings had sat twenty years upon the sinking throne, ceased (476), by the will of Odoacer, the leader of the barbarian auxiliaries, is related in Ancient History. The most of the tribes, of which these troops consisted, the Heruli, Rugii, Scirri, &c. had originally dwelt about the mouth of the Oder, and in the adjacent Baltic countries, had long since-following the main tide of the northern nations, especially the Goths-migrated towards the south, and had shared the lot of the Eastgoths, subjection to the Hiuns. After Attila's death, a part of their forces desiring adventures, marched to Italy in the service of the emperor. but when a propitious opportunity occurred, these mercenaries became conquerors and masters. Odoacer, their self-elected leader, ruled as king over Rome and Italy. The native Italians were obliged to cede the third part of their lands to the barbarian warriors; and to consider, what was left to them, almost as a gift of favor. Odoacer, with the most zealous desire for their welfare, was unable to tame the refractory spirit of these fortunate mercenaries: Italy was unfortunate under his sceptre, and lie himself succumbed, after a reign of fourteen years, to the attack of Theodoric, the king of the Eastgoths. These Eastgoths, after they had liberated themselves from the Hlunic yoke (455), occupied the Pannonian countries, from Vindobona to Sirmium, with the consent of the emperor Marcian. They were still under the same leaders that had followed the banner of Attila as far as Chalons, the three brothers, Walamir, Theodomir, and Widemir. Theodomir's son, Theodoric, whom fortune and talent made the pride of the Gothic name, was sent, when he was eight years old, to Constantinople, as a hostage of the peace between the Goths and the empire. They were to cease from predatory invasions, and protect the boundary of the empire against the northern barbarians, and to receive in return an annual tribute or reward of three hundred pounds of gold. As formerly the _Macedonian Philip in Thebes, so Theodoric

　

　

48 GE NERAL HISTORY. received in Constantinople that enlargement of ideas and refinement of manners, by which his talents and innate energy became the more formidable to his teachers. Theodoric, at the age of' eighteen, returned to his father, upon whom, by the death of one and the banishment of another brother, the sole' dominion of the whole nation had devolved, and soon made his name great by brilliant military exploits, and ascended, after his father's death (475), amidst the acclamations of the people, the ancient throne of the Amales. Increased subsidies, large cessions of countries, the dignity of consul and patrician, were the price for which the emperor Zeno, now purchased an insecure peace. But Theodoric, weighing relations with discernment, turned his eye to Italy, and Odoacer's precarious dominion. He requested, and obtained from the emperor the commission to march against the usurper, and to rule liberated Italy in the name of the empire. The whole nation followed him, courageously and confidently, through the desolated countries of the Danube, and descended the Julian Alps towards the spot where stood Aquileia. Odoacer, worthy of a better fate on account of his virtues, fought several times in the field with glory, but unsuccessfully, against his superior enemy. The marshes of Ravenna continued to protect him three years. Finally he opened the gates of the city, deluded by the promise of friendship, and a common government. But Theodoric, amidst the enjoyments of the table, killed his unfortunate rival and his truest warriors. Henceforth, during thirty-three years, Theodoric held the sceptre of Italy, Sicily, and besides, a large Transalpine territory. But the history of his glorious reign, and the great Eastgothic kingdom, commencing with it, requires a separate narration. The Rugii had also marched to Italy under the Eastgothic banner. They dwelt, after Attila's death, on the west of the Gepidae, in the country called at this day Austria, and at that time Rugeland, after them. The Heruli and Langobardi, that a Gothic, this a Suevic tribe, marched into the abandoned Rugeland. Already in the time of Augustus, the Romans fought with the Langobards, who dwelt then to the west of the Elbe, and gradually approached the Rhine. Besides,the Langobards appear in the great alliance oi the Marcomanni. After their entrance into Rugeland (about

　

　

MIGRATION OF NATIONS. 49 488), they were at first harrassed by the Heruli, and indeed subjected. But they arose m 495 and overthrew the Herul'an kingdom. A part of the vanquished united with the Gepidae. The valiant and prudent Ardaric had extended the dominion of the last nation, after the- death of Attila, over Pannonia and Dacia. This kingdom flourished one hundred years. Then it was destroyed by the Langobards. The king of the last, Audoin (527), occupied,- with the permission-of Justinian, a part-of Pannonia. Alboin, his successor, warlike and savage, overcame the king of the Gepidae, Kunimund, and put him to death (567). -. In the following year, upon the invitation of Narses, the eunuch, who was offended by his emperor,- the, victor of the Eastgoths and governor of Italy, Alboin, marched with his whole nation, confirmed by a multitude of foreign warriors, over the Alps, and established a kingdom that flourished more than two hundred years-which affords matter for a particular historyin the rich plains bearing, at this day, the name of the Lombards (Langobards), from the southerndeclivity of these mountains, as far as the vicinity of Ravenna and Rome.. Nowhere upon the earth were the tides of migrating hordes so constant and manifold, as in the countries of the Danube and Euxine, which we may term the great highway from High Asia, the birth-place of nations, to Europe, the building-place of cities. The expeditions of the Bulgari, Avari, Chazari, and Ungri, which fill up the present period, we may consider as belonging to theO great migration of nations. But many other movements continued to succeed, until the time of the Ottomans and Russians. About the close of the fifth century (487), the terrors of the Bulgarian name- for the Byzantine empire commenced. The countries north and south of the Huamus were desolated by this savage people; Anastasius, by-building the long wall, confessed the extremity to which he was reduced. Some generations later,* appear the Avari-coming from the distant regions of High Asia-whose customs and corporal form resembled. those of the Huns, and conquered the Dacian country. They fled before the Turks, who, from the Altai, terrified the * About 590. The Avars are said to be the Geugens(Scheuschen), who, about 310, migrated from Corea and Siberia. Their Chagan Tu-nu, about 400, elevated their power. VOL. II — 4

　

　

50 GENERAL HISTORY. nations of Asia. After a great defeat which they had suffered, the ruins of the nation hastened irresistably towards the west, and brought misfortune upon Europe. The Bulgari submitted to their growing power; the Langobards, whom they helped to destroy the empire of the Gepidam (567), left to them, when they marched into the rich Italy, the devasted Pannonia; the terror of their arms extended widely. They accumulated the spoils of nations in. their camps, which they encompassed with strong intrenchments. The blessings of nature and industry were despised. But the Bulgarians took courage. The Khan Cubratus threw oft the yoke of the Avars (635); his son Asparuc (678), founded in Lower Moesia, that Bulgarian kingdom, which, formidable at its very commencement to the Byzantine empire, continued to exist many centuries, amidst various changes of power, until the time of the Ottomans. The Avars were overthrown near the close of this period. Besides the Bulgarians, other nations, in part subjugated, in part plundered,'had arisen for vengeance. New migrating hordes from the east, especially the Chazars, increased their oppression, and finally the Frankish power fell upon them under Charles the Great. Their fortifications in Noricum and Pannonia were stormed and taken, the robbers who escaped the sword, naked as they had come, fled into the interior of Dacia (769). After "one generation the Avars vanish from history. The Chazars established themselves in a part of their countries, a great nation, which, as so many others, had come from beyond the Palus Maeotis, but had become in the sixth and seventh century powerful in the northern countries of the Euxine, and far to the west. The Byzantine court sought-and was protected frequently by —the friendship of the Chazars. Beyond the Asiatic Chazar-country, dwelt the Ungari (called also Ugri and Onoguri), in Great-Hungaria, which derives its name from them or the Huns, who on this account are considered their ancestors. Many hordes of this nation, or national race proceeded, with and after those nations that have been mentioned, into the countries of the Euxine and Danube; they continued for the most part subject to those through this period, but in the following became independent, and the founders of a kingdom, that still exists.

　

　

TIHE VEN1EDI AND SCLAVI. 5] Whether these Ugri are Huns or Finns*-whether the Ugri and Finns are derived from the Huns, or from the Chazars (likewise the Patzinazi and Uzi appearing later)-whether even the Bulgari and Avars belong to the Ugrian family of nationsor whether the Chazars were a bastard race of the Calmucs, the Avars the remnant of the Geugen (ruined by the Altaian Turks), or the Bulgari, a Tartaric horde, all this (and several other variations in ancient and modern authors) we leave undecided; since from the data before us, it is almost impossible to bring a satisfactory proof for any opinion. The Wlachi, considered by many a particular people, by others a branch of the Bulgari (with whom they were mostly connected), are probably merely a mixture of Gothic, Sclavic and Hunic tribes, and of native provincials. None of the nations, which are here represented, have founded in the present period a particular kingdom. Their history, except what interferes with the Byzantinian, is a mere series of migrations. THE VENEDI AND SCLAVI. THE same is to be said of the Venedi and Sclavi, upon whose home a still thicker darkness rests. The Venedic language and blood are spread from the Adriatic to the Baltic, and from the Elbe to the Don, and indeed the first is spoken besides the native tongues, as that of the predominate people, as far as the Frozen Ocean and the Kuriles, but who are properly the Venedi, whence and of what race is undecided. They were formerly regarded almost universally as Sarmatians. The moderns have supposed them to be Germans; and Gatterer is inclined to consider them as the same with the Vindeli or Vandali, of Pliny. According to a third hypothesis, the Venedi are a peculiar primitive people, who separated the eastern Germans in the north from the Finns, in the south from the Sarmatians. But the multiplication of primitive nations, where striking diversities do not appear in the characteristics of manners, form and language, does not seem to be justifiable; and such impor*Suome or Some is the true name of the race, which is often called aftei the Finns, who constitute, however, only a part of it. The north of Europe and of West-Asia, from the Finnic gulf to the Oby, is the ancient possession of this far-spread, but much divided race.

　

　

52 GENERAL HIS'IORY. tant diversities between the Venedi and the Sarmatians cannot be shown. For, if the western Venedi and Sarmatians were similar to the Germans in some respects, consequently different from the more remote Sarmatians, this can be explained from the unavoidable mixture of the neighbouring tribes, or from reciprocal imitation of manners. The characteristic traits under which the Sarmatians appear, and which we discern for the most" part, also, among the Venedi and Sclavi, consisted besides in a peculiar (Sclavic) language, in black hair and eyes, in flowing galrments, -moveable tents, polygamy, and the predominant- use of the horse; the Germans, on the other hand, Were distinguished by light brown hair, close garments, monogaimy;, fixed habitations, and by a superior number of infantry in war. Accordingly, the identity of the Venedic tribe with the Sarmatians, might be quite credible; but we may choose for its designation, either the ancient name of the Sarmatians, or, which seems more suitable, the modern of the Wends. The first historical light, which (from Jornandes) falls upon the Wends, shows them divided into three principal tribes, the Wends, Sclavi, and the Antes; the first of which resided on the northern boundaries of Germany, the second from the upper Vistula as far as the Dniester, the third thence as far as the Dnieper. But the boundary of their residences was fluctuating and mutable; German, Finnic, and Scythian, as also kindred Sarmatian tribes, but under different names, in confused intermixture, established themselves beside or between them; and great general movements were occasioned by external revolutions. When — the nations of north Germany pressed in a general movement towards the south, many tribes of the Wends moved into the regions that were abandoned, or but thinly inhabited, of the northeast of Germany. The -expedition of the Goths from the mouths of the Vistula to those of the Dnieper, set most of the Sarmatian tribes into-yielding, resisting, or following-motion. Hermanric's strong arm conquered, shook, at least, the whole Wendic country; and the irruption of the Huns into Europe, and Attila's sword, as well as after his death the dissolution of the Hunic kingdom, with many other succeeding tides of nations gave the impulse to new motion, and to. the founding of many. in part ephemeral, in part permanent, Wendic states.

　

　

THE VANDALS. 53 -.-Thus Great-Schrobatia, in East Bohemia, Silesia and fLodomeria, Great-Serblia, in Misnia, West Bohemia, and Moravia, are said to: have been founded, about the close of the fifth century, by mixed Wendic and Slavic tribes, after the destruction of these kingdoms by the Franks and Avars, again by Wends and Sclavi, Great-Moravia, and Bohemia, but by the Sclavi alone, or principally, the Danubian and- Illyrian kingdoms or principalities, Dalmatia, Crotia, Carinthia, Sclavonia, Servia, and Bosnia, but by the Antes (whose name was afterwards lost in the current of Asiatic hordes) the Russian states of Kiew and Novogorod, and the Polish kingdom-all these are said to have been founded before the seventh: century. Among the tribes that imigrated into northern Germany, the names of the following were particularly celebrated: the Ponmorani, the Ucri and Lutizi, whose names continue to survive in their residences, the Wilzi, between the Lower Oder and the Elbe, the Sorabi in Mlisnia and southern Bradenburg, and the powerful Obotriti in Mecklenburg. HISTORY OF PARTICULAR BARBARIAN KINGDOMS. VANDALIC KINGDOM. WE have seen above how the Vandals introduced besides or with the Alani and Suevi, the barbarian empire into Spain, and then. under Genseric (or Geiseric) crossed the sea and invaded the rich-province of Africa, the':governor: of which, Bonifacius, caught in'the snares of the most infamous treachery, invited the lurking enemy to his assistance. Genseric conducted' his Vandalic warriors with their: ives,: children, and -slaves —besides the Alani, w-ho htad previ ously: assembled:under his banner, and a mixed multitude' of other. adventurers —over the strait, and landed, as an-enemy, upon the African coast (429). In a shoit'space of time, the beautiful and large country, from Tangier to Tripoli, was overflowetd by the Vandals, who found a welcome assistance in the friendship of the Moors, and in the fanatical zeal of the Donatists. Bonifacius, perceiving his fatal error too late, fought valiartly,

　

　

b4 GENERAL HISTORY. but unfortunately, against a strong, cunning enemy, accustomed to victory. Some fortresses held out with difficulty for several years; by a sudden surprise, Carthage-still the capital, the or nament, the queen of the African country-fell into the power of the Vandals (439). Its people were condemned to common servitude, their effects plundered, the edifices, as well as the country about, divided among the victors. The Carthagenians, who had escaped the sword or foreign slavery, continued upon their command and account, their usual and lucrative pursuits, and engaged extensively in ship-building. But not only fleets of commerce, but also those of war, sailed from the harbour renowned in ancient days, ruled the Mediterranean, and made, as formerly in the Punic times, Rome tremble. For, although peace had been concluded again with the conqueror of Africa, yet as long as he lived, the disasters of East and West Rome, occasioned by this formidable enemy, never ceased. All the coasts of the Mediterranean, particularly those of Italy, Spain, and Greece, were plundered, and felt the scourge of the barbarian; not one year elapsed without pillage and conflagration. Rome, after the assassination of Valentinian III., experienced the heavy hand of the avenger, who was invited thither by Valentinian's widow (455). All the succeeding emperors, until the fall of the Western Empire, trembled before him.'Majorianus alone summoned the courage for a powerful attack, but Genseric burnt his fleet. A second, and still greater enterprise, fitted out by both empires, under Leo and Anthemius, was destroyed in the vicinity of Carthage. Genseric, more insolent than before, put the coasts under contribution as far as Asia, conquered Sicily, with all the islands about Italy, and concluded true peace first with Odoacer (474), who had terminated the empire of the West-Romans. Genseric was cruel from character,astranger to every humane sentiment, cold even for sensual enjoyment, desiring the pleasures of tyrants alone, as if born for the scourge of nations. Through him, whose command and example operated destructively, more than by the peculiarity of the nation, the name of the Vandals became detestable. For the Germans were only hBrbarous not inhuman. Genseric was a tyrant not only towards enemies, but also towards his own nation and his family. He put to death his

　

　

THE VANDALS. 55 orother's sons, the legitimate heirs of power; he caused their mother to be drowned; he sent his son's wife, mutilated, back to her father, the king of the Westgoths. More Vandalic blood is said to have been shed by him, under the axe of the executioner, than upon the battle-field. The Catholics in Africa experienced also a severe persecution from the tyrant, upon whom, accordingly, the equally vehement execration of the pios and the philosopher rests. Under his abandoned son Huneric, the executioner of his own family (478), the persecution was increased in severity. This relation prevented necessarily the corroboration of the Vandalic kingdom. A kind of military class continued to subsist between the barbarian conquerors and the oppressed natives. The Greek emperor-any foreign invader, provided he was friendly to the Athanasian doctrine-might calculate upon the support of the African people against the odious Vandals. These conquerors, therefore, could expect their safety merely from their own strength. But military courage, and power of mind, as that of body, were early extinguished amidst effeminacy and excessive sensuality. Internal division, bloody strife in the royal family, on account of the unsettled order of succession, accelerated their ruin. Huneric's nephews, Sundamund and Thrasimund (484 ana 496), although less cruel, made also the suppression of the Catholic doctrine the principal business of their reigns. But Hilderic (525), the wild son of the tyrannical Huneric, restored freedom of conscience, became odious to the Vandals by that means, and was deprived of the throne by the strictly Arian Gelimer, his relative (530). Justinian M. sought by negotiations to release Hilderic from his chains, and when the usurper refused, resolved upon the African war. Belisarius' great name enhanced the interest ot this war. A fleet of six hundred sail, having on board 30,000 soldiers and seamen, 5,000 horses, and many munitions of war, anchored off the African coast. The landing place, prudently selected, was five days' journey south of Carthage. Belisarius led his army in provident marches, and with an equally wise and humane discipline, as far as the vicinity of the capital, when it was suddenly assailed on three sides. The effeminate Vandals succumbed to the genuine Roman valour of Belisarius, and Gelimer,

　

　

56 GENERAL HISTORY. hurried away by his flying army, gave command for the execu. tion of the captive Hilderic and his friends. Now Carthage opened her gates with loud rejoicings; Belisarius, as friend and saviour, marched through the decorated streets to the palace of Genseric. Once more in the plains of Bulla, Gelimer collected the military force of his people. Desperation took the place of courage. But Belisarius, with an army ten times smaller, defeated and routed the enemy-who was following his destiny —took his camp with immense treasures, and terminated, three months after his landing, the Vandalic kingdom. - For all the countries and cities of -North Africa, as far as the pillars of Hercules, together with Sardinia, Corsica, and the Baleares, submitted; and Gelimer himself, who had fled to the inaccessible heights of a Numidian mountain, surrendered, humbled by suffering and hunger, to the noble Pharas, a Herulian commander in Belisarius' army (534)..He'adorned the triumphal procession of the victor, kissed the dust at the feet of Justinian, but experienced then, with his family and friends, a magnanimous treatment. The Vandalic nation vanished, Some thousands of its youth were collected for a select -military band; the remnant mingled with the common mass of the African provincials.. Even the name of the nation was lost..: The African provincials,:however, gained but little. Liberated; from the rude tyranny of barbarians, they returned now -to- the more - oppressive yoke of the - artful Roman despotism. Restoration of some lands that had beenearlier seized took place; but fiscal tyranny made distress general; and if heaven was; no longer angered at the persecution of the Catholics,- it looked down now with indignation upon the inhuman retaliation on the Arians and Donatists. EASTGOTHIC KINGDOM. THE Eastgothic kingdom succumbed, a short time after: the Vandalic, to a similar fate. - We have seen the foundation of this kingdom in Italy by the great Theodoric (493). It was stained by the murder of Odoacer; but thirty-three years of a just and glorious reign, which was generally mild, afford grounds for the assumption that Theodoric regarded his murder necessary for the preservation of

　

　

EASTGOTHIC KINGDOM. 57 peace,'and-with reluctance-in this sole instance, sacrificed justice to policy. It is true, a third of the lands of Italy were appropriated by his despotical decree to the Goths, but the mercenaries -of Odoacer had already taken this third. Theodoric's warriors were permitted, by the laws of war, to take their place. Theodoric ruled not only over Italy, but also over Sicilywhich the Vandals ceded to. him willingly-and the soutttrii Danube countries of Rhawtia, nearly to lower Mcesia, over Dalmatia, and a great part of the coast of southern Gaul.: In -the name of his young grandson, Alaric, he ruled later also, Westgothic Spain. His sceptre was obeyed, from the Danube to the Atlantic. He might easily have soared from this elevation to still greater power, but after he had won such a brilliant prize by a few battles, he laid down his victorious sword, in the full vigour of life, and devoted himself wholly to a peaceable and paternal administration. After a long period of misery and ignominy, Italy enjoyed the return of an age-not like that of Augustus or Trajan, it is true, but of one as fortunate as was compatible with the declining intellectual power of the nation, and the inevitable effects:of earlier oppression. Prosperity, industry, and populousness were restored with wonderful rapidity; order, security; and confidence bestowed their blessings, and the benefits of a wise, kind,- and energetic goverment, were enhanced by the enjoyment of a lasting peace. The Gothic warriors were distributed in all the regions of Italy, as in a well regulated circle of cantonments, and already the terror of Theodoric's name restrained:his enemies from attack. The few wars in which Theodoric engaged, Were decided- beyond the Alps, and gloriously. But the voluntary homage which was paid to: his virtues, his acknowledged moderation and justice, by the most distant nations and kings, was more. glorious for Theodoric: than any splendor of arms. Many wars were adjusted by his mediation-; the majesty of the world-swaying Rome seemed renewed in' his person. The kings of-the Franks, Burgundians,:Thuringians,: and: Westgoths, were connected with him by family-alliance, and —until the -time of Clovis' aspiring empire-he was revered — by all as their'common father, arbitrer, and protector.The king of the Eastgoths, however, obtained such brilliant VOL. IL -

　

　

58 GENERAL HISTORY. glory only in comparison with his completely barbarous or corrupted cotemporaries. Theodoric followed almost servilely the institutions of the fallen empire, and permitted the Romans to live according to the Roman, the Goths according to the Gothic laws and customs, which produced a permanent separation of the vanquished from the dominant people, consequently a necessary and irremediable weakness. The first were —defencelessto pursue the profitable arts of peace, the second-as a standing army-to be protectors, and, indeed, the correctors of the natives. In this relation the Italian people remained exposed to military insolence, and their fate depended upon every caprice, upon the occasional ill disposition or seduction of their ruler, the fate of the kingdom, in fine, upon a few battles. Both were discovered but too early in sad experience. Theodoric, as tolerant as he was from love and discernment, yielded, however, at last-irritated,it is true, by the inconsiderate zeal of the Catholics-to the instigations of fellow-believers, the Arian Goths became unfriendly and severe towards the Athanasians, and his death alone averted the persecution which he had already resolved upon. Fromn the first injustice, potentates fall precipitately to tyranny. The execution of the wise and virtuous Baethius and his venerable friend, Symmachus, disgraced Theodoric's otherwise glorious reign; but his subsequent anguish of conscience, which shortened his days, may be an evidence of the naturally good sentiments of the king and mitigate the severity of our judgment. After Theodoric's death (526), the weakness of the kingdom, built upon one man's genius, and upon an army's power, was soon discovered. The subjection of the Vandals, which the Goths had beheld quietly, was the prellide of theii owul faite. Internal discord, especially in thea co) a tfamily, was the mnitmediate cause of their fall. Amalasuntha, Theodoric's beautiful, spirited, learned, and high-minded daughter, held, after her father's death, the reins of the kingdom in the name of the young Altharic, her son by Eutharic, her husband and relative, who had died at an early age. The principles of her administrationit was directed by Cassiodorus-were more liberal and mild than those of Theodoric's best days, and the education of the inheritor of the throne was conducted with equal care and discernment. But the intractable spirit of the prince defied discipline, and the

　

　

EASTGOTHIC KINGDOM. 59 rude Goths supported his obstinacy. Amalasuntha lamented the increasing wildness and the excesses of her son, who was wrested from her power; the last soon plunged him into the grave (533). Then the queen married a prince of the royal family of a despicable character (although not unlearned), and her secret enemy; Theodatus' weakness she expected, would secure his dependence. But the queen of Italy was soon imprisoned by his command, whom she had elevated, and, after a short confinement. strangled (535). Justinian, as the avenger of Amalasuntha, declared war immediately. The hero, Belisarius, with a small force went over to Italy. Theodatus, odious to his Goths, by timidity and inconstancy, was dethroned. They elevated instead of him upon their shields, Vitiges, a valiant warrior. Theodatus fell under the blows of a Goth, whom he had personally injured. But Belisarius marched up from Rhegium, in good order, with firmness, vigilance and friendship-for the citizens took Naplessubjected all Lower Italy, received the joyful invitation of the Romans, and marched in triumph into the liberated capital of the empire (535, December). In the meantime Vitiges had mustered the forces of his nation in Ravenna, and advanced with 150,000 men. Against this army, Belisarius with no more than 5,000 disciplined soldiers, and some natives of doubtful fidelity, defended the extensive circumference of the capital's walls-which were in part thrown down-and its many gates, for nearly two years. Vitiges, after immense loss, raised the ever memorable siege, and fled with the ruins of his power behind the morasses of Ravenna. The friendship of the Franks was courted by the two belligerants.'rlmeudebert of Austrasia, the mild grandson of Clovis, now descended the Alps, at the head of 100,000 barbarians, promised to both parties assistance, and stormed almost at the same time the Gothic and the Roman camp. The desolation of the beautiful lands on the Po, and the massacre and destruction in the cities were terrible. But pestilence and famine wasted this army, which destroyed and revelled alternately with much rudeness. Theudebert returned with some remnants over the Alps, and was killed in the forest by a wild bull. Belisarius, after having harassed Ravenna by a severe siege assented apparently to the proposal of the Goths, who, filled

　

　

60 GENERAL HISTORY. with admiration )f his greatness, chose him for their king, and marched, without a stroke of the sword, through the opened gates of- Ravenna. But he received the homage of the deluded Goths only as representative of the emperor, and sent the -captive Vitiges to Constantinople (540). He was re-called immediately afterwards, ostensibly "in order to defend theEast -against the Persians," but in reality on acc;ount of the base jealousy of the emperor Justinian. After his departure, the small remnant of Goths, who were yet.unsubdued, took courage. They chose the heroic Totila king (541). He, marching from.Pavia with 5,000 Goths, conquered again quickly,'and almost miraculously, Italy from. the Po to the Hereulian promontory.The generals of the emperor, disunited among themselves, and without energy, after some defeats, shut themselves' up, each in a:fortress, but the Italian people, groaning under the oppression of their pretended liberators, placed their last hope in the return of: the barbarian dominion. Rome and Ravenna, with some few places, still held out; when Belisarius was sent (544)-too late and with too small a force-in order to re-conquer the country, which had been so gloriously acquired, by -him, but disgracefully. sacrificed by his successors. The hero made five- campaigns worthy of admiration-for the connoisseur who weighs the disproportion of theconflicting forees-but, upon the whole, without success, andcharacterized even by essential losses. Rome was -taken by Totila' after- a siege memorable by the most -terrible suffering The soldiers,. because they received no pay, went over'to the enemy; the perversity, mistrust and poverty of the Byzantine court, deprived the general of any support. Belisarius' noble mind was grieved, ori account of the oppression with which he was obliged to Afflict subjects and friends; and, as he had it not in his power to-do goodi-he regarded his final recall as a kind favor.(548). After ithis all the ltalian-cities submitted, with the exception of Ravenna,. Ancona,: anhd Crotona; Sardinia and Corsica submitted to the Gothic king.''He visited Sicily as an exasperated ruler, and plundered, with a strong fleet, the coast of Epiru, and Greece. This disgrace, and the persuasion of pope Vigilius, overcame:

　

　

EASTGOTHIC KINGDOM. 61 at length the indolence of Justinian. He resolved to re-conquer Italy, and liberate the Catholic church (549). The bold ana able eunuch, Narses, the chamberlain of the emperor, was ap. pointed commander-in-chief of the imperial armies. Heruli Gepidae, Langobards, Huns, and even Persians, formed a part of his army; and whilst Narses marched slowly with the land troops along the Adriatic coasts to Ravenna, Sicily was gained by the courage of Artabanus, and the Gothic navy was destroyea in a fortunate engagement.:The decisive battle was fought (July 552) over the graves of the Gauls (Busta Gallorum), where, 850 years before, the younger Decius had brought victory to the Romans, and destruction to the Gauls by heroic self-sacrifice. The eunuch-not by similar devotion, but by more able command-obtained a triumph equally magnificent.:The king of Italy, after he had seen the defeat of his army, fell by the welcome stab of a Gepide; a man, accord ing to the testimony of enemies, greater than many heroes, and more amiable than most men by humane virtue. But the Goths resolved upon destruction rather than servitude. The valiant Tejas was elevated upon the tottering throne by a unanimous choice, collected the ruins of the nation, and ventured the heroic strife against destiny. The battle took place south of Naples, near the Lactarian mountain (March, 553). Tejas fought like a Homeric hero. When he was going to change his shield, which was full of the enemy's spears, he received a mortal wound in his unprotected side. The battle-more furious than before-was continued until nightfall. Then the Goths rested upon their arms, and renewed the contest with the first morning ray, and again the battle lasted until night. Narses, full of admiration, offered them the alternative of obedience, or emigration with their moveable property. Many chose the last. They left Italy, seeking a new home beyond the Alps. But many accepted the favor of Justinian. Now a wild troop of Franks and Alemanni rushed down the Rhatian Alps, seeking dominion or plunder in the bleeding country. This formidable, and in part pagan multitude, numbered 75,000 warriors. Narses, retreating behind the walls of the principal fortresses, let the impetuous stream pass by. In the following spring he marched with his whole power to the Vulturnus, where Bucelin had intrenched himself, with a part

　

　

5i2 GENERAL HISTORY. of the barbarians, vainly expecting his brother, Lothaire. He, with his army, when he had previously hastened towards the Alps to secure his plunder, had been destroyed by pestilence and famine. Bucelifi's forces met a more glorious fate, on the battle-field near Casilinum (554). Narses, crowned with glory, governed Italy now in the name of the emperor, and his administration was indeed, at first, mild and wise. But edicts, flowing from the best intentions, could not heal' the misery of a twenty years' war, and restore life to the millions* who were slain on the battle-field, or who had perished from misery. THE LANGOBARDIC KINGDOM. IN the fifteenth year of Narses' administration-which, at its commencement, was praiseworthy, but afterwards stained by avarice and oppression-Upper Italy was inundated by the Langobards. Narses himself, deeply chagrined by the contemptuous treatment of the court, especially of the empress Sophia, had invited them, but died in the same year (568). The new exarch, Longinus, beheld inactively, the conquests of this wild people, and in a short space of time, the beautiful country, from the passes of the Alps nearly to Ravenna and Rome, was in the possession of the strangers. Pavia alone stood a long siege; the city seemed so much the more valuable to the victor; he made it the first in his kingdom. Many other bands of mixed origin had come to Italy with the Langobards. The foot of these barbarians trampled upon the productions of nature, and the monuments of human industry. Many regions became desolate, many cities depopulated. But soon the character of the barbarians was mitigated. The employ ments of civilized life were pursued by them, or under their protection, with pleasure and success. In this respect, the Langobards were more distinguished than other barbarians. The Langobards ruled also over a large part of Central, and over various regions in Lower Italy, especially about Beneventum. But the hostility of the Franks, and still more, divided dominion, checked them in their career of victory. The provinces which they had acquired, were divided among fifty-six dukes. The * According to Procopius'- probably much exaggerated - calculatior, 15,000,000 lives were lost in this war. The African had cost 5,000,000.

　

　

LANGOBARDIC KINGDOM. 33 Byzantine possessions were also~ administered by dukes. The exarch-with the rank of king-resided at Ravenna. But the Greek dukes were mere servants of their emperor; the Langobardic were insolent vassals, who aspired to independence. The essential traits of these internal and external relations are already visible under Alboin, the founder of the kingdom; but afterwards they were enlarged and established. He himself, according to character and exploits an untamed barbarian, dazzled his age by heroism, fortune, and liberality. But he merited odium alone by cruelty, insolence, and wild passion. His death was worthy of his life (573). The fair Rosomunda, his wife, the daughter of the Gepidian king, Kunimund, whom he, insulting every feeling of humanity, compelled to drink out of her father's skull-his cup of honour-caused him to be put to death by hei lovers. The principal men of the nation chose now Klephis king. After eighteen months he was assassinated by a servant. The throne remained vacant ten years. The dukes, each in his own territory, managed the affairs of the kingdom in common, but not always in harmony. But this division weakened the collective power of the Langobards. They were oppressed by the alliance of the Greek and Frankish arms; therefore, the nation took refuge in royalty, as their strengthening common tie; and Atharis, the son of Klephis, in the flower of his age, obtained the crown(585). Under him and his successor, Agiluph, (591), duke of Turin, the kingdom gained strength by arms, under Rotharis (636), his son-in-law, by laws. These kings were all chosen freely by the nation. Of the succeeding reigns, that of Grimoald, duke of Beneventum (661),is memorable, and particularly that of Luitprand (712). Under him the power of the Langobards became more flour ishingthan ever. The contention about the worship of images agitated Italy. The inhabitants were induced by the pastoral letters of the Pope to take up arms and defend their dear images against the profane edicts of the emperor. In this confusion, Luitprand, as protector of the images, conquered without difficulty a part of Romagna. Later the king united with the exarch against the Romans, concluded peace, fell out anew, and profited by every quarrel and every reconciliation. In vain the Pope invited Cl.arles Martel, the master of the Franks, to his

　

　

64 GENERAL HISTORY. assistance. He was the friend of Luitprand, the latter his ally against the Saracens. But this relation was only personal. In general, the policy of the Franks, like their minds, was hostile to the Langobards.! The usurper, Pipin, was united with the pope out of gratitude for his obsequious decision. Hence, when-after some unimportant reigns-Aistulph (751) commenced his with taking -possession of the exarchate, and oppressed Rome with superior arms, the pope, (Stephen III.), hastened over the Alps to request the effective support of his powerful friend. His appearance and his eloquence, inflamed the zeal of the pious Franks for this war, which was in some measure sacred. Pipin attacked the Langobards with a strong army, forced Aistulph to restore his conquests, and caused him, as he had forfeited his word, in a second war to feel the full weight of his power (754 and 756). But hatred towards Rome urged the Langobards to renewed and always fruitless attacks; the hostility of the pope accelerated their ruin. He, by the donation of the exarchate, which he had received from. Pipin, had also become rich in worldly power; and Charles the Great's aspiring genius made the Franks more formidable than ever. Instead of disarming such enemies by prudent, condescension, or if this would not do, by preparing resolutely for war, Desiderius, Aistulph's successor, irritated the king as well as the pope, by manifestations of his aversion, and. yet neglected the urgent preparations for defence. Charles the Great, in an understanding with the pope, (Hadrian I.), broke suddenly through the passes of the Alps (773). The Langobards were unable to oppose the Franks in the field. The walls of Pavia only offered resistance. But in the second year of the siege the city was taken, and Desiderius cloistered (774). Yet the name, manners and laws, and even the kingdom of the Langobards remained; this was only united with the Frankish-as it were fraternally-under one sceptre. The dominion of the Langobards was likewise maintained in Lower Italy, almost independent, under Arichis, duke of Beneventum. BURGUNDIAN KINGDOM. THE Burgundian kingdom had been overthrown much earlier by the Franks. It had lasted a little more than a century (if its commencement is reckoned from the year 414). It was gradually extended from the west side of the Alps as far as the Rhone....~~~~~~~

　

　

BURGUNDIAN KINGDOM. 65 Saone, the Upper Rhine, and the Vogesian forest, over the beautiful countries -of Provence, Dauphine -Savoy, Lyonnais, over the western part.of Switzerland, and-upon:which later the name rested particularly —over-Burgundy (consisting of a dukedom and earldom),which wasi notwi thstanding the barbarism of its founders, flourishing and- powerful,by early humanization, by forbearance towards the natives, also by laws and civil institutions, The kings — originally merely the leaders of freemen-strengthened their power by obtaining the-prerogative of-inheritance, and still more by the. favors. of the emperors, who invested -them repeatedly with the. dignity of:patrician, and with the power of imperial commanders. After the fall of the empire, the fluctuating relations between the conquerors and the.provincials were settled by a peculiar law (502) (called Gundobaida from Gundebald), formed mostly according to the ideas of the native country of the first; and rules, which likewise discovered a rude simplicity, were given for private causes- and litigations, arising under this law. The valor of'the Burgundians- was brilliantly displayed in many wars. As long as emperors continued to exist in West-Rome, they acknowledged their supremacy, and fought in their service. The king, Gundicar, was slain against the Huns (435). Gundiak conquered (about 460) the' country of the Vogesus as far as Lyons. His sons divided the kingdom. But Gundebald put to death two of his brothers, and reigned oiver the whole kingdom more laudably than such a deed would lead us to suppose. At that time, the Frankish king, Clovis, was the terror of nations by the success of his arms, and by more dangerous intrigue. Upon Burgundy, which he already half encompassed, he cast an eager, look. His wife,- Clotilde, daughter of one of the brothers killed by Gundebald, encouraged him to avenge her father's death; and the Catholic clergy, disaffected to the Arian ruler, notwithstanding his mildness, were inclined to support the attack of an orthodox enemy. Therefore Clovis appeared with his forces. Th3 battle was not far from Langres (500). Gundebald was defeated, and fled to Avignon, where he wearied the patience of the besiegers by an obstinate- defence, but averted destruction only by the promise of a tribute and the surrender of a large booty. But after his death the irreconcilable zeal of Clotilde embroilt VOL. II. I 5

　

　

66 GENERAL HISTORY. anew her unfortunate country in war. In compliance with maternal wishes, her sons assailed Burgundy, the sceptre of which, Sigismund, Gundebald's Catholic son, held with bloodstained hands. He had sacrificed his own son, Siegeric, to the fury-of a second consort. By pious institutions and monkish expiationris he sought to soothe his anguish of conscience. The anger of heaven lay upon him-fate upon his kingdom. The Franks were victorious in a great battle, and desolated the whole country. The king was taken, dragged to Orleans, and with his wife and children thrown into a well (529). Chlodomir, who perpetrated this misdeed, fell, however, in battle against Sigismund's brother, Godemar, and the latter continued the defence for ten years; but finally he succumbed to the unequal contest. Burgundy became, with the preservation of its national laws however, a Frankish province (534). WESTGOTHIC KINGDOM. WE have seen above the foundation of the Westgothic kingdom by Alaric, Adolphus, and Wallia. It was still nominally dependent on Rome, and was limited to Aquitania, and a part of Narbonensis Gallia. Toulouse was its capital. After Wallia's death (419), Thierry I. became king; a valiant, prudent, and also a noble man. He reigned thirty-two years. with ability and fortune. Thierry fell in the battle of Chalons (451). His son, Thorisimund, the hero of this battle, hastened home to take possession of the throne, and was killed by his brother, Thierry II. (453), whom, after successful wars with the Suevi, in Gallicia, the same fate befel, by the hand of Euric, the third brother (466). - The forlorn state of the Western Empire, and soon its complete fall, gave Euric acknowledged liberation from foreign supremacy, and opportunity for great conquests in Spain, where he forced the' Suevi to pay tribute, and subjected the Roman country, with the exception of some low regions, as well as in Gaul, where he acquired Arles and Marseilles, and extended the Westgothic dominion altogether as far as the Loire and Rhone. But the Franks, led by their bold Clovis, waged war against Alaric II., Euric's son. They crossed the Loire and the Vigenna, and fell upon the Gothic army not far from Poitiers (507). The pious submission of the orthodox inhabitants facilitated the vic.

　

　

WESTGOTHIC KINGDOM. 67 tory of the Catholic Franks. The Westgoths were defeated decisively; Alaric was slain by the hand of Clovis, and the whole Gallic country would have become a prey to the victor, had not the power of the Eastgoth, Theodoric, saved the Septi manian province (from the Rhone as far as the Pyrenees). Theodoric, whose daughter was the wife of Alaric, governed now the Westgothic kingdom, in the name of his young grandson, Amalaric. After Theodoric's death, war broke out again with the Franks, during which Amalaric was assassinated (531). The same fate befell three succeeding kings of different houses. the religious hatred between the Catholics and Arians, cherished political divisions. The Romans, from Africa, strengthened their power in Spain, and conquered a large tract of country. Finally, the Westgothic power became more brilliant than ever, under the excellent Leovigild. He terminated, by conquering Andeca (585), the kingdom of the Suevi, which had existed nearly one hundred and eighty years in the northern provinces of Spain, and ruled-with the exception of some points on the sea, where the Romans continued to maintain their power for some time-over the whole Pyrenean peninsula. But the curse of superstition, bigotry, and furious persecution, has lain over this fair monarchy from that time until the present day. Leovigild's Catholic subjects-although he allowed them free toleration —hated their Arian ruler, and the last years of his reign were saddened by the ingratitude and repeated revolts of his son, Hermenegild. He, overcome by the eloquence of the archbishop of Seville, went solemnly over to the Nicene faith, and-with the zeal of a new convert, forgetting the duties of a son and citizen —took up arms against his kind father. He invited the Romans, the Franks, and the Suevi, as they were orthodox, to his assistance, and when he, vanquished and cap tured, had obtained mercy from the paternal judge, he did not desist from treason and conspiracy, till finally the death of the rebelthe martyr, the zealots say-restored peace. His brother Reccared shared the faith of Hermenegild, but not his guilt. He did not abjure the Arian errors until after his father's death, and brought, by the power of the royal example, sometimes also by the employment of severity, the whole nation of the Westgoths to the standard of orthodoxy.

　

　

68 GENERAL HISTORY. A new period of the Westgothic history, and a new character of the nation and government, commence with this. first Catholic King. Victors and vanquished, after the partition wall of.hostile faith had fallen, were united more readily.in other points, and gradually consolidated into one nation by multiplicity of family connexions, still more by similarity of manners and life, by common punishment and common laws. But religion, which had produced mainly this union, remained afterwards the predominant principle of the Westgothic monarchy. The Westgoths themselves, with the zeal of new converts, and the: old Spaniards or provincials, with that of a party finally triumphant after long oppression, revered the Catholic faith as the pledge not only of their eternal, but. also of their temporal welfare. The clergy, as guardians of this faith, now united and wellregulated under one banner, obtained immediately a preponderating influence in all affairs. Bishops and abbots were not only considered, as in the other western kingdoms, natural members of the national assemblies, but the synods were even substituted for them, and decided in political, not less than in spiritual matters. This power of the clergy degraded the authority of the king, or forced him to adopt the maxims of government suggested by fanatical devotion, extinguished the military spirit of the Goths, enervated the whole nation, and gave birth to a weak but persecuting race of pietists. And in this lies the key, the sum, of all the subsequent history of the Westgoths. Seventeen kings ruled yet from Reccared till Roderic, who saw the fall of his kingdom; nearly all were clerical slaves or victims. The following may be regarded as the best: Sisebut (612), Suintilla (621), Wamba (672), and finally Witiza (701). Against this Witiza, Roderic raised a revolt, and ascended the throne after him with the exclusion of his sons (710). They, although the kingdom was not hereditary according to the constitution, swore vengeance. against him. Oppas, their uncle, archbishop of Seville, shared their passion, and made them formidable. Their alliance with count. Julian, the commander in Mauretania and Andalusia, brought on a speedy catastrophe. The Saracens, after they had conquered all the Roman, with many Moorish possessions in North-Africa, had threatened already for a considerable time the Westgothic power.... Julian. himself had repulsed them from Ceuta. Now he invited them to take

　

　

WESTGOTHIC KINGDOM. 69 possession of his province, and to subject. the kingdom. It was soon accomplished. In the July of the 710th year of our chronology, 300 years after the Westgoths had marched into South Gaul, under Ataulphus, Tarik landed, being sent on before by Musa, the commander-in-chief, to prepare the enterprise, with a small Arabian band upon the coast of Spain, there where a large rock, one of the Herculean pillars, rises above the water, and by its steep declivity presents an invincible position towards the land. He fortified this rock, which continues to this day to bear his name (Gebel al Tarik, Gibraltar), and advanced boldly into the plains of Xeres de la Frontera. Rodrigo, upon the intelligence of this danger, had collected here the flower of the Gothic nation, about one hundred thousand warriors. Tarik with not more than twelve thousand Saracens, besides a band of Christian deserters, and a troop of half-naked Moors —which was large, but-tnore inclined to robbery than to war-risked a battle, gained it, and at the same time the kingdom (19 -26 Jul. 711). The conflict was bloody, and at first doubtful, until the treacherous princes with their uncle, the archbishop, went from their own Christian ranks over to those of the infidels, and by this means decided irrevocably the ruin of the Westgoths. Rodrigo himself who had -been -rather a spectator, than a participator of this contest, was drowned as a: fugitive in the waves of the Guadalquivir.The victor Tarik, and Musa who had arrived in haste with a reinforcement, now marched through the large kingdom almost without resistance. The whole country, from Cadiz as far as Narbonne, from Carthagena as far as Corunna (Brigantium), despairing of salvation, and harassed by internal discord, submitted, with humble willingness, to the caliph. Yet a-vital spark of the Gothic monarchy was preserved in the mountains of Asturia, whither the bravest of the nation had retired, resolved upon liberty or death. This heroic band was small, but invincible; their leader, Pelayo, was a descendant of the earlier race of kings. How a new Christian kingdom was gradually established by them over Spain, who fought there gloriously against the Saracens, will be narrated in the following period. ~

　

　

GENERAL HISTORY THE ANGLO-SAXON KINGDOM. FORTY years -after Honorius had left Britain to its own fate, IHengist and Horsa, the leaders of the Saxons, landed on the coast of this island, which was hard pressed by internal and external storms. They had been invited, according to the usual account, by Vortigern, prince of Dannovia, in order to protect the people, who despaired of their own power, against the formidable Caledonians (449). The Saxons humbled these barbarians, and obtained as a reward the island of Thanet for a residenee. But soon the protectors were converted into enemies. Several hordes of Saxons, Jutaee, and Angli afterwards, also Danes, Prussi, Rugii, a large number of Frisii, and others, followed, the first emigration, and penetrated from the north, east, and south, into the unfortunate country. As desperate as the situation of the natives appeared, they summoned courage enough for a valiant defence, fought about one hundred and fifty years-four times gloriously, but were finally exhausted-against their savage enemies, and continued to maintain, even after the foreign Heptarchy* was firmly established on British soil, in its western part, in the mountains of Cornwallis, and still longer, in those of Wales (there, until the middle of the tenth —here, until the 13th century), their independent dominion. Many sought freedom beyond the sea, founded a settlement on the coasts of Armorica, which they enlarged by successful wars, and gave to this part of Gaul the name of their native country (Bretagne) and their language, which survives until the present day, beside that of the predominant people. The warfare of the Saxons in Britain, was like that of the Vandals and Huns, or still more destructive. Every trace of Roman civilization, laws, and arts, also the language and religion of the vanquished were extinguished, and the miserable remnant of the last condemned to. the most deplorable slavery. But after the cessation of war, and the firm -establishment of the Saxon dominion, their treatment became milder. The Christian religion was also revived, after the conversion (596) of Ethelbert of Kent, Dy the zeal of P. Gregory the Great, and his missionary, the * Kent, Sussex, Essex, Northumberland, East Anglia, Mercia and Wessex, are the names of the seven kingdoms founded in this succession of time,from 456. on.

　

　

THE FRANKS. 71 monk Augustin. That Ethelbert was, at the same time, legislator:of his people and general monarch. Not only subjugated Britain, but also free Wales, was replunged into barbarism, and, indeed, the latter for a longer time than the former. For the second time, as before the Roman conquest, the island became a wild and obscure fable-land.- The power of the people was exhausted in its own collision. The seven kingdoms, from their foundation until Egbert of Wessex (800-.836), who united them permanently, accordingly more than three hundred years, were engaged incessantly in hostilities among one another, which, nevertheless,: confirmed freedom in Wales. By fortune and bravery, or conspicuous merit, sometimes this, sometimes that king obtained the first rank, and even a sort of dominion over the others. But circumstances only, not a law or a permanent system, elevated them to the dignity of these general i" monarchs." None of them had important intercourse with foreign nations. But Egbert himself belongs rather to the following than the present period. HISTORY OF THE FRANKS. ORIGIN. ALL the western kingdoms were far surpassed by the Frankish in glory and power. It extended its sceptre over many of the others, and imparted to the destinies of Europe a permanent direction. Its history demands a more ample exposition. Obscurity and doubt,'however, rest over the origin of these far-ruling Franks. In the middle of the third century, they are first noticed by the Roman writers.:They appear then as a military confederation of various nations (the Catti, Ampsivarii, Chamavi, Bructeri, Chauci, Sicambri, Usipetes, Attuarii, and others), but we kn6w not, whether these tribes had formed themselves into a larger nation under the common name of Franks by a voluntary union, or whether this union had been produced by the power of another and peculiar people, which was then the original Frankish nation, and had only incorporated the other tribes with itself. We should conjecture the latter, and regard the Nordalbingian country the home of these genuine Franks.

　

　

72 GENERAL HISTORY. Concerning the history of the primitive Franks before their union with the foreign tribes, and down to the period of coherent cotemporary testimonies, we find, it is true, in tradition and in chronicles, which are drawn from traditions-many, even continuous and circumstantial accounts. But the truth is so much concealed by the marvellous and fictitious, that it can hardly be discerned. And the Franks became remarkable in general history (setting aside that, which from their traditions serves to throw light upon ancient nationalcustorns) first by relations with Rome, and by their growth to a greater nation. Only a very general account of their primitive condition, and a brief characterizing of them, will be appropriate here. In the Franks we discern distinctly the general characters of the German race.- Light brown hair, a stately stature, close garments, love of arms, relations, manners, life-all as with the other Germans, or differing slightly. To these peculiarities belong an excellent armor (a strong sword, a large shield, and a very dangerous battle-axe with barbs), boldness, and even presumption in its use, then-if we take the accounts of the Roman authors for proofs, but also according to the testimonies of their own historian, Gregory of Tours-insolence in all their actions, unrestrained propensity to deeds of violence, pride carried to haughtiness, and sentiments of liberty to licentiousness, and finally, cruelty and perfidy.,; The Franks were long divided into several tribes, of which each had its own prince. This prevented the common application of their power, and delayed the period of their national grandeur.I: But they harrassed the Roman empire frequently by savage invasion and extensive predatory expeditions. The Salian Franks,; in particular, made their-name celebrated. Under Honorius, the Franks, who had founded a strong settlement already under Constantius, about Toxandria (not far from Leige), extended into the whole Lower Rhenish province (Germania secunda) of Gaul. Klodion (before 440), the first of their kings, whose figure appears to us with precision, conquered the Belgic country, as far as the Somme. The two brothers, who at the — time of Attila, ruled over these Franks, and of whom one-unnamed-implored the protection of the Hunic king, the other, Merovaeus.(Merwig), that of the Romans, are said to have been Klodion's sons. From this Mero

　

　

THE FRANKS 7T vaeus, according to the usual opinion, the first royal race of the Franks received the name of the "Merovingians." For the dominion of the Franks was hereditary, although neither strictly according to primogeniture, nor indivisibly. He, whom the nation chose or received from the ruling house, for its head, was elevated upon a shield-a sign of military command-and then respected as king. All the members of this house wore,.as:a mark of their dignity, long unshorn (blond) hair. All subjects, commons and nobles, were obliged-and this law lasted a long time-to shave their heads. Childeric was Meroveus' son (according to others his brother) (from 456-481), the most beautiful, wisest, and strongest man of his age, and a fortunate warrior. His death gave Clovis, his son, at the age of fifteen, the dominion over the Salian tribe. CLOVIS.- MEROVINGIANS. CLovIs (Chlodovaeus, Chludewig, Ludwig —Louis,) is the true founder of the Frankish monarchy, a man extremely remarkable by character and exploits, but worthy of little praise. His hereditary territory was small; other tribes ruled over the greater part of the Franlish country (the Ripuarii especially between the Low Rhine and the Meuse); and the country in general had been until that time rather pillaged and desolated than conquered by the Franks. From this limited situation Clovis elevated himself to the dominion of a powerful empire, and completed, within thirty years, the foundation of a monar. chy, which became immediately the European centre of gravity, -and in its principal country, continues to exist at the present day with imposing strength. The Western empire was extinct (476); Odoacer, who had overthrown the imperial throne. in Rome, did not desire the Transalpine countries. - Hardly had Clovis arranged his internal affairs, when, in the fifth year of his reign (486), he fell upon Syagrius,:who governed, in the name of the extinct empire at Soissons, a considerable part of Gaul. The battle: was at Nogent, not far from Soissons. Syagrius saw the dissolution of his army, and fled to the Westgothic court at Toulouse. But, upon the menaces of Clovis, he was given up, and afterwards put to death. The whole Belgic country, the important cities of Soissons, Rheims, Troves, Beauvais, and Amiens, submitted to the VOL. II.-K

　

　

74 GENERAL HISTORY. victor, who immediately subdued the country cf the Tungri in the east, between the lower Meuse and Moselle, and pressed on in the west towards the Loire. A dangerous attack of the Alemannl interrupted this course of victory. This warlike people, not inclined to distant migrations, had established its power upon natal,German soil; it ruled at first between the Main and Neckar; afterwards-in conjunction with the Bavarians, Eastgoths, Burgundians, and Franksfrom the Lech and the Danube, as far as beyond the Main and upper Rhine-there on the Lahn, here over Alsace, a part of Lorraine, and the north of Helvetia. They now penetrated down the Rhine towards Cologne, into the territory of Siegbert, king of the Ripuarian Franks. Clovis hastened to assist his brethren, and met the Alemanni in the plains of Tolbiacum (Zulpich, in the territory of Juliers, 496). When the battle seemed lost, and the Alemanni raised the shout of victory, then Clovis implored the God of the Christians, and of his consort, Clotilde, for victory, and vowed to believe in him, if he would convince him of his superior power by efficacious assistance in this hour of necessity. The battle was immediately turned; the Alemanni fled, the flower of their forces and their king were left on the battle-field, the rest entreated for mercy. On this day the independence of Alemania was lost; it became a Frankish province. They remained, it is true, under selfchosen-in the sequel hereditary-dukes, retaining their ancient laws and customs (the Franks had not yet any fixed system of government), but nevertheless subjugated, and under the obligation of service. -The northern part of the country, about the Main, and on the west bank of the Rhine, as far as Worms, was occupied by Frankish colonies, and bears to this day the name which was derived from them. During the same year in which he conquered the Alemanni, Clovis, true to his vow, was baptised at Rheims, and with him three thousand Franks, and in a short space of time, the greater part of the nation. - The soul of our proselyte is mirrored, with truth and without decoration, in his readiness to reject his ancient gods, because they would not listen to his prayers, and to devote himself to Christianity. His conversion was selfish, but notwitllstandingv sincere, although it did not reach his heart.

　

　

THE FRANKS. 75 This supposition is indeed the most favorable for Clovis. Many are of the opinion that he resolved to change his religion,nerely from the consideration of the political advantages which -even without the intervention of heaven-would necessarily result from baptism, that therefore his conversion was a vain delusion, a mere mask. These advantages were certainly immense. The prevailing religion -in the countries which Clovis aspired to subjugate, was the Christian, and the great mass of the population, with the greatest part of the clergy, adhered zealously to the Catholic faith, whilst the barbarian conquerors of Gaul, the Westgoths and Burgundians, confessed the Arian doctrine. By abjuring paganism, Clovis removed the odious partition-wall between his nation and the Christian Gauls, and made them, as well as the remnant of the Roman troops, more disposed to submission. But by avowing the Athanasian creed he gained the ardent attachment, and indeed the willing assistance, of the orthodox clergy, and of the provincials, who had mostly similar sentiments,against their Arian rulers, finally also a convenient pretext for aggression, and a means to animate his warriors. But the Church, especially the orthodox, had good reason to be rejoiced at the conversion of Clovis. His and his successors' power enlarged more and more, in peace and war, the empire of Christianity; but it was a source of still higher gratification, that his conversion gave the Catholic church a firm support against heresy, which was then making alarming progress under the protection of all the other Christian princes. Clovis, after his baptism, pursued more zealously than before, his career of conquest. All the north of Gaul, the cities of Armorica, and whatever continued to maintain the Roman name in those countries, were subjected (497 and following). His wars with the Burgundians and Westgoths (500 and 507, and following), and the extension of his glory and power by both, have been already mentioned. The union of all the Frankish tribes under his dominion, was still requisite to satisfy Clovis' ambition. They had, it is true, already fought with him in most of his wars; but only voluntarily, and under their own leaders. All were related to Clovis. This tyrant, without a conscience, put them all, together with their sons and brothers, out of the way, by the most revolting treachery, and sat sole monarch upon the blood-stained throne.

　

　

76 GENERAL HISTORY. But he d Id not possess it long. The founder of the French empire, who- was equally valiant and skilful in war, cunning, violent and perjured, died in the forty-fifth year of his age, and in the thirtieth of his reign (511>.,The unity:-of this. kingdom, purchased by so mary crimes, was again destroyed by its division among the sons of Clovis. Theodoric, the eldest, obtained Austrasia, the eastern country. His territory extended from the Meuse to the Rhine, and on the other side of this river, over the conquered province of the Alemanni.; (some of the country on the Marne, about Rheims and Chalons, was also adjoined), Metz was his residence. The three younger brothers, Chlodemir, Childebert, and Lothaire I., took up their abodes at Orleans, Paris, and Soissons, and ruled from thence, with doubtful territorial limits, the remaining, western kingdom (Neustria). Notwithstanding this division, the power of the Franks continiued to increase, as. it had commenced, by crime and victory; they were favored besides by the weakness of their neighbours. The Austrasian Theodoric destroyed the Thuringian kingdom. The Thuringians are mentioned since the close of -the third century. From the north Elbe, beyond which they had resided at first,. they. removed into the heart of Germany, where they ruled, to a great distance in all directions, after the commencement of the fifth century, The friendship of -the East and West-Goths, who were of the same origin, confirmed their power. They were one of.. the- most important nations that attended Attila; the Franks, as well as the Gauls, felt at that time the effects of their power, and hostile recollections of this war were transmitted from generation to-generation. Renewed offences on both sides increased their hatred.: In the.meantime, the death of Theodoric M., the Eastgoth, and'the calamities of his kingdom which immediately succeeded, deprived Thuringia of its most important support.:' Then Theodebert, the son and successor of -Theodoric of Austrasia (534), attacked s-uddenly. the. king. of Thuringia, Hermanfried,- who certainly deserved punishment -for his perfidy, defeated him on the Unstrut, enticed- him afterwards to Zulpich, under tne pretext of reconciliation, and precipitated him down from the city-walls..The same Theodebert, during the disasters of the Eastgothic kingdom, completed the conquest of Alemania, (perhaps also of

　

　

THE FRANKS 77 Bavaria) and filled Upper Italy with the -terrots,- as well as with the detestation of the Frankish name. His son, Theudebald, died without children (554). By a similar termination of the other lines, the whole paternal kingdom was soon afterwards united under Lothaire I., the voungest son of Clovis. After his death (561) a new division ensued. Of his four sons, Charibert obtained Paris, Guntram, Orleans and Burgundy, Chilperic, Soissons, and Siegbert, Austrasia. The histories of these princes and their sons are stained by the greatest crimes. Even the best of the brothers, Guntram, who on that account was surnamed the Pious, was cruel and perfidious; but horrors upon horrors were accumulated in the houses of Chilperic and Siegbert. The extreme depravity and the unparalleled crimes of two women, Brunehaut and Fredegonde, were the immediate causes that kindled- criminal contention. The first, a Westgothic princess, and wife of king Siegbert of Austrasia, induced him to make war against his brother Chilperic, in Soissons, who at the instigation of his mistress, Fredegonde, had put to death his wife, Galsuinde, Brunehaut's sister, and afterwards married this abandoned woman. Later, she ruled in the name of her son Childebert 1I., and aftewards of her two grandsons, Theudebert and Theodoric, during thirty-eigit years, the greatest part of the Frankish kingdom, amidst disgraceful actions and crimes without number or bounds; all from ambition, sensuality, and inveterate hatred towards the equally infamous Fredegonde, the wife and murderess of Chilperlc (584).. Finally, after the peaceable death of this enemy, Brunehaut experienced a fearful vengeance. Lothaire II. executed it in a barbarous manner. He desired to possess Austrasia and Burgundy, which were under the government of Brunehaut. The nation declared against Brunehaut, and submitted to Lothaire. The queen was taken prisoner, and was executed with her great grand-sons ignominiously and under horrible torments (613). The murderer-now master of the' whole kingdom-held a remarkable assembly of his spiritual and temporal states at Paris (615), where the rights of the nation-or rather of its nobles and bishops-were defined, established, and enlarged. Under- the same prince (t628), we first see the power of the royal major-iomus, mayor of the palace, or the lord steward

　

　

78 GENERAL HISTORY. of the king's household, rise above all other dignities. From the original office, the administration of the royal domains and palace, this minister had gradually elevated himself to the supreme direction of all civil and military affairs. Warnachar, to whose assistance Lothaire II. was principally indebted for his dominion, obtained from him the promise of this office for life The personal merits or valour of some of these officers, their prudent use of circumstances, and above all the increasing relaxation of the Merovingian princes, enhanced and established their power. Henceforth the king is only a subordinate personage. It is true the descendants of Clotaire continued to sit upon the: throne one hundred and twenty-four years after his death, but their dominion was only nominal: the dictate of the majordomus —sometimes also the party-spirit of the nobles; and the mutual aversion of the Austrasians and Neustrians, which was early excited-invested this or that Merovingian puppet with the royal mantle, deposed it again, united or divided the kingdom. The dignity of this minister, which the king had at first imparted and revoked freely, was afterwards bestowed by the choice of the states-at the most upon the proposal of the king: finally the incumbents regarded it as property, and even as an inheritance. Wars were waged no less for this dignity, than for the crown itself. The kings of these times have been justly named les rois faineans (which has been well translated, crowneddo-nothings). They were, however, inoffensive. The majesty of the throne upon which they slept, remained always a national tie, and their courts were supported without imposts from the income of their own domains. Every year, in the month of May, the king appeared in the national assembly, spoke what the minister had put in his mouth, distributed-according to his instruction-the vacated fiefs, sanctioned previous donations, general and particular rights. After this he rode, drawn by four oxen, back to his palace, and was seen no more until the next May-day. It was not the weakness of these kings, but the exorbitant power of the minister, that occasioned the calamities of the kingdom. Among the mayors of the palace, before Pipin, Grimoald and Ebroin were distinguished by their power and crimes. But a far higher interest commences with the elevation of Pipin of Ileristal (678).

　

　

rHE FRANKS. 79 PIPIN OF HERISTAL-CHARLES MARTEL. lHE was appointed major-domus, or duke, by the Austrasians, against Ebroin. The king, Thierry III., was forced to confirm him in this dignity over the whole kingdom (687). Henceforth, during twenty-seven years, Pipin governed with energy, wisdom, and success, in peace and war. Nothing is known of the kings of this time, except their names. Several revolts of the German nations, which served the Franks reluctantly, were suppressed, and tranquillity promoted in the interior by good institutions and laws. Great commotions arose after Pipin's death (714), through the jealousy of the Austrasians and Neustrians, through the power of party-leaders, and through a remnant of adherence to the royal house, until Pipin's natural son, Charles Martel, elevated himself from the midst of the contending parties, by valour, ability and fortune, to the rank of duke of Neustria, and became sole lord of both kingdoms. He permitted, it is true, the phantom of the kings to continue for some time; but after the death of Thierry IV. (737), he appointed no successor, and retained the supreme power-although without the' royal title-and left it to his sons as a family possession (741). The extent of the Frankish kingdom was enlarged by the fortunate wars of Charles with the German nations, but its power was still more elevated by an energetical government in the interior. The great dynasties and vassals obeyed-reluctantly, but constrained by the strong arm of Charles-the powerful mayor, and he exercised his supreme power even upon the proud prelates. Among the laurels, which adorned the brow of Charles, the Saracenic were the most glorious. We have mentioned before the conquest of the great peninsula of the Pyrenees by the Moslems. They crossed these dark mountains, and entered Gaul, in order to adjoin the old countries of the Westgoths to the Spanish kingdom. Eudes, duke of Aquitania, ruled now in these countries with royal power, over a nation composed of Vaskes, Goths and Franks. He repelled their first attack; a second subjected to the Saracens the present Languedoc and Gascogne, from the mouth of the Rhone to that of the Garonne. Abdal-lRahmen conducted then a third army over the Pyrenees

　

　

80 GENERAL — HISTORY. (731); all Gaul, and even Europe, was to be brought under the power of the commander of the faithful. Beyond the Rhone, at Aries, he defeated the Christians in a murderous battle, and afterwards nearly annihilated the army of the unfortunate duke, on the north of the Garonne, inundated and desolated this beautiful country as far as the Loire and Saone, and filled all Christendom with consternation. Had he succeeded in crushing the power of the Franks, no other kingdom would have been able to offer any resistance. The Saracens of the West would have penetrated victoriously into the heart of Europe, and there combined with their brethren arriving from the East. At this -critical juncture'one victory of the Saracens had prostrated Christianity, destroyed the basis of the noblest humanity, and the germs of liberty. When the intelligence of Abdal-Rahmen's victories was spread, when the expelled Eudes of Aquitania wandered about imploring assistance, when fugitives from Tours, Lyons and Besancon announced the imminent danger, Charles assembled the Frankish and German warriors under his ever victorious banners, directed as a great general the march into the plains of Poitiers, and there the immortal battle (732). On the seventh day of the combat, when the powerful masses of the infantry fell upon one another for the decision, then-according to the expression of the historian Rodericus Toletanus —" the strong, bold race of the Germans, fighting with breasts as firm as ramparts, and with iron arms, destroyed in a few moments the Arabian army." The remains of the army, in complete disorder, fled precipitately and forever, each tribe pursuing its own way, over the Pyrenees. Charles received from so great a victory the surname-Martel (Hammer). KING PIPIN. CHARLES died nine years after this brilliant exploit (741). Carloman and Pipin, his sons, divided the kingdom. The first obtained Austrasia, the second, Neustria. Still a king seemed necessary, in order to sanction the power of the major-domos, or to maintain this title for their advantage. A Merovingian prince, Childeric III. was therefore placed upon the throne, which he was soon obliged to resign to his powerful minister. Pipin-sole monarch after the abdication of Carloman, who

　

　

THE FRANKS 1I went into the cloister at Monte Qassino —had shown the nation his ability.by his exploits. But no personal merit is so venerable in the eyes of the people as the glitter of a crown, and ambition values that homage most which is demanded by a self-subsistent right, independent of virtue and ability. Accordingly Pipin resolved to become king; and because the sanctity of. the Merovingian right —although antiquated —could not apparently be superseded, except by a still more sacred title, the mayor of the:palace applied to the pope, who had already elevated -himself to a splendid degree of grandeur, by making a prudent use of favorable circumstances, and who, according to the doctrines which St. Boniface, the great apostle of the Gerinans, had promulgated a short time before in the west, was venerated by: the Franks as the head of Christendom, and indeed as the vicegerent of God upon earth. An embassy was sent to him,. and- proposed-for his decision the question: " Which is the true and.legitimate: king,.he who bears the-.vain name, or he who exercises the sovereign power of the -kingdom,.and superintends all its Concerns in peace and war?"' —The pope (Zacharias) decided according- to Pipin's wishes.- According to his award Childeric was:dethroned, shorn, and put in a cloister, and Pipin saluted as king by the Franks, who were absolved from their allegiance to the house of Clovis. St. Boniface, and afterwards the pope himself, imparted to him a sacred character by solemn unction, and a severe:anathema was pronounced against those who should dare to revolt- from Pipin, who was thus consecrated, or from his house, even to the most distant futurity. This brilliant exercise of papal plenipotence-deposing and installing dynasties —contained at the: same time the most solemn recognition of that power, and -served the- Roman throne as a means of establishing - supreme pretensions over all the thrones of Christendom. How grateful Pipin showed himself towards the Roman throne, and his two military expeditions against the Langobards, who oppressed Rome, his' conquest of the exarchate, which he gave to the pope-all this is-related above. He died in 768. Pipin, as well as his. predecessors, was engaged in frequent wars with the German nations, in particular withlthe Alemanni, Thuringians, Bavarians, Saxons, and Frieslanders. We have yet to consider here only the three last. VOL. II- L 6

　

　

82 GENERAL HISTORY. That the Bavarians (BoioariisBaioarii, Bodoarii,) are descended from those Boii, who were driven by the Marcomanni out of Bohemia (called by them Bojohemum) not long before the birth of Christ, is the opinion of the generality of writers, and is supported on strong grounds. According to this hypothesis, they would not be of Germanic, but of Gallic origin. But they may have been mingled in their new residences, viz. in Noricum, Vindelifia, and Rhatia, with the German tribes. The countries which they now inhabited-the Lech separated them from the Alemanni-pertained mostly to the Italian kingdom. With the fall of the Eastgothic kingdom, they fell to the Franks. In the middle of the sixth century, a duke of Bavaria, Garibald, from the Agilolfingianhouse,appears for the first time distinctly. This dignity was hereditary in this house, but not indivisible, -and the designation of the person depended upon the will of the Frankish king. The close connexion of the Bavarians with the Langobards, excited the displeasure and mistrust of the Franks, and it encouraged the Bavarians to revolt. Charles Martel and Pipin, aggravated their dependence. Charles the Great-after the repeated desertion of Duke Tassilo II.-deposed him (788), and caused Bavaria to be governed by Frankish counts, as the rest of his kingdom. The military league of the Saxons became gradually a great nation. Their name is mentioned already in the geography of Ptolemy; in history they do not appear until the close of the third century. They were divided, according to their residences, into Ostfali, Westfali, and Angarii. The countries which they had inhabited (from the Baltic and North seas, over the lower Elbe and Weser, as far as the vicinity of the Rhine) were not abandoned by the Saxons; particular bands only went out frequently into neighbouring and distant kingdoms, as adventurers, pirates, or participators in foreign wars, and finally as conquerors. Many thousands of Saxons accompanied Alboln, the king of the Langobards, over the Alps (569). They had already aided thFranks in the destruction of the Thuringian kingdom (534). But the fall of this barrier exposed them to the invasions of the Franks. Clotaire I. is said to have imposed upon them already, (in.554,) a tribute of five hundred cows. But they felt again, severely, the power of Charles Martel and Pipin. The tribes that resided next to the Franks, submitted to a tribute of three

　

　

THE GERMANS 83 nundred horses. But the greatest part of the nation remained free, and proud of freedom, and first succumbed to Charles the Great after a heroic resistance. The Frieslanders, on the contrary, were subdued already in this period. This numerous German nation inhabited the ancient countries of the Chauci, and besides, the country along the North Sea, from the mouth of the Elbe, as far as that of the Scheld. The southern tribes were early involved in difficulties with the Franks. Radbod, their prince, was conquered (689) by Pipin of Heristal, and was obliged to cede South Friesland, and pay tribute. The introduction of Christianity among them, was intended to establish their dependence. Therefore St. Willibrord was sent to Friesland. At first without great success, until Charles Martel (734) conquered and put to death Poppo, prince of the Frieslanders. All Friesland was now a Frankish province, which however was governed by its own princes until the time of Charles the Great. We shall relate the history of Charles the Great in the following period. CONSTITUTION OF THE GERMANS.-ALLODIAL FREEDOM. THE constitution of the German nations remained through a great part of this period the same that it was in the preceding; but it experienced gradually an essential change among the greater part of the tribes, first among those that conquered foreign countries, afterwards among those that remained in their native countries. No despotical command, no revolutionary storm produced this change; it was the natural developement of the germs that slumbered in the original constitution, determined and promoted by new circumstances and enlarged relations. I. The Germans, when they invaded the Roman provincesaccording to the decree of the nation,by a general summons to arms, or by a voluntary combination, under the banner of a chieftain-fought for themselves, not for a master. Accordingly the plunder which was obtained was the common property of companions in war. What was conquered, as well as what was plundered, was divided into shares; and every individual obtained one of these, but greater or less, in proportion to his military merit, his quality, or according to a previous contract.

　

　

54 GENER4L HISTORY This acquisition took place with full and unrestricted, hence also hereditary, right of property. The possessions which were thus assigned were called allodial, i. e., complete, free. II. The new proprietor however-did-not xenounce immediately nis former inclinations -and habits. He- was morie attached to war and the chase, than to agriculture, and if he pursued tthe last, he employed bondmen and servants, and in general dependents, who did not enjoy civil liberty. He remained, as before, a freeman, an equal member of his nation, always ready for war, an independent wehr, having the right of.-suffrage in all common affairs. For- the affairs of the nation were always. adjusted in general assemblies, in-.which-every freeman. —whether distinguished or not- gave his' vote,. which; although different in influence, was equal by:-right. The natural duty to go to war. upon. a general summons to arms, obedience to.the.common -decrees, submission to the decision of tribunals, reception or payment of the money requisite in peace and war —this was the sum of the freeman's civil obligations. His property, as well as his person, was free; taxes were unknown. Tribute could be demanded only from dependents, or from vanquished foreigners. The freemen presented voluntarily gifts in cases of necessity. This enviable freedom remained inviolate in its principal traits, where kings, even where hereditary kings, ruled over the immigrated nations. Cwstom, voluntary reverence, rather than an established right, maintained often a heroic family in possession of.the highest dignity; but the: people could select whom they pleased from the members of this family. Several nations exercised the unrestricted right of election. The king was. merely the leader of the army, president of the national assemblies and of the high tribunals, executor of the decrees and sentences of the people, and finally sacred in his -person, especially if he had been anointed,..as for the rest, subject to the will. of. the: people and to the laws. as a private man. He lived from his own pro, perty, from fines judicially or legally determined, and at the most from voluntary gifts. He could give orders: or impose obligations upon his immediate bondmen. and dependents, but not differ ently from other possessors of property or. persons. Over freemen he had no power or right. It was so also with all subordinate officers, by whatever appellation they were called, who derived their authority from the crown.

　

　

TILE GERMA.NS. 85 III. But this artless structure of Germanic freedom, suitable only to the simple wants of a people ot hunters and shepherds living in forests, could no longer be sufficient under the new relations of conquest, nor remain the same in spirit and character. Democratic freedom was gradually lost without any striking or very~ perceptible change inll forms or principles; and the people —threatened alternately by the tyranny of kings, nobles, and priests, but maintained for some time in some authority by the collision of these three powers —were finally, when the royal power was decisively overthrown —which, however did not happen until the following period-exposed to the two'others without any shield. The causes of this sad revolution may be seen in what follows. 1. The immigrated tribe, after its conquest, was no longer a people peaceably united by the entire possession and enjoyment of a limited region, residing near together, and who might be easily assembled in one place. Spread and dispersed over a large country, and among a hostile and numerous population, it resembled an army distributed into wide cantonments, but always: prepared for war and ready for battle. Civil liberty was superseded by military subordination. 2. Whatever kind of treatment the vanquished experienced was always dangerous to liberty. The greater part of those who had escaped the sword were made bondmen. But most of those, accustomed themselves to the sight; of slavery, offered inviting examples of oppression. If a part of their possessions were left to the vanquished, or if they were admitted even to community of rights (which often took place in case of timely subjection, especially in- regard to the more.eminent), the mixture of the two nations produced necessarily a: confusion of ideas and- principles' prejudicial to German freedom.'The victors earned of the vanquished to serve. 3. It became now difficult or impossible to hold national assemblies, in the proper sense of the word. It was no longer practicable to convoke the equal members, of the nation, who were dispersed over their extensive conquests, at a single point. Only the name, therefore, not the essence of these assemblies, was preserved. The mass of the nation-with the exception of all those who resided near the place of convention —no longel appeared in them:' the nobles and men of distinction, and espe

　

　

GENERAL HISTOR1. cially the ecclesiastics, assembled alone, or had at least, preponderating influence. The notables commenced to represent, consequently to rule, the nation. FIEFS. 4. IV. FINALLY, the allodial possession which was established, nad brought with itself the germ of another kind of possession, that was soon developed with and beside the first, and afterwards entwined round, repressed, and at last nearly destroyed it. The immigrating nations consisted in part of men who fought independently, each for himself alone, as individual warriors, in part of those who were in the service of a chief. The last, who went to war in the name of another, not upon their own account, obtained in the distribution of the booty, or conquered country, no particular or allodial portion. But the commander, who, as such, had contributed more to the success of the expedition than any single combatant, received a proportionally larger share, accordingly his men were tacitly referred to him for their satisfaction. The leader of these bands (the nobles were generally such commanders), who had already in his native country from love of war, pride, or custom, retained a company of trusty followers in his service, by presents of horses, arms, or by feasts, distributed now from the large allodium which had fallen to him, smaller portions among his followers, not for unrestricted property, but only as a feud, that is to say, he gave them the usufruct and revocable possession, with which the reciprocal obligation was contracted or renewed-at first tacitly, afterwards expressly and solemnly-for the lord to protect and defend his vassal, and for the latter to continue his service and fidelity. These fiefs, which originally depended upon the favor of the feudal lords, were gradually converted-in a natural, but slow progress-into hereditary possessions. There was no reason for depriving the faithful vassal of his fief so long as he lived, or performed his duty. Out of several competitors for a vacant fief, the son of the deceased vassal, if he appeared qualified for equal service, would justly receive the preference, and the frequent repetition of such grants to sons-and in failure of these, to collateral relations-favored gradually the claim, and finally the recognition of hereditary right.

　

　

THE GERMANS. 87 Nothing seemed more convenient, nothing better calculated to promote the interests of the high and the low, than such an institution, by which the proprietor of large estates applied the lands which he was unable to cultivate, to the easy maintenance of vassals, who added to his splendor and power, and the poor freeman, on the other hand, obtained a good and comfortable subsistence, for services that were not very burdensome, or which were at least conformable to his inclination. The number of feoffeee was soon increased. When no land was left to give away, fiefs were made out of all other possessions, out of profitable rights, incomes, revenues of every kind, and finally out of honours and dignities, and even out of piritual things. The kings strove above all to obtain a large number of vassals. Not only the dignity of the throne seemed to demand a numerous retinue, but the royal power rested upon it. The ancient freedom of the warriors or allodial proprietors had limited the king's power by a strong barrier of democracy; the aspiring spirit of the nobles and the great depressed it still lower by aristocratic or oligarchal arrogance. The king could demand prompt obedience only from his own vassals, and maintain by their aid alone his authority over a seditious lord, or even over a common freeman. Hence, because the lands of the crown were for the most part reserved for defraying the expenses of the court, the rights attached to them, offices and dignities, were principally converted into fiefs. The noblest of the nation, the greatest allodial proprietors-as the higheist officers of the crown, the dukes and earls were taken mostly out of this class-came thus into the relation of feudal duty or personal subjection to the king (which was regarded as sacred at first; but afterwards when fiefs became hereditary, and the great vassals powerful, was very lax); whilst they themselves, with their delegated authority, had a greater inducement and a better opportunity to add to the splendor of their courts, or extend their power by increasing their own vassals. If a proprietor possessed an extensive fief (which was the case especially with the crown-vassals), he gave parts of it to others as mesne-fiefs, and became thus at the same time lord and vassal. This subordination could be continued through several degrees. Thus fiefs were multiplied on all sides, and-as the positive

　

　

838 GENERAL HISTORY. duty to the loxa preponderated-over the general one to the state-the dismemberment of the nation into many retinues, or military combinations, commenced, in -comparison with which free individuals or petty allodial proprietors, soon played a subordinate part. Iron power now raised its head. The noble measured his rights according to the number of his vassals or warriors;.the law was silenced by the sword. Then many common freemen, and the more indigent nobles, resolved to purchase security-from the ascendant -right of the strong by the sacrifice of freedom. The feudal. relation gave the vassal claim to the protection of his lord. Thus the proprietor of a small allodium' transferred it: to a powerftul neighbour (often also to a church, since the sacred screen seemed still more potent) as a fief, and acknowledged him as lord paramount, and himself as his vassal, with the reservation, however, of hereditary right, which was established in general by this means. This was the death-blow to the old constitution, and to all national rights. The mass of the nation, which consisted formerly of freemen, numbered now but few. They had become the vassals or mesne-vassals of the nobles, dukes, and the king himself. Even many nobles had attached. themselves to the more powerful. Formerly the: voice of the nation had ruled; in the national assemblies. The greatest part of the -nation was now converted into vassals, who, as'such,- possessed:no longel the right of voting among' freemen. Their lords, who held large allodial: estates, and those who were delegated with power from the'king (the priests also, who under every change of the constitution preserved their preponderance) became now the principal members of the national assemblies, which continued to bear this name, although they were in reality quite different from'the'former assemblies. Against' their predominant vote, that of the poorer allodial proprietors, whose number decreased daily, could no longer have any weight. These ceased-:gradually to appear at all, and democratic national assemblies were converted into aristocratic diets. All power was now easily usurped by the great. They deposed the king and oppressed the people, who saw'themselves reduced insensibly to the same servitude as their vanquisnea and slaves, and thus the tyranny of the nobles was erected upon the common ruins of rovalty and democracy.

　

　

THE GERMANS. 89 This change of relations, this progressing extension of feudalism, did not happen uniformly in all countries, nor everywhere In the same order or succession, as has been represented above. According to nations and countries, according to -the influence of general evenis, according to different local and personal circumstances, allodial freedom,:in its full extent, or in scanty remnants, was maintained with greater or less success, and for a longer or shorter period, against the advances of feudalism. The victory of the last over the first was not everywhere completely decided until the following period. Among the German nations which remained upon German soil, as the Alemanni, Bavarians, Thuringians, and Saxons, feudalism was first introduced by the Franks, their conquerors. It was the custom there, where the soil was left to the ancient proprietors, to cede, not to give fiefs. The Saxons-who were not subjected until the following period-possessed their lands altogether according to the allodial law. Our object does not require that we should treat uipon this subject more minutely. All that is of importance for General History consists in this: that in this period allodial freedom was predominant; in the following, the feudal system, although neither prevailed alone at any time or place, at least in the conquered countries. The first fiefs were established:cotemporaneously with allodial estates, and allodial possession was never completely superseded. Both systems-were variou'sly modified, or deformed by heterogenous intermixtures-as bondage and sacerdotal power;-both had also their common characters, such as the power of the nobles and the restriction of royalty;:but so that the power of the nobles -was an excrescence o'f the allodial system, and a necessary consequence of the feudal system, and so that. the restriction of the throne in the one had a denocratic, in the other an aristocratic character:. MILITARY SYSTEM. THE German system of war, and how the German nations fought partly in the Arriere-ban, and partly under private chieftains in adventurous expeditions, is already::related- in Ancient History. These retinues —as they were —experienced warri6rs, and always ready for service-fought not only for their leaders in private wars, but often served, for pay or a conventional reVoi. II.-M

　

　

90 GENERAL HISTORY. ward,,he nation itself. The employment of these retinues appeared to be for the interest of the land-holders, the proper defenders of the nation; but it was attended with a double disadvantage. The military spirit, the shield of the true national body, was diminished, and the retiCles-in this respect like standing troops-or their lords, as commanders, and indeed possessors of armed forces, could endanger the liberty of the nation. The Heermanie-rising originally in consequence of a decree of the people or common agreement, and indeed by the order of the king, in conformity with this,(Mannitio)-was afterwards converted into a r:oyal summons (bannus), when the power of the king (or also of the grandees, whose decree the king then proclaimed), took the place of the national assembly. LAWS OF THE GERMANS. THE German nations, after they had learned to write from the Rtomans, compiled gradually their ancient customs into regular codes of laws. The Salian Franks-either at the commencement of the fifth century, about the time Pharamond is supposed to have reigned, or more probably not till their settlement in Belgic Gaul-obtained the law, which is named after them, by the labor of four of their most respectable chiefs. Later-upon the injunction of Theodoric I. of Austrasia, and after the lapse of a century by the powerful Dagobert I.-the laws of the Ripuarian Franks likewise those of the Alemanni and Bavarians were collected. The laws of the Frieslanders and the Anglevarii (Thuringians) were compiled about the same time; those of the Saxons somewhat later. Those of the Burgundians were collected by Gundobald and Sigismund; the Westgoths received theirs from Euric, and afterwards from the successors of Suintila until Egiza; the Langabards obtained theirs from Rotharis, Grimoald, Luitprand, Rachis, and Aistulph. These laws were nowhere instituted from the full power of the king, but upon his proposal and preliminary measures, by the assemblies of the nation or its first men. The character of these laws in general is natural simplicity and rudeness, but with sound sense, pride of freedom, and in the generality also pride of conquest. The later additions discover sometimes the feudal spirit, and the ambition of the priests and rulers.

　

　

THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 91 The dispositions about 1" mine and thine," abcat inheritances &c., are simple and clear. Natural equity and common sense were sufficient to decide the few litigations. But concerning offences and crimes there is a great number of very accurate decisions. Fines are the common punishments, which are care. fully graduated according to persons and circumstances. Even public crimes are expiated with money. Death is imposed only upon the most aggravated. Those who were not free, suffered corporal punishment. The king, it is true, is commonly the supreme judge; but he must pronounce -according to the opinion of the principal men, or that of the nation. Under him in the provinces and districts, the dukes, earls (also inferior justices), each assisted by honest and intelligent men (assessors) administered justice publicly, in the open field, or on mountains. Witnesses, oaths-and even at this period the judgments of God-are the proofs. These laws are all the laws of the people, not of the country. The German conquerors never thought of obtruding their laws upon the vanquished. They made regulations, it is true, concerning their fate, but they left them their laws, or the liberty of choosing between those of the Romans and Germans. HISTORY OF THE EASTERN OR BYZANTINE EMPIRE. CONSTITUTION. —ARCADIUS.-THEODOSIUS II. THE constitution of the Roman (Byzantine) Empire remained, as it was at the close of the former period, a perfect despotism, firmly established and regulated with much art. But the principles and institutions, upon which it rested, were more deeply radicated from generation to generation, and the recollections, monuments and names, that told of the ancient times of liberty, continued to disappear more and more as the stream of time r lled on. Hence, the arrogance of the government was constantly more disclosed and tranquil, the submission of the people constantly more willing and thoughtless, and the internal history of the Empire became daily more sad and uniform. One circumstance prevented the complete degradation of the government to the general unworthiness of the oriental dynasties

　

　

92 GENERAL HISTORY. The throne was not hereditary. Many violent commotions and the darkest crimes —here the intriguing artifice of the court and the priests, there of the insolent military power —were produced by this; but such excitements re-kindled periodically, in some degree, the waning life: and he upon whom fortune smiled, brought often from a private condition those talents and imperial virtues, which are generally stifled where princes are born in the seraglio. The deepest decline of the empire commences firstin the following period-with the rise of long-reigning houses; and: thus, in the present period, no time is more unfortunate and ignominious than that of the house of Heraclius. -According to the: final division of the empire between the sons of Theodosius the Great, the Eastern emperor ruled over all the countries and seas from the Lybian desert as far as the Danube and Mount:Caucasus, and from the Euphrates as far as the Adriatic Sea. This immense territory remained a long time unimpaired, with the exception of some transient devastations in the provinces by war, and was still increased after the fall of the Western- empire, by many countries on the coasts of Gaul and Spain, and after the overthrow of the Vandalic and Eastgothic thrones, by Africa and Italy. This empire, with a constitution that was only tolerable, and animated with the smallest spark of intellect, might it not have been and remained magnificent, unbounded in its prosperity, and unassailable to its enemies-?-But its history exhibits to us nothing but a striking contrast, which returns in every relation, between the blessing of nature and the iniquity of man. All the fundamental evils, a-ll. the germs of destruction, which had already existed in, the combined empire, continued, were -developed:: more fully, and increased in-:that of. Constantinople: want of -precision.in the imperial - succession, the influence of the army, and:even of barbarian chiefs,- upon this and the whole -government; besides the equally-dangerous but skilfully exercised influence of a proud, —narrow-minded, and intolerant clergy; assassination of the emperors, civil wars, insurrections, all the terrors and ignominy of a: complete, firmly -,radieated despotism; generally bad, abandoned, or incompetent' emperors (frequently chosen from the lowest ranks and among foreigners) —and almost always;- as is. usually the case with the governments of sultans, unworthy ministers.- -To these destructive causes may be added the con

　

　

THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 93 tinual invasions, the difficult Persian wars, the exhaustion Of the empire by the pay of mercenaries, by the ostentation of the court, by favorites, the incessant devastations by: friend and foe; finally, the rise of a new, formidable empire in the south, the irresistible attack of Mahommed's fanatical disciples, the shock of a world, as it were, unhinged; —such are the principal traits of the internal and external condition of this proud empire, the long duration of which, amidst so many crimes and. storms, appears far more:wonderful than its final fall. After the death of Theodosius t'h~i Great,. his two sons, Areadius and Honorius, divided the empire, and succeeidetdi him peaceably: the former was emperor of the East, the latter of the West. Both princes were minors, and remained so, in intellect, through life. The ministers whom Theodosius had appointed guardians of his sons, Rufinus and Stilicho, were both men of talents, and the last was a truly great man; but the empire was distracted by their dissension and the vices of Rufinus. He was the regent of the East and Arcadius, Stilicho of the West and Honorius. Rufinus disgraced his administration by injustice) arrogance, cruelty, avarice, and intolerable extortion; but Stilicho, who claimed the government of both empires, soon caused him to be assassinated by Gainas, a Goth, whom he had sent with the legions of the East to Arcadius (27th Nov. 395). Stilicho reaped no advantage from this act of violence. Arcadius, who had been married a short time before, to the beautiful Eudoxia, the daughter of Brauto, general of the Franks, who were in the pay of the empire, gave, upon her recommendation, his confidence and power to Eutropius, a eunuch, and the prefect of the imperial bed-chamber, a man totally depraved, and equally odious and despicable in body and soul. Until: that time, a sense of propriety had restrained the emperors from placing eunuchs-who ruled probably, often in secret-openly at the head of the magistrates and the armies. The Romans —if we are permitted to call thus the Byzantine troop of slaves-experienced now this disgrace, and were obliged to creep in the dust before this consul and patrician, this most disgusting and impudent robber and tyrant. This eunuch was overthrown, not by the enormity of his crimes, but by a mere intrigue of the seraglio. Gainas demanded the head of Eutropius. He was dragged out

　

　

J4 GENERAL HISTORY. of the cathedral, whither the wretch had fled, and put to death, notwithstanding the humane intercession of St. Chrysostom, and the promise to spare him, which was confirmed by an oath (399) After the death of Gainas (400), the proud and violent Eudoxla governed in the emperor's name until her death (404), according ~o passion and caprice, to the great misfortune of the empire The Huns and the Isaurians desolated the provinces; sedition raged in Constantinople. The people, although long accustomed in civil affairs to passive obedience, were still capable of the boldest resolutions in the affairs of heaven. The persecution of the venerable St. Chrysostom inflamed them to resistance, and the flames of civil war raged in the empire. Arcadius died, after he had been called emperor thirteen years (408). His son, Theodosius II., was equally weak, and even, if it is possible, still weaker. He was yet a boy, when Arcadius died. At first, the honest Anthemius, afterwards (414), the emperor's sister, the chaste Pulcheria, possessed the tutelage; the latter governed the empire during forty years. Pulcheria was the first autocratrix, or formally acknowledged female regent of the Roman empire. She was sixteen years old when she took the guardianship of her brother, who was fourteen years of age, and he remained obedient to her in his maturer years, as in his boyhood. Writers celebrate the excellent endowments of Pulcheria, her mind and courage, her activity, and knowledge of affairs. She was not, however, free from female passion and weakness. The marriage of Theodosius did not withdraw him from the dominion of his sister. He took the wife whom she procured for him, loved her as much as Pulcheria permitted, and abandoned her when she lost the favor of his sister. Under the miserable reign of Theodosius II., the boundaries of the empire were, however, extended in the east. Armenia, governed by a racu of princes, who served alternately the Parthians (afterwards the Persians) and the Romans, the inceso sant apple of discord between the two empires, distracted by internal dissension and quarrels in the royal house, was, at last, divided between them; the house of the Arsacidae lost the Armenian throne, which it had maintained during five hundred and sixty years. Meanwhile, the European provinces of the empire were devas

　

　

TIHE EASTERN EMPIRE. 95 tated by the Huns. But we have described already (in the history of Attila) the disasters and manifold disgrace of Theodosius. Theodosius II., the fine writer —for this is the sole glory which the grandson of the great Theodosius acquired-died in the fiftieth year of his age, and in the forty-fifth of his nominal reign (450). Pulcheria continued to rule, now in her own name. She thought, however, from prudence, to strengthen her throne by taking a husband. The senator Marcian, a wise and valiant man, but already sixty years of age, obtained the hand of the empress, and.with it the purple. He diverted the stream of the Hunic inundation successfully from his empire, which then, it is true, poured with so much the more violence over the West. Marcian died four years after his consort, St. Pulcheria (457). HISTORY UNTIL JUSTINIAN THE GREAT. ASPAR, a Goth, and patrician of the empire, disposed now of the throne. He himself, as well as his father, who bore the same name, and his son (Ardaburius), had in succession led the Roman armies to victory; his heroic house was strong by friends, clients, and a numerous body-guard. Aspar proposed to the senate his steward, Leo, one of the principal generals, for emperor. The obsequious senate consented to the proposal, and Aspar's servant obtained the empire. But Leo wished to be a real emperor, and not a phantom. Aspar was given to understand that he was a subject. At that this proud man became enraged, and Leo caused the rebel and his sons'to be put to death. The emperor undertook immediately, in common with Anthemius, whom he had placed upon the Western throne, a military expedition, which was well concerted, and executed with the extreme efforts of both empires, against Genseric, the king of the Vandals. A fleet of 1,100 vessels sailed from Constantinople to Africa; it carried more than 100,000 men. Its equipment had cost 130,000 pounds of gold. The Egyptian and Western troops, which had already commenced the contest, were to form a junction with the great army after its landing. But the king of the Vandals-a stranger upon the African coast, odious on account of his tyranny to the natives, and even to his own

　

　

96 GENERAL HISTORY. subjects, who, apparently, would be overthrown by any resolute invader-annihilated, by cunning and courage, the immense forces of East and West Rome (467). The heir of Leo (t474) was his grandson, called likewise Leo, who was the son of Ariadne, the wife of the Isaurian, Trascalisseus. But the prince died soon after he had appointed his father an associate in the empire. He adopted the Greek name Zeno, and -reigned without glory or fortune. Basiliscus, notwithstanding the disgrace of the African campaign, assumed the purple. His sister, the ambitious Verina, Leo's widow,:cor.nucted the conspiracy. Zeno maintained himself with- much difficulty. The anti-emperor and his family were put to death under tortures. Theodoric, the Eastgoth, had rendered the emperor important service in'onquering Basiliscus. He afflicted afterwards the; provinces- by depredations and extortions. But his mission to Italy against Odoacer liberated the empire (489). After Zeno's death, Ariadne gave her hand, and with it the purple,i to. the honest Anastasius, an old, faithful minister, of whose life-the people gave a glorious testimony by the acclamation: " Reign as thou hast lived." Anastasius had mild and- paternal sentiments, issued excellent ordinances, and diminished the imposts; but his goodness brought upon him only the contempt of his subjects, who were accus. tomed to the rod of discipline and required it; and religious zeal associated with the phrenzy of the Circensian factions inflamed the Byzantines, who were in other respects dastardly and past the recollection of freedom, to revolt and civil war. In the Hippodrome, during the celebration of a chariot race, 3,000 citizens of the " blue" party were murdered by the - green." But serious religious-dissension was connected with the frivolous contention of the coloured partizans. Anastasius was considered an adherent of the Eutychian heresy; his enemies and those of the green.party were the champions of orthodoxy. Such a violent sedition was kindled in Constantinople about the unfortunate Trisagion, that a part of the city was laid: in ashes, and the emperor- was, compelled to conceal himself for three days in a suburb: Vitalian, who set himself up for the defender of the Catholic faith, the pope,: and the Chalcedonian synod, committed great devastations in Thrace:and the countries of the Danube, advanced with his army before Constantinople and dictated a

　

　

THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 97 peace which secured the triumph of orthodoxy, and which the afflicted Anastasius signed on his death-bed (518). In this first religious war of the Christians, more than 60,000 confessors were killed in the name of their God, who is a God of love and peace. Such was the weakness of the empire already, and the defenceless condition of the provinces, that Anastasius thought it necessary to secure the peninsula, upon which Constantinople is built, from the surprise of enemies, by a long wall (the ancient emperors had protected thus the Caledonian boundary). A Dardanian peasant, Justin, ascended now the imperial throne. He was captain of the body-guard, when Anastasius died. The eunuch, Amantius, confided to him a large sum of money in order to purchase the proclamation of the guards for a client, Theocriton, whom he had destined for the emperor. Justin distributed the money which he had received in his own, name among the soldiers; and he was proclaimed emperor, and consolidated the throne, which he had thus obtained, by the blood of Amantius and his confederates. Justin reigned, or appeared to reign nine years. Proclus, the queestor, and Justinian, Justin's nephew and adopted son, were the real rulers. The emperor, rude as a soldier, ignorant as a peasant, unacquainted even with writing, but strictly orthodox, and therefore dear to the clergy as well as to the people, left to those the affairs of the empire, reserving for himself the splendor of the throne and tranquil profusion. JUSTINIAN THE GREAT. FROM the death of Justin (527), Justinian, who was surnamed the Great, held the sceptre during thirty-eight years. His reign Is the most remarkable of all in the Byzantinian history. The court of this celebrated emperor was ruled principally by his wife Theodora. She, the daugter of the bear-ward Acacius, a theatre-girl and courtezan, completely schooled in every siecies of infamy, became, after she, with a fortunate change of parts had captivated the patrician Justinian by artful dissimulation and amourous arts, his secret, then his public mistress, and soon his legitimate wife (524) (with disregard of the ancient laws, which prohibited the marriage of senators with slaves or actresses); and when Justinian took the purple, she was solemnly crowned VOL. II N 7

　

　

98 GENERAL HISTORY empress, and indeed his equal and independent co-regent. The deluded Justinian remained obsequious to her until his death (548), and praised even in his laws the wisdom of his excellent counsellor, his " most venerable consort, whom God himself had given him." Such devotion justified in some measure andl increased her excessive pride, and her unbounded power ever the emperor gave her cruelty, her avidity for riches and all the fla~gitious caprices and passions of her corrupted heart the widest field of action. The greater part of the iniquities, oppression, and disgraceful acts, which dishonour the reign of Justinian, must be ascribed to her. Most of Justinian's ministers, or those who had influence upon him, and power at the court, were despicable or base. Tribonian possessed legal knowledge and industry, but neither rectitude nor true genius. John of Cappadocia, the pretorian praefect, was a-most covetous, unprincipled and inhuman oppressor. His successors and colleagues, as well as the governors in the provinces, were, with a few. exceptions, servile towards their master, tyrannical towards the people, and made this double baseness subservient to their own interests. Justinian made a better choice of generals than of ministers, and the discernment which he showed here, affords grounds for the suspicion that he wished for no better ministers. The military heroes, Belisarius and Narses, chosen with much judgment by Justinian, the first from the camp, the second out of the eunuchs of the court, appear both before all the generals of their time, and beside the most excellent of all times, great, imposing, lofty figures. Especially Belisarius, a hero to be compared with the ornaments of ancient Rome, but rising gigantically above the- pygmean race of Constantinople. Everything great, that appears in Justinian's history, was accomplished by Belisarius,: and generally with scanty means; he obtained success and victory amidst the most unfavorable circumstances by personal energy. Bold and provident, intrepid and modest, courteous, and faithiful, owing all his greatness to himself, nothing to education, nothing to example or noble emulation, in everything no less worthy of love than of admiration. But one thing cannot fail to be perceived, and exhibits again the moral pest-breath of despotism-Belisarius had not the pride of liberty. A man who had the spirit of liberty in him —after so many proofs of neglect.

　

　

THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 99 of ingratitude, as Belisarius experienced, would have exchanged the brilliant service of a contemptible master for dignified obscurity. Belisarius-as it appears, without much violence to his nature-supplicated always with equal humility before Justinian and the partner of his throne; Nay!-so true it is that he who is accustomed to one species of slavery, submits also willingly to every other-Belisarius was the slave even of a woman. The abandoned Antonina, an adulteress, murderess, the worthy confidant and friend of Theodora (consequently she dispensed the favors of the court, which Belisarius thought necessary for his success), saw the hero of his age, the victor of nations, lie with childish obsequiousness at her feet. The first of the wars undertaken by Justinian, and which troubled the greatest part of his reign, was the Persian. Since Jovianus (about 363) concluded his costly peace with the Persians, there had been no important war between the two empires, until the time of Anastasius. Kobad (491), the son of Perozes, who had fought with extreme misfortune, with the loss of his liberty and life, against the Euthalites, or White Huns, ascended, after great civil commotions, the throne of his father. He renewed the formidableness of his empire. With a powerful army, he inundated Roman Armenia and Mesopotamia (502505), took several important fortresses, defeated Anastasius' troops in a pitched battle, but restored his conquests for a large compensation. A new fortress, Dara, constructed by Anastasius in haste (and which was completed by Justinian), was designed to protect this boundary. Kobad raised a new and successful war against Justin I., because he refused to adopt the king's son. The contest was more bloody and obstinate under the great Koshru (Coshroes I.), surnamed Nushirvan the Just (521.) This "Just" king had ascended the throne over the dead bodies of two elder brothers and their children. Terror remained its support, and Koshr a acknowledged for himself no other law than his will, his' passion, or his caprice. He appreciated, however, the advantages of social order, and permitted-besides himself and some favorites-no one in the empire to commit injustice, and protected, by edicts and punishments, the tranquillity, security, and welfare of the people Koshru conquered the Euthalites and other' Asiatic nations, out his principal operations were directed against the Byzantine

　

　

100 GEN'ERAL HISTORY. Empire. In the second year of Justinian's reign (539), the eastern boundary was visited with an irruption. The Persian general threatened Dara; but Belisariu!s, with far inferior forces gave him a total defeat. An eternal peace was then concluded: Justinian paid 11,000 pounds of gold: the ancient boundaries remained. Secured on this side, Justinian undertook now the Vandalic, And then the Eastgothic war. We have related already the result of these wars. Koshru heard with envy and apprehension the accounts of Belisarius' rapid career of victory, and of his conquests of Carthage and Africa, Sicily and Italy, with the capital of the world-Rome. Gothic ambassadors appeared before his throne, and exhorted him to engage in war against the insatiable victor, whose growing power threatened Persia itself with destruction. Koshru fell, therefore, unexpectedly into Syria, conquered, laid under contribution, and desolated in part its beautiful cities, and destroyed to its foundation the queen of the east, the rich, populous Antioch (539). Koshru, in the intoxication of victory, dreamed already of the treasures of Asia Minor, and even of Constantinople. Belisarius then appeared, and with him salvation (541 and 542). Without noise, without bloody battles, he repulsed the great king in two difficult campaigns across the Euphrates. Without a formal treaty of peace, rather from exhaustion on both sides, or because the forces of the belligerents were employed elsewhere, a suspension of arms now took place in the desolated countries of the Euphrates. The theatre of the war between Persia and Rome was limited to the Caucasian country, especially to Colchis. From the conflicting claims of both empires to this country, important by commerce and situation, a seven years' war (549-556) arose, which was conducted with uncommon animosity and true heroism on both sides, and was at last decided in favor of Rome. After long negotiations,which were often interrupted, a peace — worded for fifty years-was finally concluded between the two empires. Koshru.resigned Colchis; the other boundaries remained as they were before the war; the emperor-in the same manner as he had purchased a suspension of hostilities before-promised a yearly payment of 30,000 pieces of gold. Whilst the distant Africa and Italy were traversed by the

　

　

THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 1(1 victorious armies of Justinian, the provinces in the heart of tle empire, Thrace, Macedonia, Greece, and even the capital, Constantinople, trembled in consequence of the annual irruptions of the wild hordes of robbers, which-of different names and racesroved about in the countries beyond the Danube. Of these, Justinian had to fear especially the Sclavi and the Gepidae. The Gepidae marched by force of their arms into Noricum and Pannonia, the countries from which the Eastgoths had been expelled by Belisarius, and which the emperor might have claimed as an appendage of the Gothic kingdom. They entreated, however, with apparent submissiveness, for the grant of the countries of which they had taken possession; and their further advances were checked by the Langobards, whom Justinian had invited to his assistance. On the other hand, the difficulties with the Sclavi and Bulgari continued almost without interruption. The title 1"Anticus," which Justinian bore, has reference to the subjection of the Antae, one of the chief tribes of the Selavi. They inhabited then the east of Dacia, from Transylvania to the Black Sea. Procopius asserts, that not a year passed during the long reign of Justinian without an irruption, and that every irruption cost the lives or liberty of 200,000 subjects of the empire. In the same year in which Ravenna was taken, the Bulgari desolated all the country from the Thracian Bosporus to the Ionian Sea, and laid more than thirty flourishing cities in ruins. Their devastations extended even over the Hellespont to Asia. Towards the close of Justinian's reign, Constantinople was filled with terror by the hostile approach of a Bulgarian army. The long wall was broken by an earthquake; from the ramparts of the capital, which had a feeble garrison, the smoke of the barbarian camp was discerned. The aged Belisarius took now, for the last time, the command of the army (559). Some thousands of warriors assembled with confidence under his banner, and Zabergan, the Khan of the Bulgari, fled, after the loss of a battle, into the north of Thrace. Two years after this, the hero, who had reaped envy and ingratitude alone for his many victories, fell into the complete disfavor of his master. This had happened already once in the Persian war. But restoration soon succeeded. Belisarius' second fall was more serious. A rebel, Sergius,

　

　

102 GEIVERAL HISTORY having conspired with several others against the life of the emperor, had, when he was arrested, informed of two domestics of Belisarius as confederates of the conspiracy. They, c" under the tortures of the rack," consequently without any admissible proof, confessed the guilt of their master. The often tried fidelity of the hero, and his whole life, stamped this accusation as a lie: but the judges discerned in the unfavorable countenance of' Justinian that Belisarius was guilty. His life was spared, but lie lost his property and his liberty (563); and although this judgment was afterwards revoked, and his innocence declared, Belisarius enjoyed. his liberation only a few months. He died (13th March, 565), probably from grief; his treasures remained confiscated; no monument was erected to his memory. His ungrateful sovereign died in the same year (14th Nov. 565). During a reign of thirty-eight years, he had striven assiduously to obtain glory, and to be considered great; but all his glory, even his anxious industry and zeal, as well as his fortune, and the glitter which falls upon this emperor, who has been much praised (especially by jurists), from triumphs, laws, and edifices, will not supply, in the eyes of the unbiassed, his want of innateforce and rectitude. Justinian was no wild, but a cold despot, who-not from delight in bloodshed or misfortune, but from the cold calculations of policy or pride —wasted, in war or persecution, the lives and fortunes of millions, all without personal exertion or danger, by the willing obedience of dastardly slaves. He had learned much, but his spirit never soared to a free, clear elevation; his heart was narrow, susceptible of no heroic passions, only of servile submission to Theodora and some favorites, of no noble pride, only of common vanity, of no humane exaltation, and at the most of monkish virtues. He was never warmed by sublime ideas, but in religious matters especially, he was on a level with the populace; he exhibited theatrical devotion, superstition, and intolerance; he regarded the statutes of men more than the will of God, dispute about words more than obedience to duty; theological subtilities and persecution of heretics were, in his estimation, the most important business of a Roman emperor, and no heresy was so abominable as opposition to his will. The subj'ects of Justinian, who felt that they were unfortunate unde.: his reign, repaid him with well-deserved hatred. Only tht -:verity of the laws, and the fear of thel

　

　

THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 103 soldiers, restrained the violent eruption of their discontent. Conspiracies, however, were more than once formed against the emperor, and in the fifth year of his reign (532), he fell, by a terrible tumult in the capital, into the most extreme danger. The glaring injustice with which he-in compliance with the hostile passion of Theodora-oppressed the green party at the circus, caused this sedition. The pepple had already proclaimed Hypatius, the nephew of Anastasius, emperor, in opposition to his wishes; Justinian had already some vessels ready for flight, when the resolution of Theodora, and the courageous fidelity of Belisarius saved him. In general a revolting severity and an unlimited despotism appeared in the reign of Justinian; and to these may be added an immoderate desire for wealth, unsparing oppression, and the opposite but equally pernicious vices, profusion and avarice. Abandoned ministers and rapacious officers were left unpunished: small offences of subjects, or those that are so at least in a political respect, were punished with cruelty. Anastasius, although he diminished the imposts, had amassed by his frugality, a treasury of 120,000 pounds of gold; Justin I. increased it, but Justinian soon wasted it by his profusion. He conquered Africa and Italy, laid friend and enemy under contribution, seized upon the most lucrative monopolies, (especially of silk,) confiscated the property of the innocent and the guilty, obtained legacies and inheritances by artifice and extortion, collected with inexorable severity the taxes, which were increased by him, and was poor withal. The most important military enterprises, and in the most decisive junctures, were commenced or pursued without energy and with insufficient forces; and where this is inexcusable by want of resources, it must be charged to the avarice of the emperor. The subjects of Justinian, who were not long dazzled, as at first, with the glitter of his empire, were at last inclined to ascribe to nim the natural calamities which a cruel destiny visited in an extraordinary measure upon his cotemporaries. Not only the usual attendants of war, famine and pestilence, but a peculiar plague, formidable beyond any example, which came fromn Egypt, depopulated, from the fifteenth year of his reign to its close, (and even a century afterwards) all the countries of the Roman empire, and of the greater part of the kingdoms in the

　

　

104 GENERAL HISTORY. east and west.'Destructive earthquakes in a terrible repetition accompanied the plague. Two hundred and fifty thousand persons found their graves under the falling edifices of Antioch; the law-school at Berytus was swallowed up with its noble pupils, and Constantinople was disquieted forty days by constant shocks. ROMAN LAW. WE must not leave Justinian M. without mentioning his legislation, which is in fact his principal work. The Roman legislation and jurisprudence, the slowly advancing work of ages, were first brought to perfection by the zeal of this emperor. Already in the time of the republic-according to the good authority and complaints of Cicero-the Roman law had increased to an immense extent, an extent which did not admit of its perusal. But in consequence of the constant labour of the lawyers and by the pratorian edicts, which were renewed from year to year, and the ordinances-either general or particularof the emperors, it was extended still further, and ad infinitunz. But the swelling tide of these judicial sources rendered their knowledge and application difficult. It was reserved for Justinian the Great to make a general revision of the Roman law, and establish it upon a new foundation. This emperor-in his youth a friend of jurisprudence-caused, in the first year of his reign (528-534), the ordinances of the emperors from Hadrian to himself, to be brought into a systematic collection, by Tribonian and some other jurists; then he caused the substance of the legal principles and decisions to be extracted from two thousand volumes of the most celebrated authorsespecially of the forty who ranked the highest-and at the same time the institutes to be composed, which were designed for a brief introduction to the two ample and principal parts of the law, which was thus established, the code and the pandects. For perfecting this great work, for removing the contradictions, and supplying the defects which were soon observed, and in part from inactivity, vanity, and caprice, Justinian ordered a renewed edition of the code (codex repetitce prcelectionis), into which fifty of his own laws or decisions were introduced; and no succeeding year of his long reign passed without new constitutions (novels) and edicts. Justinian's own ordinances contain perhaps some, but no very

　

　

THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 105 important improvements upon previous legislation; they are frequently liable to the censure of a mere desire for innovation, contracted views, and sometimes illiberal severity. But the laws of Justinian, considered simply as a collection or compilation, deserve little praise. Precipitation,-whence defects, repetitions, and contradictions, resulted by turns-a bad arrangement, and finally frequent sophistications of the original text -sometimes committed by mistake, oftener by design-are the severe accusations which have been justly raised against the laws of Justinian. This code, although it was not perfect, operated well as a remedy for the essential want of a fixed legislation, forming a complete whole, and susceptible of perusal; and by this work of peace Justinian erected for himself a far more beautiful and durable monument, than by his brilliant conquests. For the code of Justinian remained in force, not only in his empire, the Byzantine, until its fall, but it maintained or extended its dominion over the west, especially over the ancient provinces of West Rome, and afterwards over the Germano-Roman empire, the princes of which boasted of Justinian as their predecessor, and it continues to exist at the present day in the most important countries of Europe, either immediately and expressly, or mediately, in so far as particular legislations are built upon the foundation, or from materials of the Roman law, or subsidarily, in so far as it is requisite to supply their imperfection. And this empire of the code of Justinian was by no' means unmerited! For already in the time of the republic, and before the other sciences were cultivated, jurisprudence was cherished at Rome with zeal and success. The high consideration which jurisconsults always enjoyed there, encouraged the noblest spirits to study law, and jurisprudence is the principal, and indeed the only science (for in the rest the track of the Greeks was servilely followed), in which the Romans acquired independent fame, the merit of a creation of their own. In a gradual progress, constantly enriched by experience and the studies of every succeeding generation, the science of law obtained necessarily in the course of centuries a high degree of perfection, and it maintained this elevation long after the arts of taste and the purely philosophical sciences had declined through the iniquity of the times It found favor even before the throne of the wildest despots, be. VOL. II.-o

　

　

106 GENERA L HISTORY. cause its decisions did not bind the emperors-for they wcrsq elevated above all laws —and because the despotfindsitfbr his interest that no one besides him should commit injustice. In this manner an excellent treasure of decisions was accumulated in the writings of the jurists, which a mature reason, guided by experience, and resulting from pure ideas of justice pronounced upon the innumerable relations of private and domestic life, especially upon those that have reference to "mine and thine," so that indeed their sum (overlooking the many insipid formalities-which however do not belong to the substance-fictions and severities, overlooking especially the great defects of the public, and in particular of the criminal law)-even in the defective and sophisticated collection of Justinian-may be considered for the most part as the true law of nature, merely modified, filled up and sanctioned. HISTORY TO HERACLIUS.-THE PERSIAN WAR. JUSTIN II., the son of Vigilantia, the sister of Justinian, obtained the, throne, in preference to the other relatives of the emperor, by the zeal of his friends, and deserved it by his excellent character more than by his abilities or success. He was just, benevolent, and mild; but his servants abused his goodness, betrayed his confidence, oppressed the people, whom he desired to make happy, and whom he imagined to be so. Disease confined him to his palace. This, and his constant misfortune in war-the Langobards had conquered Upper Italy (568) and the Persians had taken the frontier-fortresses of the east-plunged the emperor into a profound melancholy, from which he rose to the noble resolve to lay down the sceptre, and to confide it to a more powerful hand. None of his relations, but the most virtuous citizen, was to be his successor. Accordingly Justin gave solemnly the diadem to the captain of his guard, Tiberius (574), a most excellenU man, whom even Trajan might have adopted with applause, and a character particularly illustrious in these gloomy times. Tiberius II. reigned four years in the lifetime of his benefactor, and four years after his death. Justin's widow,'the ambitious. intriguing Sophia (the same, whose arrogant treatment of the hero Narses, caused the loss of Italy), endeavoured to place Justinian, a general and a descendant of the former imperial family upon the throne. Tiberius frustrated the conspiracy with cour

　

　

TIHE EASTERN EMPIRE. 107 age ana prudence. He pardoned Justinian conducted by him, and afterwards by Mauritius, the Persian war with success, and the internal government with still greater success and undivided glory, appointed on his death-bed Mauritus for his successor, his equal in rectitude, but not in energy (582). Under him-and already earlier under Justin I. —the Turks* appear for the first time in the history of the Eastern empire, which they destroyed nine hundred years later. The first relation of the two nations was peaceable. Common enmity towards the Persians made them allies. The reign of Mauritius (582-602), notwithstanding his many virtues, was unfortunate; Italy, especially, was desolated by the Langobards. In the East, on the contrary, Mauritius gained Perso-Armenia, and besides,the sincere friendship of Koshru II., as a reward for having re-established him, whom his subjects had deposed, upon his throne. The troops, which had before defended the Eastern boundary, were no longer necessary; Mauritius ordered them to march into the countries of the Danube, against the Avars, whose Khan, Bajan, more insolent than any barbarian since the time of Attila, insulted the majesty of the empire. He lulled the emperor into security by the most solemn oath, surprised afterwards and took Sirinium, the strong place on the Ill rian boundary, and Singidunum, which he destroyed, and he marked his course from thence through all the country as far as the vicinity of Constantinople with ashes and blood. Mauritius sent against this formidable Khan an army, which was indeed strong, but neither well-disposed nor well commanded. Commentiolus, who had the chief command, disgraced himself and the empire by cowardice or perfidy. A great battle was lost; 12,000 Romans were captured. Mauritius refused to pay the ransom that was demanded for them. The Khan then became enraged, and caused them to be put to death. The army fell now into a terrible commotion. Mauritius ordered the troops to take up their winter-quarters in the country of the enemy; but the soldiers preferring'the more comfortable and secure * These Turks had established their empire in the deserts of the Altai and far around, subjugated the Geugens-their former masters-driven away the Avars, humbled China, and extended the terror Df their name into Anterior Asia.

　

　

108 GENERAL HISTORY. quarters among their fellow-citizens, revolted and appointed Phocas, a mere centurion, for their commander (Oct. 602). Constantinople, when the insurgents approached, was distracted by factions. The Green party was friendly to the rebels. Mauritius, irresolute from fear in this extremity, fled to Chalcedon; Phocas, invested with the purple, marched into the capital, and was solemnly consecrated by the patriarch. The usurper confirmed his throne by blood. Mauritius, with his family, was seized; he saw five of his sons die under the axe of the executioner, and suffered the same death himself with manifestations of heroic piety. The venerable Constantina, the daughter of Tiberius, and the wife of Mauritius, was executed with her three daughters, in the same place where had flowed the blood of her husband and sons. These atrocities and many others revolted the minds of his subjects, and prostrated the tyrant. Heraclius, exarch of Africa, refused obedience; the young Heraclius taking up the sword of vengeance, approached the capital with a numerous army; Constantinople was rejoiced at his arrival. The patrician, Crispus, the son-in-law of Phocas, but offended by him, seized him in his palace, and caused him to be conveyed, manacled, in a miserable boat to the fleet of Heraclius. The tyrant expired amidst insults and torture; the avenger was saluted emperor. But the joy of his coronation was disturbed by the terrors of the Persian war. The great Koshru I., Nushirvan, had concluded his long war with Rome a few years before the death of Justinian M. by a glorious peace. But this reconciliation was neither sincere nor lasting. Koshru conquered Yemen, the detached, ancient kingdom of Arabia Felix, which some time before the Christian prince of the Abyssinians had subjected to his sceptre. The prince of Abyssinia was connected with the Roman emperor by the ties of religion. Justinian II. refused now to pay the stipulated tribute, afforded protection to the rebellious Perso-Armenians, — they were Christians also-and concluded finally a threatening alliance with the Turks against Persia. At this perilous juncture, the octogenary, Nushirvan, took the field intrepidly at the head of his army (572), made himself master of Dara and Apamea, desolated the countries around, but granted, however to the trembling Justin, an armistice for three years. Aftet

　

　

THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 109 this term had elapsed, Tiberius renewed the war with better for. tune. Rome gained a great victory near Melitene. I'erso-Armenia was conquered and the victorious standard of Rome was planted on the coast of the Caspian Sea. In the following year Koshru discovered the hostile banners from the battlements of his residence, and the affliction which this misfortune, in the late evening of a glorious reign, occasioned, plunged him into the grave (579). His son Hormuz IV. was a common tyrant, and suffered theuncommon- punishment of tyranny. The provinces, driven to desperation, revolted; the nations which Nushirvan had subdued, planted the standard of liberty, and the Turkish and Roman armies advanced irresistibly from 6pposite sides towards the heart of the empire. Bahram (590), who is celebrated in many oriental narratives, exterminated, it is true, in a wonderful victory, four hundred thousand Turks. But Bahram was unfortunate against the.generals of Mauritius, was mistreated on that account by his ungrateful sovereign, and forced to rebel for selfpreservation. Upon the intelligence of this, the whole empire, and even the residence, Modain, deserted the tyrant. He was cast into prison, brought in chains before the satraps for trial, and finally murdered by Bindoes, a prince of his house, and a personal enemy, whom he had severely injured. Koshru Parviz, the eldest son of Hormuz, had taken no part in these horrors. He had escaped at the conlmencement of the tumult, was recalled, and placed upon the throne of his father. But the proud Bahram persisted in his revolt, and made his entrance into the capital, as monarch, amidst the acclamations of the inconstant satraps (590). Then Koshru sought and found salvation by applying to the hereditary enemy of the empire, the Byzantine sovereign. Mauritius gave him aid. Narses, a general of Persian descent, conducted Koshru, at the head of a Roman army, into his kingdom, and he had scarcely gained one battle, when the greatest part of the satraps, soldiers, and people submitted to him. A few only persisted in their adherence to Bahram. They were destroyed in two battles, and Bahram, too proud to survive his greatness, took poison (691). Koshru II. rewarded his benefactor by restoring the Roman fortresses on the frontier, by ceding Perso-Armenia, and by manifesting a favorable disposition towards the Christian religion.

　

　

110 GENERAL HISTORY. His fidelity to Mauritius remained inviolable. But when Phocas announced his accession to the throne, and the murder of AMauritills to the Persian king, by a solemn embassy (602), Koshru, glowing with just indignation towards the murderer, took the field for vengeance, which fell first necessarily upon innocent nations. Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Syria were inundated by the Persian armies; they fought with fury; the old national hatred; under the veil of a sacred vengeance, was fully satiated. Many cities were taken and destroyed; nations trodden under foot. Antioch had fallen also, when Koshru received the messengers of Heraclius, who announced his elevation, and the death of their common enemy (610). The murder of the emperor was avenged. But the occasion was too alluring for the Sassanide, whose hereditary enmity towards Rome was manifested without regard after the death of his benefactor. He therefore pursued his career of victory, took and plundered the greater part of the cities on the coasts of Syria and Phoenicia, desecrated even the sanctity of Jerusalem by storm and conflagration, and carried away the collected oblations of three centuries, together with the true cross, which St. Helena had found Still unsatiated, Koshru invaded and conquered the distant Egypt, with all the strong places, from the mouths of the Nile as far as the boundary of Ethiopia, and even a part of Lydia, as far as the country of the Syrtes, whilst his generals desolated the cities and plains of Asia Minor as far as the straits, and pitched their threatening camp in sight of Constantinople (616.) Heraclius appeared meanwhile a passive spectator of the fall of-the empire. Prayers, remonstrances, and offers of tribute, were almost the only arms with which he opposed his formidable enemy. Koshru took finally (622), as the price of an armistice, a yearly tribute of a thousand talents of gold, a thousand talents of silver, a thousand silken garments, a thousand horses, and a thousand girls. From this depth of ignominy and distress, Heraclius rose now suddenly with unexpected and miraculous energy. Heraclius had likewise offered no active resistance to the Avars, who infested the empire at the time of the Persian- war. With impunity they plundered and desolated the most beautiful countries from the confines of Italy as'r as the suburbs of

　

　

THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 111 Constantinople, murdered, practised every species of audacious violence, and carried off by one treacherous surprise 270,600 captives. Heraclius negotiated, gave presents, sued for peace, and resolved finally, losing all courage and hope, to flee to the distant Carthage. But all at once he rose with the spirit of a genuine imperator and a hero. By making the greatest exertions he equipped a powerful army, tranquillised the Avars for some time by rich gifts, and undertook the war of desperation to save the empire. He fought six years with Roman bravery, and a heroism worthy of Rome's best days,: with perseverance, wisdom, and every art of war, recovered the lost provinces, and penetrated into the heart of Persia; whilst Constantinople, left to itself, made a noble defence against a formidable attack of the Avars and Persians. In the fifth year of this glorious war (Dec. 1, 627) Heraclius gained the most brilliant victory on the site of Nineveh, and made himself master of Dastagerd (Artemita), with immense treasures. Here was the chosen residence of the great king, here the accumulated spoils of nations and of his own subjects, in gold, silver, and precious stones, spices and silk. Koshru saved some things, —he securecd first of all his harem-the rest were plundered and destroyed. The fallen potentate fled before his victorious enemy, and revenged every defeat by the blood of his subjects: he put to death some of the noblest and most faithful of his servants. But twenty-two satraps took advantage of the discontent of the people and the army for a conspiracy. Shirujeh (Kobad II.), the eldest son of Koshru, and his beloved Sira were: at the head of it, and impressed the stigma of parricide upon the history of Persia. This monster caused his brothers, eighteen in number, to be put to death before. the.eyes of -their father, and was unanimously acknowledged king (0628). With him Heraclius concluded generously a-peace,-which restored to the empire only its ancient, limits, without any enlargement, but at the same time the lost -standards and -captives, and the inestimable treasure of the -sacred cross. Thus terminated the twenty-six years' war without any,exterior change of relations; but:it had completely; exhausted both states. Providence had so ordered it, in order that they both' might become an easy prey of the Arabian-power; which was just beginning to soar towards its great destination.

　

　

112 GENERAL HISTORY. Heraclius, after such great achievements, sunk again into his former inactivity. Sensual enjoyment and monkish controversies occupied the thirteen remaining years of his life. Whilst he was searching for the proofs, that Christ, notwithstanding his two natures, had but one will, he permitted the disciples of Mohammed to conquer, almost without resistance, the sacred -laces where the Redeemer had walked and suffered: they extended their empire over Palestine, the vast Syrian country from the Mediterranean to the Euphrates, and the fertile Egypt. He died (Feb. 11, 641) a few weeks after the second city of his empire, Alexandria, had fallen into the power of the Saracens. THE HOUSE OF HERACLIUS AND THAT OF LEO ISAURICUS. WE shall pass rapidly over the succeeding history of the Byzantine empire. Constantine III. and his half-brother, Heracleonas, succeeded their father upon the throne, which was forever enfeebled by the loss of the finest provinces. Both died soon by violence (641). Constans II., the son of Constantine, murdered his brother Theodosius, and afterwards wandered, pursued by remorse of conscience, through many countries, and was killed at Syracuse by one of his servants (668). Constantine IV., his son, surnamed Pogonatus (the bearded), maintained himself in the monarchical power against a sedition of the soldiers, in favor of his brothers, and was the first orthodox prince of his house. In Justinian 11. (685), we again discover one of those crowned monsters who are a double disgrace to the human species: first because they can be produced, and perhaps still more, because their dominion can be tolerated. Ten years he tyrannised over his people, till the patrician Leontinus precipitated him from his throne (695). He had his nose cut off, and spent ten years in sad exile at Cherson, in Tauris, harbouring thoughts of revenge, not of amendment. Leontinus soon experienced a similar fate by Aspimar or Tiberius III., and the unworthy Justinian reassumed the purple, by the aid of the Bulgarian king Terbelis, and the thoughtless populace of the capital. The outset and whole duration of his second reign, which lasted six years, were characterised by cruelty of the most revolting kind, and by horrible scenes of blood and torture. Finally he himself, and

　

　

THE EASTERN EMPIRE. 113 his inrocent, youthful son,.were put to death. by the general, Philippicus Bardanes. One century after-its elevationj the house of Heraclius was brought to this close (710). Philippicus, Anastasius 4II., and Theodosius III., ascended the throne, and lost it, in quick succession, as they had obtained it, by violence. The. victor: of the last, Leo II.; the Isaurian, established a new dynasty, which maintained the empire until the fourth generation. The princes of this house incurred, by their hostility to the worship of images, the passionate invectives. of the orthodox. The eulogiums pronounced upon- them by the: enemies of images, were suppressed or lost in the clamours of: the zealots_. More modern and enlightened times-from a generaland-not unfounded predilection for the objects.of monkish- hatred-have restored the honour of this family by, in part warm, apologies. But the man who possesses truly freedom of thought and liberal sentiments, will always regard -him as la despot, -w-ho obtrudes a doctrine, -even were- it the. best and:most sacred, with fire and sword, upon his people. Should the -views of Copronymus upon the worship of images be justified, it cannot be denied that he would have maintained —without changing his character —the opposite opinion altso, had it been his, with the same violence. Leo II. (717), although he proceeded with some moderation in abolishing images, was punished nevertheless by frequent insurrection in the capital and provinces, by the defection and loss of a part of Italy, and finally by reverses in the war with the Saracens. Constantine V., with the disgusting surname of Copronymus, aggravated the edicts, and visited the imageworshippers with a real persecution. Stormy events in the whole empirewere the-result.: Constantine was expelled, but he recovered the throne, and fought against external and internal enemies everywhere with energy, and generally with success. He was succeeded, after a reign of thirty-four years (775), Dy his son Leo III., a weak prince.- He committed the empire, on his. death-bed, to his son Constantine VI. (780), aged ten years, and surnamed Porphyrogenitus (born in the purple). We find this name as a titls several times in the Byzantine history, as if it, were not more indicative of personal worth to be elected the first magistrate of the smallest village, than to be born the ruler of millions. VoL.I1.-P 8

　

　

14 GENERAL HISTORY. In the name of the crowned boy, Irene, his mother, held the reins of the empire as regentess. But as Constantine matured to a youth, the palace was filled with the scandalous contention of the son and the mother. Irene, txasperated, it is true, by the arrogance of the beardless youth —who, unmindful of his duty, presumed to escape the burdensome restriction of his will by the exile of his mother-carried on hostilely the unnatural strife against her son, as one foreign aspirant to the throne against another; was at first deprived of the throne, but rose again to dominion by cunning and intrigue, and consolidated it by the blood of her son. Civil war, which was about to break out, was prevented by this deed; but it filled even the corrupted Greeks with horror. Irene had already, when she ruled in the name of her son, restored the worship of images (787), and gained by this means the adherence of a powerful party. By the strength of this party, principally, she now maintained the sole dominion. But when the empress projected the great plan to unite-by her marriage with Charles M., the renovator of the Western empirethe two states, and restore the ancient glory of Rome, the grandees of Constantinople, who detested equally Rome, the Franks, and the dominion of an energetic emperor, conspired, and placed one of their number, the chief treasurer, Nicephorus, upon the throne (802). He exiled Irene to Lesbos, where she closed her life in poverty and contempt. HISTORY OF THE ARABIAN EMPIRE. INTRODUCTION.-COUNTRY AND PEOPLE. BY the conquests of Alexander the Great, the long dominion of the Seleucide, and Rome's still more lasting power, European manners, customs, ideas, arts, languages, governments, and religions, were spread over a great part of Asia. For even the Christian religion, although Asia was its birth-place, had received its developement, and afterwards the constitution of its Church, in and from the Roman empire, and consequently in the European spirit. Europe had advanced to the Tigris. The genius of the

　

　

THE ARABIAN EMPIRE 11N East retreated into the interior and east of Asia, where it con. tinued to exercise-as operating from a distance and by fewel points of contact-only a feeble influence upon the European. A very striking relaxation on both sides-for life consists in action and reaction alone-was the consequence. But the time appeared, when, by a mighty revolution, the eastern spirit awoke again to its ancient vigour, reassumed its ancient empire, even with extended confines, and, by a forcible opposition and hostile efforts for dominion, manifested a multifarious influence upon the activity and developement of the western spirit. In the regions of the Lower Euphrates, in the limits which were traced by nature herself between the two empires of the world, the Roman and Persian, a lifeless desert extends many days' travel in length and breadth. The beautiful countries, Syria in the west, Al Dschesira (Mesopotamia) in the north, and Irak (Babylon) in the east, are lost by gradual transitions in its dreary sand. Beyond, in the south of this desert, lies-or is rather formed by its continuation-the peninsula of Arabia. Separated by the Red Sea, with its two gulfs, the Arabian and Persian, on three sides, and on the fourth by a sea of sand, from the rest of the world, this country of wonders remained for ages almost without any active or passive participation in the fates of foreign nations, a secret magazine of powers which were ripening for great destinations. Arabia, including the northern desert, embraces an extent of country about four or five times as large as Germany. Its nature is similar in general to that of the African Sahara (from which it is separated merely by a narrow gulf, and the fertile valley of the Nile), except it is more mountainous, especially along the coasts, and in some regions is better watered. But the mountains are mostly naked rocks, the springs mostly scanty and impregnated with salt and saltpetre, the verdant spots are scattered around like small islands in this sea of sand. The sand, heated by the vertical rays of the sun, scorches the foot of the traveller, exhales a hot vapor, which suffocates and produces terrific illusions. But if a tempest enrages this sandy waste, it waves like the agitated ocean, whole caravans, whole armies are buried in its bosom. In the southern regions, however, especially the coasts, where are more elevated valleys, cooler breezes and more frequent

　

　

G16 GENERAL HISTORY. springs, there is also a more profuse vegetable and animal life, corn and rice are cultivated, delicious southern fruits, also the sugar-cane and grape, thrive, incense, myrrh, and coffee, perfume the air, and afford the articles of a brisk, far-extending commerce. This southern, more beautiful portion of the-peninsula is therefore called the happy Arabia, but it deserves this appellation only by way of comparison, since many arms of the desert extend into this country. In the north, Arabia Petfrea (rocky), and:-Arabia Deserta (desert), are distinguished in a -stricter. sense. The first, so called from its rocky mountains, or more properly from the city of Petra, extends from: the Egyptian:boundary, and the Sinai mountains, over the coast of the Arabian gulf, which is named Hedjaz, and contains:-the sacred, cities of Mecca and Medina. The last embraces the vast deserts of Syria, Al-Dschesira and Irak, and to the south of these the regions of Hedscher, the more elevated Nedjed, in the interior of the country, and Jamomah, the residence of the celebrated tribe of Honaifah. But the limits of Arabia Petraea and Arabia Deserta are very indefinite, especially towards Arabia Felix (happy), and the whole division is unknown to the inhabitants, who name only the different provinces, as Hedjaz, Neged, &c. The greater part of Arabia is adapted only to the pastoral life, and the inhabitants have always been herdsmen —nomades. The bulk of the Arabian nation led in ancient days, and continues to lead, this life. The same verdant islands in the desert, the same wells, as thousands of years ago, serve still for the assembling-place, for the changing abode of the Bedouins. Two precious animals.especially constitute their wealth, the camel and horse; both are natives of Arabia, and of the noblest species. The tribes of Arabia, however, have always endeavoured by intercourse among one another, and with foreigners, to procure what they needed or desired besides their herds. Some regions, peculiarly adapted, perhaps by their situation, to such intercourse, or inviting to a settled life by comparative fertility, have also been inhabited from the most. remote antiquity, especially by commercial or agricultural tribes (hadesi and fellahs); and cities, in no inconsiderable number, form by their more active life an interestinlg contrast with the usual silence of the surrounding desert.

　

　

THE ARABIAN EMPIRE 117 The principal character of the nomadic life is liberty. So also in Arabia. The children of the desert, nurtured in the bosom of free nature, healthy, strong, easily satisfied, need not the restrictions and leading-strings of civil society, and their proud spirits disdain them. A voluntary rather than a compulsory obedience is rendered to the oldest or worthiest member of a family, and in like manner among the families which form a tribe, one is destined for the predominant. Common interest, or enthusiasm excited artificially, may unite the many tribes into one nation, their warriors into one national army, but this union is always only transient and slight. Even that which the genius of Mohammed effected, was dissolved, in a great measure, when his successors established the seat of their empire in foreign countries. Internal liberty gives courage and vigor for the maintenance of external. But for this the Arabs are indebted as much to their country, as to their own merit. The conquest of Arabia has been often attempted, but never accomplished. The Egyptians, Pers'ans and Romans invaded it in succession, but with little success, and generally to their own ruin. Hunger, thirst, and hardship, destroyed their armies in the pathless desert; they were often swallowed up in the agitated sea of sand. But Yemen, and in general South Arabia-if it were invaded by sea, for by land the desert is an impenetrable barrier-could be conquered more easily. Here the soil does not present such obstacles, and the inhabitants of a fertile country, enervated by ease and habitual enjoyment, are inclined to cowardice and obedience to the other inhabitants of southern Asia. We have already mentioned the conquest of the Abyssinians, and afterwards that of the Persians (under Koshru I.) in Yemen. A governor of Persia ruled here, when the mission of Mohammed, unhinged Arabia and half of the world. The Arabians have a fiery, lofty spirit, an exuberant, bold fancy, and an enthusiasm, that is easily inflamed. They are fond of poetry, and they can be managed better by the power of words, than by that of the sceptre or sword. They are proud of freedom, intrepid, persevering, temperate, serious, magnanimous and hospitable; but they are also rapacious, revengeful, passionate, unquiet and inconstant. They are dangerous enemies, and allies not to be trusted; they measure their

　

　

[18 GENERAL HISTORY. duty according to their benevolence, their right according to their power, are averse to all strangers and cruel in anger. MOHAMMED. THE power of the Arabians had been exercised until that time only in their own hostilities, or in predatory expeditions, in partially aiding foreigners as mercenaries, and finally in a few defensive wars on their frontier. The combined power of the nation had never yet been displayed. A nation, however, was spread over all Arabia, which had existed for ages unmixed, and which was united by a common name, language, and custom, and consequently, it is probable, by a common origin. It maintained this isolated state, although it received gradually a considerable number of foreigners. Sabians already in the time of Cyrus, but later, Magians, Jews and Christians (among the last especially the persecuted heretics), fled from all the neighbouring countries, in consequence of expulsion by political or religious revolutions, into the asylum of the desert, and found the toleration among the heathen Arabs, which they could not obtain from those that professed a nobler religion. Purer ideas, especially the idea of one supreme God, were gradually circulated by intercourse with these foreigners. Still they had not obtained the victory over the hereditary rude ideas of Feticism and idolatry; but the Arabians were at least prepared for their reception, and by this means for the great revolution, which at the time ordained by Providence, was to operate upon them, and by them upon half of the world. The author of this revolution, such a mighty instrument of Providence, must indeed excite a high interest. But distance renders his traits almost indiscernable, and the clamors of partyspirit drown the soft voice of genuine tradition. But truth is found not in passion, only in calm contemplation; and science takes a point of view higher than any positive doctrine attains. Wherefore should Mohammed be despised or hated? He cannot be despicable, whom God has chosen for the instrument of a revolution, that works through the world; and it may be doubted, whether an abandoned man has ever produced a far-reaching, permanent change. In the tribe of Koreish, which ruled in Mecca, a city sacred from ancient times, the noblest in Arabia, by illustrious exploits

　

　

THE ARABIAN EMPIRE. 119 and language, and in the family of Haschem, which had inherited the government of the tribe, and the charge of the Kaaba (an ancient temple and national sanctuary) for many generations, was born, in the five hundred and sixty-ninth year of our chronologythe fourth of the reign of Justin II., one year after the conquest of Upper Italy by the Langobards-ABuL KASEM MUHXMMED (the man worthy of glory). Mohammed inherited, however, from the noblest ancestors, but a small fortune. He became an orphan at an early age. The property of his grandfather fell mostly to his uncles, and he received for his share no more than five camels and one slave. Abu Taleb, the most respected of his uncles, now the ruler of the tribe, exercised the paternal authority over the young orphan, until he obtained the hand of Kadischah, a rich widow, whose commercial affairs he had superintended as a faithful servant, and by this means became wealthy and independent. Mohammed (we shall observe this orthography henceforth, as the more usual, although less correct), was forty years of age, and still led a quiet, private life. He perceived now his higher vocation, and commenced his work (608). He preached at first among a few particular confidants, then publicly, in the family of Haschem, and finally before all the people, the Koreischites and foreigners, in the Kaaba, and wherever he founJ auditorsas i" the teacher of the only true religion, sent from God." Mohammed's principal doctrine, "there is but one God," is, indeed, the most sublime, the most sacred truth, and the spurious addition, " Mohammed is his prophet," might-either as a sincere self-delusion and fanaticism, or as a pious fraud, in order to impress his principal doctrine more forcibly, or finally, by a more free interpretation of the word prophet, by which any one who feels the internal impulse to announce a great truth which he has discovered, can be regarded as called to this by God-be excused or justified, provided Mohammed had not forfeited this indulgence by his rigour in establishing, and his severity in maintaining his prophetic dignity. But the annunciations of Mohammed are given in a bolder, more absolute tone, than those of any other ambassador of God. He promulgates not only divine doctrines, but also the words of the Omnipotent. He is the greatest and last of all prophets. To believe in him is indispensably necessary for salvation, and-he added this in conse

　

　

120 GENERAL HISTORY. quence of his persecutions and his increasing power —a duty, the fulfilment of which, where the doctrine does not suffice, is demanded by the sword. But the first advances of the prophet were slow and difficult. He bhad to war with deeply rooted prejudices, blind fanaticism, envy, and-party hatred. In three years he gained only fourteen proselytes, among whom were Kadischah, his wife, Zeid, his slave- the young- Ali, Abu Taleb's heroic, enthusiastic son, and the venerable Abubeker, Mohammed's much-tried friend. Ten years later, although his -doctrine was received by a considerable number of pilgrims, the greater part of the Koreischites were hostile to it, and the opposition-was great:even in the house of Haschem,- -Abu Taleb, although-:he disliked the innovation, defended his nephew from the violence of his enemies, and family duty united all the Haschemites for his protection. Then a war was kindled between the Koreischites and the noble house of Haschem, and after the death of Abu Taleb, the government of the tribe was given to Abu Sophian, the head of the house of Ommiyah. He, impelled by ancient family-hatred'towards the Haschemites, and at the same time by fanaticism-, induced the assembled chiefs of the Koreischites and their allied tribes, to pronounce the decree of death upon Mohammed. One sword from each tribeas a mark of national vengeance —was to be thrust into his heart.- The- day was -fixed, the murderers surrounded the house of the prophet; but he, by Ali's heroic fidelity, saved himself (July 16,-622, commencement of the Hegira) in the desert, and arrived, attended by Abubeker,-escaping his pursuers almost miraculo.usly, in. sixteen days:at Medina, —the city of the book or of the instruction,-the -citizens of which having devoted themselves -already before this - to- the. God of Mohammed, had concluded a secret alliance with, the prophet, and received him now with loud rejoicing. -The Charegites and Asites, the two principal tribes of this city, formed now- in a fraternal union with -the fugitives arriving from Mecca the first living germ of Mohammed's empire. This was developed -and matured, within ten years, to a majestic tree, which overshaded- all Arabia, and reached beyond the desert as far as Syria and the banks of the Euphrates Defence and vengeance kindled a war against the persecutors

　

　

THE ARABIAN EMPIRE. 121 of Mecca, which the fanaticism or ambition of the victor converted into a general one against all unbelievers. But the battles of Mohammed and his generals-authors enumerate about fifty-from the first victory of Beder (623), where his army con. sisted of 313 men, until the expedition against the Greek empire, in which 20,000 foot and 10,000 horse followed his banner, are abundant in interesting, sublime, and striking traits: but the general historian, following only the great stream of events, must resign the descriptionof particulars to the special historian. In this eventful period of Mohammed's life we see the elevated character of the seer, of the intrepid but peaceable preacher of truth, changed gradually into that of the fanatical priest and the ambitious conqueror. Opposition had: made his zeal more violent, persecution had inflamed his anger, and the increase of-his power had augmented his pride. He proclaimed no longer the unity of God and his prophetic dignity in the tone of persuasion, but in the tone of strict command, which demands subjection, and with fire and the sword. The time of toleration had passed; war was declared against the infidels over the whole earth. In the name of the infinitely Good, his creatures were butchered by thousands; for spreading the truth, deceit, perjury, and detestable tricks were employed, every humane sentiment was abjured, all rights trampled upon for inculcating human laws. Mohammed died in the 63d year of his age, and in the tenth of his expulsion from Mecca (632). It is difficult to delineate his character. His deeds lie:before us, but for their moral appreciation, it would be necessary to look through the prophet's heart, and see the innermost secrets of his soul. But upon the endowments and talents of Mohammed we can pronounce a judgment, based on history, from the most unexceptionable evidences, and from his own works.: He appears to us as a man to whom nature has not denied one of those external and internal excellencies which are necessary for the man of the people, and the energetic reformer: beauty, nobility in countenance and form; a full, harmonious voice; besides, a penetrating understanding, a quick judgment, lively feelings, a rich and glowing fancy, and an inexhaustible flow of natural eloquence; finally, boldness, perseverance, and a lofty genius cherished by salutary meditations, winged and inflamed by the spirit of enthusiasm. VOL. II —

　

　

122 GENERAL HISTORY. So many endowments of nature made an artificial education unnecessary. Mohammed could neither read nor write, but he had increased the stores of his knowledge in some travels to Syria, and also in Mecca itself, by intercourse with natives and foreigners; and every event, whether resulting from an active oi passive state, affords instruction to a susceptible spirit. Mohammed's private life-if we except his incontinence, and in regard to this we must not lose sight of the climate and national manners-was innocent, exemplary, and irreproachable. The ruler of Arabia lived, as the citizen of Mecca had lived, upon barley-bread and dates. Milk and honey were his greatest luxuries; his couch a carpet upon the bare earth. His habitation, clothing, and everything pertaining to him was equally simple. All this, however, lay partly in the general character of the Arabian and the warrior, partly it might seem necessary or advisable for maintaining the prophetic dignity, and the character of sanctity, and accordingly be prudence as well as virtue. FIRST CALIPHS. MOHAMMED left no son, and only one of his daughters, Fatime, survived her father. She was Ali's wife*, the mother of Hassan and Hosein, and by these and several other children, the mother of a numerous family. No one among the faithful had so great a claim to succeed the prophet as Ali, his relative and son-in-law, and whom he had declared at the commencement of his public preaching, caliph (his vicar), his brother, his Aaron. But the intrigues of Ayescha, the fairest of Mohammed's women, and also the independent spirit of the chiefs, who were apprehensive of hereditary claims, and above all, the zeal of Omar, who hated the house of Haschem, decided for Abubeker. Ali submitted with noble self-denial. Two years afterwards, the caliph died (634), a man of exalted virtue and wisdom, great in peace as well as in war. At his death he designated Omar, as the most worthy man for his successor. The chiefs respected his choice; Ali yielded also. Under Omar the terror of she Arabian arms extended over Syria, Persia, and Egypt; it was the most brilliant heroic period of the empire. Omar, equally noble and energetic, equally modest and abstemious * The Koran has elevated her, with Kadischah, and Jesus' mother, and Moses' sister, to the rank of the four most perfect women.

　

　

THE ARABIAN EMPIRE. 123 as his pretecessor, lost his life, after an administration of ten years, by the hand of an assassin (644). Then the high elective council (consisting of the mnst eminent chiefs, and Mohammed's friends) appointed Othman caliph-the private secretary of the prophet-with some restriction of power. Weakness of age and character made him less qualified for this dignity than his predecessors. Abroad, it is true, success of arms continued. Asia Minor, Armenia, and Nubia were invaded; Cyprus and Rhodes conquered. But Arabia itself was distracted by insurrection and party rage. Rebels out of all the tribes of the nation advanced as a torrent upon Medina, besieged and took the holy city by storm, and put to death the caliph, who was eighty-two years of age (655). Now, finally, Ali obtained his right, of which he had been deprived twenty-three years. His reign was short and unfortunate, although signalised by brilliant exploits. Ayescha, his irreconcilable enemy, united with Telha and Zobeir, two powerful chiefs; but Ali defeated and killed them in a great battle, and sent the captive Ayescha back to the prophet's grave. Then the Ommiade, Moawiyah, the governor of Syria, rose against him still more formidably. The two armies fought in the plain of Siffin for one hundred and ten days. Ali slew four hundred in one night with his own hand. But the cunning of his adversary wrested from him the fruits of victory by a hypocritical appeal to the Koran, and the award of an umpire. The war of arms and intrigue continued some years; then three Charegites resolved to give peace to the people by murdering the contending chiefs. The death of Ali, Moawiyah,and Amru, the friend of the last, and the conqueror of Egypt, was determined. But the deed succeeded only against Ali, in the month of Kufa* (660). His adherents proclaimed Hassan, his eldest son, caliph. He, from a desire of peace, renounced the empire. His wife, gained by Moawiyah,poisoned him. The dignity of Imam or caliph now fell, according to the suffrages of the Haschemites, and all well-disposed Arabians, to Hosein, Hassan's brother, who combined his father's heroic spirit with the tranquil virtue of his brother. But Moawiyahhad con* Ali had removed the seat of the empire from Medina to Kufa-in Irak Arabi.

　

　

'24 GENERAL HISTORY. firmed the usurped throne at Damascus, by the adherence of the Syrians, Persians, and Egyptians, and also many Arabian tribes, which, in part from old jtalousy towards the family of Haschem, or gained by the liberality of Moawiyah,had submitted to him. The same chiefs, whose proud independent spirit had disdained the hereditary right in the house of the prophet, now subjected themselves to the hereditary dominion of his most violent enemy; and in consequence of this oath of fealty, which Moawiyah had obtained by artifice and violence, the worthless Jezid received, after his death (680), the profaned staff of the Apostle. It was, however, rather the chiefs than the people, who submitted in this thoughtless and servile manner to Moawiyah; and for the most part only those who had settled beyond the free desert, or who had adopted in general, by long military service, the servile spirit of mercenaries. Many true Moslems preserved in their heart a pious fidelity for the family of Fatime. Soon after the accession of Jezid to the throne, Hosein received at Medina a list of 140,000 of the faithful from Irak, especially from Kufa, who had conspired in his favor, and who urged him to appear on the Euphrates as their general and as caliph. Hosein, without assembling his adherents in Arabia, proceeded in haste, with a small attendance of women and children, and with only seventy-two warriors, through the desert, as if he was going to take possession of the empire without difficulty. But the conspiracy-had' been already suppressed by Obeidollah, the governor of Kufa, and Hosein, as he entered the plains of Kerbela, suddenly- saw his small band surrounded by more than 5,000 enemies. After a desperate contest, after he had seen all his friends fall; and a son and nephew had been killed in his arms, the unfortunate, noble grandson of Mohammed finally sunk under the blows of an inhuman murderer, who called himself one of the faithful.- On: the spot where Hosein fell, as, not far from it, over the grave of Ali, a pious monument-and a mosque were afterwards erected. These two sacred places, animated by the visitation of pilgrims, wvere gradually enlarged to considerable cities (Medsched Hosein and Medsched Ali), and at this day the two graves are incessantly wet with the devotional tears of innumerable pilgrims from far and near. But the degree of veneration which is paid to Ali and his sons, has occasioned a permanent division among the Moslems.

　

　

THE ARABIAN EMPIRE 125 MOHAMMEDAN RELIGION. Is order to understand the political and civil history of Mo hammed's empire,: it is necessary to take a cursory view of his religion. We have already mentioned the principal doctrine of Moham med: ", There is but one God, and Mohammed is his prophet." This doctrine is connectedin a very skilful manner with the faith of the Jews and Christians, or it is- represented rather as its perfect crown. It is one eternal religion, which God has announced to men in several successive revelations —but more and more fully, according to their increasing want or- greater susceptibility-by his elect and apostles, especially by the six most illustrious prophets. These prophets are Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Christ, and Mohammed, of whom each has preached the true means of salvation, sufficing, however, only until the appearance of his greater successor; but Mohammed, whose advent had been predicted by Christ, as that of him by Moses, is the highest of all, and the last. Not only the unity, but also the spirituality and infintty of God-both determined with philosophical rigour-are taught in the Koran. God is the Lord of the material and moral world; omnipotent, omniscient, and holy. All that happens is predestined by him, yet-and the prophet prudently evades the explanation -man is free, at least accountable. The Koran promises,besides, immortality, and announces infinite rewards beyond the grave for the elect, but terrible punishments for reprobates. The sensual enjoyments with which Mohammed has endowed his paradise, are an object of scandal to zealots and hypocrites. But they are connected with the doctrine of the resurrection of the sensual body, and do not exclude, according to the assurance of Mohammed, spiritual enjoyments. The absolute and eternal damnation, on the contrary, which the fanatic pronounces upon all infidels-yet with some gradation of punishment, according to the degree of perverseness-is censured with more justice. But in a peculiar hell, which is the mildest of all, and not without redemption, (the punishment lasts-in proportion to the guilt-from nine hundred to seven thousand years) those suffer who- are perfect in faith, and sinful only in works.

　

　

126 GENERAL HISTORY. But tne works which the Koran enjoins are good; those which it prohibits are bad. Islamism (this is the appellation of Mohammed's religion; the dogmatical part is called Iman, the practical Div) inculcates the general dictates of morality, especially that of justice, and raises the imperfect duty of beneficence to a positive command, laying claim to the tenth part of all incomes. Circumcision, abstinence from wine, and a strict fast every year during the whole month of Ramadan, are also imposed upon the followers of Mohammed. The Friday of each week is set apart for the public worship of God, prayer and edifying discoursebut every individual is required to pray daily five times-wherever he may be-after performing ablution. His eyes and spirit in this act of piety must be directed towards the region of the horizon (Kebla), where Mecca with its sacred temple is situated; a simple, but in its simplicity, sublime obligation of devotion, a mute symbol of the religious fraternity of the nations in three parts of the world. The pilgrimage to Mecca-to perform it at least once during life-is a religious duty, or at any rate, a very meritorious act. Finally the Koran enjoins the diffusion of Islamism by persuasion or force. But to resolve upon war is naturally left to the supreme power; of the individual is required only readiness to obey the call. All the principal prescriptions of Islamism, of faith as well as of conduct, are contained in the Koran. This book (called the, "Reading") is uncreated as the essence of the Deity, and has been engraved from all eternity on the table of his immutable decrees with rays of light. A trancript of this upon paper, bound in silk and precious stones, was brought by the archangel Gabriel into the lowest heaven, and revealed to the prophet by chapters. He imparted them to his disciples; but revelation and communication took place neither in regular succession, nor in connexion, but only according to the want of the moment-that is to say according to the incidental relations or passions of the prophet. His disciples wrote down carefully what he announced, and preserved the separate leaves in a common conservatory. Abubeker arranged them after the prophet's death, and Othman published them as the Koran, in the thirtieth year of the Hegira..Mohammed, to prove the divine origin of his book, challenged boldly angels and men to produce any thing that would equal in excellence a single one of his Sura (the chapters of the Koran

　

　

TIlE ARABIAN EMPIRE. 127 were so called). The book bears, indeed, the impress of original genius; it contains great ideas, eternal truths, elevating reflections; but we discern in it also the necessary restriction of one, who, ignorant of reading and writing-besides the narrow sphere of oral communication-was excluded from instructive intellectual intercourse with the teachers of the times. Not only the Koran, or the Deity's own words, which flowed from the prophet's lips, but also the Sunnah, which includes what he taught by his own word and example, is regarded as sacred and obligatory by the principal sect of his followers. The relatives and friends of Mohammed preserved these edifying recollections, and transmitted them by oral relation to the succeeding generations. But a flood of spurious traditions was intermixed with the genuine; and it was not until two hundred years after the prophet's death that the last were separated by the pious Al-Bochari, and published, with the assent of the dominant sects, as permanent law. Mohammed worked no miracles, neither did he claim the power; but his followers have attributed it to him, and to support their belief have invented a great number of absurdities. By this means the external progress of his doctrine has been promoted, but not its comprehension. The prophet remarked, justly, that signs and miracles diminish the meritoriousness of faith; for it is a servile homage that is paid to a doctrine on account of miracles: the free spirit surrenders only to the intrinsic force of truth. The Mohammedan doctrine-incomparably inferior to the Christian in point of worth, and, since it originated mu h later, struggling with the greater disadvantage against the latter, already consolidated, consequently favored far less by the general situation of the world; finally, without a church-constitution, without a powerful priesthood-rose, not gradually, silently and secretly, but suddenly, quickly, noisily and irresistibly to the empire over half of the world. One century had hardly elapsed after the flight of Mohammed from Mecca, when Islamism ruled over the countries from India to the Atlantic. The explanation of these striking contrarieties lies in this; that Mohammed's empire rose not merely as a religious, but as a political revolu.tion, and was extended and confirmed by the combined power of his doctrine and the sword.

　

　

128 GENERAL HISTORY It is evident that the Mohammedan religion is far superior to all others, with the exception of the Christian, in intrinsic worth; and those parts of it which are not universally truq or good, are adapted at least to some useful purpose, either climatic or national; or by the pure oriental spirit which they breathe, are strongly recommended to the nations of the east. Accordingly, it filled the native proselytes immediately with the most animated, even with fanatical zeal, and as soon as the first opposition-which might have crushed it in the cradlewas successfully overcome, it spread as a flood of fire among the tribes of Arabia. When these were once united under the standard of the prophet, and when this was planted in the countries beyond the desert, the zeal of the Christians and the Magians was of no avail. For arguments and hatred were mute before the victorious sword; and from the political condition of the world, the Arabians were sure of victory. The two empires, the Byzantine and Persian, were near their dissolution f:om internal disease, the inheritance of all despotisms, and had just spent their last energies in a terrible war with one another. The Saracens appeared, on the contrary, with joyous plenitude of life, and the bold plenipotence of a young, highly enthusiastic nation. In such relations a revolution, especially in Asia —of which there are frequent examples in its history —will easily progress, like an avalanche, more and more powerfully and irresistibly, the farther it penetrates. Of those silent, more beautiful triumphs of single, unarmed teachers of the Gospel over the- nations of the earth, Islamism knew nothing. Death was announced to the idolaters, if they refused conversion. Slavery or severe tribute was the lot of the Christians. and Jews, unless they submitted to Mohammed. The drawn sword terrified the prisoners of war to the reception of the- Koran. Captive children by thousands received compulsory instruction in the new-doetrine. Every forced proselyte became the instrument of further coercion, and the religious revolution kept pace with the political. But the secular and religious empire of Mohammed were both extended also by voluntary subjection. -The cause of the victor always- finds adherents; and the multitude always follow the current. The alluring promises of the Koran for this and the other world, made its most violent enemies waver in their senti

　

　

THE ARABIAN EMPIRE. 129 ments. To thoughtless men. the reciting of a formula was an easy price for freedom and prosperity. The more enlightened pagans could exchange with sincere sentiments, their national errors for the- better doctrine of Mohammed; but the Jews and Christians tranquilized their conscience by reflecting that the new religion was built upon the same foundation as the ancient. In fine, ambitious men, or those desirous of wealth, in general restless spirits, and those who felt the pressure of circumstances were necessarily rejoiced at a change of -things, which afforded an opportunity for improving:every talent and gratifying every passion. Mohammed was the supreme and sole prirest of his religion. The prophetic dignity conferred upon his person the character of sanctity. His first successors exercised also like him-as the supreme, and indeed, in the strict sense of the term, the sole Imams-the right and the duty to preach in the mosques, to exhort the people to devotion, and to praysbefore and with them. The spirit of his doctrine required nothing further. Every Musselman is his own priest. He may make his prayer and perform his ablution by himself, and at any place. The articles of faith are few, and these few of the greatest simplicity. There are no mysteries or symbolical rites, the preservation and direction of which require a particular class. The same book contains the purely religious and the civil prescriptions; the same persons, the magistrates and judges, may watch over both, but in the mosques the oldest and most venerable perform the office of Imam (in some degree as vicars of the caliph). But Mohammed was still less disposed to have monks than priests. He declared, in strong terms, his disapprobation of the -vows which war with nature,:consequently with God. But monks, notwithstanding,the Fakirs, Dervzses, &c.-were introduced into his church three hundred years after his death. Articles of faith and duties were announced by Mohammed, as the organ of God, with absolute power. His word, and his word -alone, was the law of the faithful. Civil and religious authority combined, passed from him to his successors without division or restriction, who, especially when they had removed their throne from Arabia (where the spirit of liberty, innate in the inhabitants of the desert, opposed the consolidation of despotism) to Syria and Central Asia, became the most absolute VOL. II. - 9

　

　

130 GENERAL HISTORY. despots of the world. Even the tyrants of Asia saw and still see themselves sometimes restricted by the pride of the nobles or satraps, by the prerogatives of particular tribes ogr classes, by traditional principles of government, sacred by age, and in absence of all these, at least by the independent authority of the priesthood. The caliphs, after they had erected their hereditary throne over nations of slaves by the sword, extinguished by the monstrous combination of spiritual and temporal monarchy, even the last shadow of liberty or independent right. For the written law (the Koran), which was their guide, could be interpreted by them, as successors of the apostle, at pleasure; and it sup ported in general their sovereign power. C)NQUESTS OF THE ARABS. MOHAMMED had already invaded the confines of Syria, yet without any important result. But war was solemnly declared against all the infidels of the earth, and in the first year of Abubeker's reign (632), the tribes united under the standard of the prophet, marched against the two great empires, the vague boundaries of which met with the Arabian in the sand of the desert. The tide of conquest swept all before it by two routes here over the fertile Syria, embellished with magnificent and strong cities, and there over the vast plains of Irak, and beyond these over the multinominal elevated regions of ancient Media and Persia. He-raclius sent a powerful army for the preservation of Syria. The Arabs were concentrated at Aiznadin; the terrible Kaled-the sword of God-and his friend Amru, no less terrible than he, were commanders under the mild and magnanimous Abu-Obeidah, the commander-in-chief. They gained a brilliant victory over Werdan, the general of the Greeks (13 Jul. 633), and took, in consequence of it, the unfortunate Damascus after an obstinate defence (634). Many scenes of horror, the natural results of the fury of war associated with fanaticism, marked the advances of the Saracens. Terror disarmed opposition. Many cities, and among them Chalcis, the proud Emesa and Heliopolis (Baalbeck) embellished with edifices of extraordinary magnificence, bowed to the victors. Then Heraclius mustered sis last forces to prevent irreparable loss. An army, more numerous than the first, drawn from all the provinces, marched rapidly to Syria. A second battle was fought (636) on the

　

　

THE ARABIAN EMPIRE. 131 oanks of the Hieromax; it was obstinate, extremely bloody, and of terrible decision. The Saracenic general boasted-probably with oriental exaggeration-that he had slain 150,000 infidels, and taken 40,000 prisoners. The Greeki'appeared no more in the field. The Saracens marched around to reduce the strong places that remained, The holy city of Jerusalem* yielded to the power of the faithful after a glorious defence; the strong Aleppo (Beroea) fell; Antioch, the capital of Roman Asia, and all the other cities of Syria and Phcenicia, and even Caesarea the well fortified metropolis of the provinces of Palestine, following its example, submitted (639). Already before the conclusion of the Syrian war (638), Amru, marching from Palestine had invaded Egypt, and taken Pelu sium, soon afterwards the royal residence of Memphis was captured, and in a rapid career of victory the whole country, up and down the river, was brought into the power of the caliph. Alexandria alone, strong by the number, wealth and desperation of its citizens, and having free communication with Constantinople, and all the resources of the empire, held out fourteen months. It finally succumbed to the impetuosity of the enemy. The cause of such brilliant success was, that the Egyptian people the mass of whom-Alexandria excepted, where the orthodox and imperialists (hence " Melchites") were dominantadhered to the heresy of the Monophysites, and detested their tyrannical ruler, who imposed upon them compulsion of conscience, and preferred to purchase toleration from a foreign enemy rather than to feel longer the religious oppression of their illiberal government, and the scorn of a triumphant sect of their own country. Accordingly the Jacobites (or Monophysites) of Egypt submitted upon tolerable conditions to Amru, and assisted him with activity and all the zeal which sectarian hatred and revenge inspired, to complete the ruin of the Greeks. Both sects, the Jacobites and Melchites, were, after this, oppressed by the impartial severity of Amru; high taxes flowed into the treasury of the caliph, and the Egyptian harvests spread profusion in the barren steppes of Arabia. In other respects, especially after the intoxication of victory had ceased, the government of the country was wise, just and beneficent; agriculture and commerce *(637). But Jerusalem, as sacred also to the Mohammedans, obtained a favorable capitulation.

　

　

132. GENERAL HISTORY. were favored; the indolence of the inhabitants yielded to she animating influence of Arabian colonies and the energetic spirit that proceeded from the new government. Since the death of Koshru II., a hard fate lay upon Persia. The parricide, Shirujeh, (v. above) died within the space of a year (629). After this, in three years, there were eight or ten different rulers; even women-two daughters of Koshru —ascended the throne. Distraction and civil War shook the whole empire, which was evidently verging to dissolution. The aggression of an unknown enemy induced the Persians to unite for common defence. Jezdegerd, Koshru's grandson, who was fifteen years of age, was therefore unanimously elevated to the tottering throne (632), and the flower of the nation was sent into the field of KAdesia., Here Said, Omar's general, had collected his forces 30,000 warriors, after some interruption of hostilities; here it was to be decided, whether Mohammed or Zoroaster was the greater. After a terrible contest which continued several days with various success, Mohammed finally turned the balance (635). A tornado, which covered suddenly the Persian army with dust, threw it into disorder, and this occasioned its defeat. The commander, Rustan, was slain, the standard of the empire taken: the plains around were covered with the dead. The Saracens lost 8,000 men. Then all Irak, the country of excellent pastures and the richest fields of grain, submitted to the victors. They passed the rapid Tigris, and took Modain, the royal residence, by storm. Immense treasures rewarded their work of blood. Jezdegerd had fled to Holiwan, in the Median mountains. Then a second battle was lost near:Jalula, and the king concealed himself in the almost inaccessible mountains of Persis. But preservation is not to be found in flight, only in brave resistance. The Persians, more valiant than their sovereign, risked-near Nehavend, to the south of Hamedan-the third battle, in:which they spilled their heart-blood. Any opposition henceforth was impossible. The vast countries of the Persian empire as far as the Indus, the Oxus, and the Caspian Sea, submitted to the caliph, whilst the unfortunate Jezdegerd, hastening across the [axartes, implored aid among the nations of the steppe. The Turks followed him, with a numerous army, to reconquer his empire;

　

　

THE ARABIAN EMPIRE. 133 but observing his weakness, soon rose..against him, and killed him (651). A part of the Moslems had marched from the shores of the. ~:aspian Sea westward towards the countries of Armenia and Mesopotamia, in order to unite there- with their victorious brethren from Syria. The last had already crossed the mountains of Taurus, terrified and plundered, in part, Asia Minor, and met now the conquerors of Persia in common triumph. The celebrated fortresses of Dara, Nisibis, Edessa, and Amida, which had so frequently occasioned war, ceased to be boundary cities, and unk into fortunate oblivion. INTERNAL HISTORY. OMMIADES AND ABBASSIDES. THESE events took place principally under Othman, although he took not a very active part in them. Under him the two Arabian colonies-Bassora, on the west bank of the river formed by the conflux of the Euphrates and Tigris, 37 miles* from the Persian gulf, and Kufa, farther to the west, almost on the boundary of the desert, both.built after the victory of Kadesia, and the conquest of Modain-became important cities, the former by its extensive commerce, the latter by the desertion of Modain. The naval power of the Arabians became already conspicuous. Cyprus and Rhodes were conquered, the islands of the Cyclades, and soon also more distant coasts were plundered. The emperor Constans, the grandson of Heraclius, at the head of the imperial fleet, waa unable to endure the sight of seventeen hundred Ara bian sail. His disgraceful flight exposed the seas, as far as the Dardanelles, to the enemy. Their. victories progressed also by land, and the more rapidly as their boundaries were extended. Internal dissensions, however, weakened the energy of external war, and as long as iit was undecided whether Ommiyah's or Haschem's house should rule in the empire of the prophet, this weakness remained strikingly perceptible in change of fortune. Moawiyah,it is true, after Ali's death, repulsed the Greeks, who had recovered from their losses during the civil war, with renewed vigour. Asia Minor was invaded, consternation spread as far as Thrace, and Constantinople itself was kept in anxious suspense during seven years, from the sea. But the untutored ~* erman miles, fifteen to a degree.

　

　

134 GENERAL HISTORY. courage of the Saracens was wrecked on the firmness of the great imperial city, and near tumult of arms, from the Libanus, alarmed Damascus. A race of heroes, the Maronites (they were called Mardaites, rebels, by the slaves of tyrants), had their invincible residence in the valleys of these mountains. They maintained civil as well as religious liberty against their fellowChristians, and against the Saracenic oppressors, and the last, principally from fear of them, condescended to pay tribute to the empire. But after several caliphs, some of whom were personally weak, and others molested by civil war, Abdol-Malek ascended the throne of Damascus (684), which Syria and Egypt had almost ceased to obey, whilst Arabia, and the greater part of Persia, acknowledged the house of Ali, but after Hosein's death, the bold Abdallah, Zobeir's valiant son. Malek conquered this dangerous adversary and other party-leaders (695), restored the undivided power of Ommiyah, declared war immediately against Justinian II., which he conducted with success. The same caliph coined the first gold and silver money. The Arabs had, until his time, only foreign money. Under Al-Walid (705), his son, the Arabian power attained the summit of its grandeur. The civil wars had fostered the courage of the nation, and increased its force by practice. When its combined power was now directed abroad, no other was able to cope with it. Al-Walid remained quiet in Damascus, but his generals extended their victories in three parts of the world, and planted the standard of Mohammed on the banks of the laxartes and at the foot of the Pyrenees. One of them, Katibah (the camel-driver), conquered all those important provinces which are situated between the Oxus, Iaxartes, and the Caspian Sea, the Sogdiana of the ancients, called also, it is probable, Transoxiana, and, in the middle ages, Mawaralnahar (i. e. the principal part of Great Bukharia Turkestan, and the north of Khovaresm, with the residences of the Turcomans and other tribes of the steppe), as well as the important cities of Carizme, Bochara, and Samarcand, celebrated for their commerce. At the same time, Musa completed and established the subjection of North Africa. Already, sixty years before (647), under the caliph Othman, Abdallah, his foster-brother, tne governor of I~.

　

　

THE ARABIAN EMPIRE. 135 Egypt, had invaded this country, and, after a great victory over Gregorius, the praefect of Africa, had penetrated as far as the Syrtis Minor. But the civil wars of the Arabians arrested the progress of their conquest, and several other invasions were frustrated after a successful commencement. But when AbdolMalek had suppressed the Arabian factions, he sent Hassan, with a powerful army, for the final reduction of Africa. This general. executed the orders of the caliph; he conquered the country and the cities, finally also Carthage, the ancient queen of Egypt, and at that time the principal seat of civil and military power. This venerable, unfortunate city was successively stormed and taken three times by friend and enemy; Hassan reduced it finally to ashes. This conquest was not of long duration. The Moors, who had fled before the impetuous attack of the Saracens, into the valleys of the Atlas, now burst forth from their retreat with fanatical fury, and united under the prophetic banner of their queen Cahina (698). This barbarous warfare destroyed the remaining monuments of civilization and human industry in this country, once so flourishing and populous, but for three centuries visited continually by internal and external storms. This difficult war was first concluded (709) by Musa, Hassan's successor, and Musa's sons, Abdallah and Abdelaziz. After many terrible defeats, and the loss of three hundred thousand prisoners, the Moors submitted, adopted the Koran, and even the Arabic language, and they were gradually amalgamated by this means, as well as by frequent intermarriage and common customs, with their conquerors, into one nation. After the destruction of Carthage, the seat of power was removed to Cairoan. Akbaph, in the fifty-first year of the Hegira, had founded this celebrated Arabian colony, twelve miles (German-15 to a degree) south of Tunis. The security of its situation, which was remote from the sea, had determined this choice. But the region around was sterile and deficient in water. It became, however, by the will of the rulers, a theatre of magnificence and luxury. The same Musa, who performed so much in Africa, and his lieutenant general, Tarik, overthrew, as we have seen above, in Spain, the Westgothic kingdom. Solyman, Walid's brother, succeeded him upon the throne,

　

　

13t GENERAL HISTORY. which was now the most powerful of the earth (714). This tyrant-caused the aged Musa, the conqueror of Spain, to be whipped publicly; and sent after him, in his exile to Mecca, with inhuman insult, the head of his son. The liberty and pride of the sons of Arabia were forgotten; they had exchanged both, as soon as they had left the desert, for gold and power. The rod of the despot was extended over Arabia itself, until its wiser children, perceiving their unhappy delusion, renounced the empire founded by their covetous brethren, and returned to freedom and poverty: in their secure desert. The same Solyman undertook a more formidable war than ever against Constantinople.: The imperial city was besieged for two years by sea and land, with immense power, and repeated reinforcements. But the Greek fire* destroyed the fleet; the army was swept away by fruitless storms upon the strong walls; by famine, pestilence, and cold; finally by the avenging sword of the Thracian peasants, and the arrows of the Bulgarians. Solyman's death (717), and the externally devout character of Omar IT., his successor, hastened the conclusion of peace. After him, in twenty-five years, six caliphs ascended the throne. Their governments, as well as their persons, are of little interest; the last of them only, Merwan (745), possessed energy and courage, which, however, did not avert his ruin. The descendants of the most: dangerous- of all the enemies.of the prophet, who had wrested the hereditary right from his family with equal fraud and:cruelty, the executioners of so many noble: Arabian families, could never become popular in the empire of Mohammed. The name of him whose representative they wished to be, roused incessantly the true Moslems to hatred. A pious tradition preserved and propagated the adherence to the house of the prophet from generation to generation. But the Fatimites, either from self-denial or imprudence, let the opportunity: of vengeance pass; whilst their neighbours, the bolder or wiser A-bassides-so called. from Al-Abbas, the uncle of Mohanmed —preserved carefully the recollection of their birth-rights, and laid silently the foundation of their dominion. * The secret of that fire, which burns even in water, was brought to Constantinople under Constantine IV., by a fugitive subject of the caliph, Callini cus, a Syrian by birth. Its frequent and destructive use maintained the Greek military power formidable to all enemies for several centuries. But the Saracens also got possession of the secret afterwards.

　

　

THE ARABIAN EMPIRE. -137 The flames of civil war broke out under Merwan. I'rahinm, son of Mohammed, the great-grandson of Al-Abbas, was proclaimed ruler by a powerful party in Chorasan. Abua-Moslem, the man of terror, fought for him. But Ibrahim himself, in his pilgrimage to Mecca, fell into the power of his enemies, and died in prison. Abdallah Saffah Abul-Abbas, his brother, received then the oath of fidelity as caliph. Already the black flag waved from the towers of many. cities, in a: more: menacing manner along the banks of the Zab, before the battle-lines of the irreconcilable enemy. Merwan marched thither precipitately with a strong force. But fate was against -him. He saw -the defeat of his army, fled to the banks of the Nile, was overtaken, beaten again, and killed (750). His house was the object of the most inexorable persecution. Hosein was avenged. with blood: and barbarity;. the magnificent seat of the Ommiades was the theatre of their extermination. Only one of their numerous race, Abdor-Rhaman, escaped into the distant west. The valleys of the Atlas concealed the fugitive; Spain received him as a ruler. This remote province had not participated in the factions of the principal country: it respected the dynasty, which it had always obeyed. Thus the sole survivor of the Ommiades built, notwithstanding the efforts of the Abbassides, by his courage and fortune, a new throne in Spain, which stood longer and more firmly than- that which his house had lost at Damascus.: Cordova: was the seat of this empire, which was forever separated from the great caliphate. The pride of its rulers, who styled themselves caliphs, and their wealth-the fruit of a government, which was wise and energetic, at least in the commencement-. made Cordova a worthy rival of Bagdad; but-the permanent- hostility of- the two caliphs-soon a third caliphate, was also formed at Cairoan —secured Christianity, and was the germ' of still further dissolution for -Mohammed's empire. The dominion of the Abbassides in the principal empire was confirmed by Al-Mansur (753), the —brother of Abul-Abbas. It was he who built the new residence, Bagdad (Dar al Salam, the city of peace). In the region which had contained from the most: remote times proud capita*,-where the -two large streams of the Irak approach their confluence in neighbouring channels on the eastern bank of the Tigris (later the west side was also VOL. II.-S

　

　

L38 GENERAL HISTORY. overbuilt), eighteen miles from Modain, and in sight of the place where Babylon stood —this city, which was the seat of the empire for five hundred years, arose by the mandate of the caliph with wonderful rapidity and magnificence. The blessing of nature no less than the enchantment of the throne,- brought together men and wealth. A whole people and the treasures of a kingdom were inclosed within the walls of Bagdad. The magnificent and wise Al-Mansur, who was also distinguished by his valour and love for the sciences, died in 774. From his time, as well as from Abdor-Rhaman's dominion in Spain (t788), the Arabian history assumes an entirely different character. Accordingly the elevation of the Abbassides, and the disunion of the empire-although somewhat earlier than the reign of Charles M.-present themselves here as the natural point of rest. EFFECTS OF THE MOHAMMEDAN EMPIRE. BY the establishment of Mohammed's religion and empire, the history of the East, and in general that of all countries, whither the arms of his disciples penetrated victoriously, was decisively and forever changed; but at the same time, as they produced a necessary and powerful effect upon the rest of the world, this was also immediately or mediately directed and determined by them in the most important points. A great part of the present period, and all the.succeeding, contain proofs of it in numberless pages of their history. Here we. shall only glance at some of the immediate results of this great revolution, particularly at those which relate to the state of religion. Notwithstanding the toleration which the Koran and the laws of the caliphs granted to the Christians,-for the payment of tribute-Christianity, however, in the countries of the Mohammedan empire, partly by voluntary apostacy, partly by the natural operation of permanent oppression, and often cruel treatment, was reduced to a miserable and declining state. Islamism injured Christianity not only by wresting from the Christians such important possessions, but perhaps still more by preventing its progress. As far as the dominion and settlements of the Mohanlmedans extended Oa Asia and Africa, the Christian missions were everywhere restricted, abolished or interdicted, and a hostile power was interposed in almost all places between

　

　

CHRISTIANITY. 139' the Christians and pagans. Central Asia, the country of the Magi, where already in many places the seeds of Christianity germinated, became now the principal seat of Mohammed's empire. The Persians, pusillanimous or lukewarm in their faith, went over almost universally to Islamism. Only an extremely small part of them persisted in the religion of their fathers, in the desert and mountainous countries of Kerman, and in those that lie along the Indus, but principally in Aderbeidschan, where at the present day the seat of the high priest and the eternal fire.s, mount Elborz. They (who bear the name of Parsees or also Gaures and Guebres-considered by their opponents as an epithet of derision), and several scattered colonies, and solitary wanderers, that have proceeded from them, continue still to venerate the sacred fire, adhere obstinately to their ancient customs,. avoid the ties of blood with other sects, retain the genuine traits and character of antiquity, and meet with the same contempt and oppression among the nations of Asia as the Jews in all parts of the world. The heathen nations of High Asia, which overthrew repeatedly the southern kingdoms, the Turcomans, the Tartars, the Turks, of diverse races and names, submitted almost everywhere after the intoxication of victory had ceased, to the manners, the institutions and the religion of the vanquished. They would have become Christians, had Christianity flourished in Central Asia; now the Koran was offered to them instead of the Gospel, but by their conversion the dominion of the first was established, and a permanent foundation given to the hostility between the East and the West. HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY. WE pass to the history of Chistianity, in order to finish the picture of the present period. PROPAGATION AND EFFECTS. WE examined the causes of the successful propagation of Christianity in the former period. Its growth continued partly by the constant operation of the same causes, partly by the natural vital power of the church, which was now firmly established; and its branches increased in number and strength, so as to form a crown, that cast a shade over distant countries.

　

　

140 GENERAL HISTORY. The Christian doctrine had become already, by the zeal of Constantine the Great, and Constantius, and still more by that of Thedosius the Great, victorious, and indeed monarchial, in the immense -empire-of Rome...The last sparks of ancient paganism were-extinguished, when the barbarians settled in the provinces of West Rome. The civil institutions and manners, the arts and sciences of the vanquished were disdained by the arrogant conquerors; but they adopted their religion and followed them in matters of faith.. Before the close of the fifth century, the Eastgoths, Westgoths, Burgundians, Vandals, Suevi and Alani (in Spain), the mixed bands, which formed the army of Odoacer and overthrew the throne of West Rome, finally, also the Franksimitating their glorious ruler, Clovis-had become Christians. In the two succeeding centuries, the Anglo-Saxons and Picts, the Alemanni, Bavarians and Frisons, listened to the instructions of the holy missionaries, Augustin, Columban, Gallus, Kilian and Willibrod. St. Boniface (Winfried), a missionary still more celebrated, went from England in the eighth century, to promote the progress of faith among the Germans. His success was great, and in general his labors were attended with important results, But it was Charles the Great, who-unfortunately by the sword —first effected the conversion of the principal tribe of the northern Germans, the Saxons; and the same- deplorable method was afterwards employed to convert the Wends, the Prussians, and other nations. In Asia, although the establishment of Mohammedanism prevented decisively the progress of Christianity, yet the seed of the gospel was scattered extensively, upon unpropitious soil it is true, by fugitive heretics, especially by Nestorians, and sometimes also by orthodox apostles. The effects of this propagation of Christianity were immense, but they were not matured until later..times. They will be found in what follows: I. A religion of humanity and peace, which represents all the duties of justice and love as divine commandments, under the sanction of eternal rewards and punishments, would necessarily, if it reigned. in the minds of its confessors, -establish the empire of virtue, and- the empire of all the human and civil improvement and happiness. attainable by us. -: Religion, however, is able only to curb, to moderate, not to annihilate the sensual nature of man, which is at war with the dictates of morality. Christiaintv

　

　

CHRISTIANI l Y. 141 has confirmed the good in their goodness, inspired inflammable minds even to heroic virtue, prevented innumerable secret offences against natural and positive- laws, and in general rendered the character of nations milder, and smoothed their path of improvement; but —it has not eradicated the germ of corruption; and, in the long series of centuries, has fought in general without success against perversity and passion. Il. On the contrary, it has produced inestimable good by its general spirit, as well as by various particular institutions, in certain spheres. Without its beneficent doctrine of the equality of all men, the ancient system of slavery, which degraded one half of mankind to things, would have been perpetuated in its revolting cruelty; or the feudal oppression of the middle ages would have been converted into a slavery no less severe. CHRIST proclaimed freedom more beautifully, -more: generally, more impressively than Solon, Lycurgus, and all human legislators. His doctrine has broken chains without number, and imparted an elevation to the mind, which leaves it free even in bonds. Besides, the first basis of social order and human culture-monogamy-is confirmed and hallowed by Christianity; and its impressive precepts of love have placed compassion in the most savage breast. III. But civil institutions have been particularly benefited, and in two respects, by its influence. The existing authorities, as instituted by God himself, are, according to this doctrine,-serving for an acceptable support to the decisions of public law founded upon philosophical principles-sacred, inviolable, and secure from the aggression of insolent party-rage, and beyond the reach of the lawless power of the people. But a limit is also set to civil power; " what is God's, remains His," and the chief ruler of the state is subject, like the lowest man, to the moral precepts of religion, and the statutes of the Church to which he belongs. He is a layman, and respects, conformably to his duty, as other laymen, the altar in its consecrated servants, and never interferes with their sacred office. And because the duty of sovereigns is at the same time a duty of conscience, the priest may often raise as powerful a voice, in the name of God, against aristocratic or monarchial tyrants, against whom the civil constitution affords no protection, as the elected rulers do in representative states in the name of the people; and the

　

　

142 GENERAL HISTORY. sacerdotal dignity of the Christian church, which is general in its character, and extends over so many nations, is more independent and efficacious-and certainly more dangerous in zt. abuse-than the same dignity in religions merely national. IV. The introduction of a religion which is founded upon sacred books; requires the knowledge of writing, or brings it at the same time; and the gospel, when it was carried to the northern nations, became in part the cause of the introduction of a peculiar and national species of writing (as then Ulphilas invented the Gothic alphabet for his translation of the Bible), and in part the key to the literature of the ancient classical world. The most happy and rapid effects would have resulted from this for the intellectual culture of the Germanrs, had not their savage and warlike spirit been cherished and strengthened by other circum stances, and had not the prevalent oppression of the common people soon counteracted the efforts of genius. In the meantime the spark of knowledge was kept alive by the wonderful power of writing, at least in silence, even in the miserable libraries of the monks, and in merely ecclesiastical transactions, in order later under more favorable circumstances, to flame forth as a living light among nations. V. Christianity itself, and especially the constitution of the Church, experienced from the conversion of the barbarians many retro-active influences. The purer and naturally strong minds of the Germans, furnished the religion, which, among the loquacious and degenerate Greeks and Romans, who were irremediably corrupted in heart and soul, had become a vain and pompous display of words, with a more favorable soil, in which the divine parts of the doctrine were able to strike deeper roots, and -notwithstanding the opposition of barbarism-produce fairer blossoms of humanity. The German soil was equally propitious -and indeed too much so, because it cherished also numerous and injurious excrescences-for the fortification of the Church, and the confirmation of the hierarchy. The pious Germans, who had been accustomed already, under their pagan priests, to a reverential obedience, submitted willingly to the ambitious pretensions of the Christian clergy; and the rising power of the western bishops provided the hierarchy and papacy, which arose out of it, with formidable powers. V1. The devout assemblage of the western nations around this

　

　

CHRISTIANITY. 143 throne of the Roman pontiff, which they had elevated, their consequent unity of faith, moral instruction, and ecclesiastical inte, rest, the common and diverse relations of all to the papal chair, the uniform influences, which proceeded from this during many centuries among those nations, became without doubt the principal basis of that combination which existed among the most important nations of Europe, and manifested itself by community of principles, higher civilization, and purer love for mankind. This union is usually called the European or Christian Republic, and still survives in its essential features, notwithstanding the external schism, which took place later. PROGRESS AND CORRUPTION. BUT the sublime simplicity of the doctrine of Jesus Christ ceased soon to satisfy the restless spirit of innovation and the vain wisdom of priests. It continued to lose its primitive character from generation to generation, and there arose, in the course of centuries, in the place of the faith, which in its simplicity directs the soul towards heaven, a sophistical, cold, and depressing scholastic theology. An increasing severity in its maintenance was united with this enlargement of the Christian doctrine. The Church arose suddenly from its persecuted state to the power of persecution, which it did not fail to use; and those very persons who had suffered heretofore under tyrannical compulsion of conscience made a still more criminal use of power than had their persetors. They regarded infidels and heretics as persons who had forfeited the general rights of man; they believed that they should magnify the glory of God by abusing his creatures. It was natural that the triumphing church Should introduce other and prouder usages than the oppressed. Much that was useful for a small, indigent society-as a community of goods agapes-was unsuitable and untenable in the state of dominion. Besides, Paganism had ceased to be an object of feai to the Christians; their experience was enriched by the efficacy of this or that means of devotion, and the demands of the sensual nature of man, which the most spiritual faith is unable to extinguish, were repeated. But the same rites may-according to the times and nationbe useful or injurious; and all become bad as soon as they cast

　

　

144 GENERAL HISTORY. in the shade or suppress the essence to which they are designed to be subservient. Such in reality was the case with the greatest part of the Christian church. A common Anthropomorphism contaminated soon the spiritual system, and was associated with the most sublime mysteries in a strange connexion; the adoration of God was supplanted by the worship of the creature. The God of the universe was forgotten in local devotioninsacred places, torelics, images, especially such as were thought to possess a miraculous power, and to the sacred cross. It was thought that sins could be absolved by touching holy objects, by burial near the saints, by reciting formulas, and still more effectually by donations to the clergy and the Church: hypocrisy, external works of piety, and violence to nature, superseded the practice of virtue; the excellent morality of Christ: was for the most part lost in superstitious obligations and observances, and still more completely (at an earlier date) in the absurd principles of the ascetics. HISTORY OF HERESIES-IN PARTICULAR OF THE ARIAN CONTENTION. THE progressive formation of its dogmas, and its series of heresies, constitute one of the most copious parts of the history of the Church. But we shall pass over this subject rapidly. The history of philosophical ideas and systems, of their origin, gradual formation and reciprocal influence, their affinity and derivation, is indeed infinitely interesting and instructive, as the history of the faculties and the noblest efforts of our spirit, of its conquests in the empire of knowledge, which are sometimes made by one stroke of genius, sometimes by toilsome exertions, and also that of its unsuccessful attempts, its errors, sometimes voluntary, sometimes inevitable, and its retrograde movements. But the ecclesiastical disputes, which we are about to consider, are of an entirely different character. The light of philosophy did not illuminate that age. The doctrines of the ancient masters were partly forgotten, partly detested, and they often fell upon the ear as vain. sounds. Knowledge did not advance one step farther with all the quarrels. For ideas were not the subject of dispute, but only verbal formulas-difficult to remember, and altogether unintelligible; —and the contention was conducted not with the active faculties of the free spirit, but with the bias of obstinate prejudices, and the blindness of party

　

　

CHRISTIANITY. 145 rage, besides, according to positive rules for ideas, and with restriction on all sides by the spectres of a diseased fancy, or by the arbitrary decisions of authority. When we consider these disputants, who think themselves holy, and make disputes about unintelligible words the principal business, the end, the pride of their lives; who, whilst their minds lie captive in the shortest chain, fancy they can fly through heaven and discover the nature of the infinite God; who are insolent in their misery, decisive in their ignorance, ambitious in their bondage, and unmerciful in their pious zeal, we are moved by turns with compassion, indignation, contempt and abhorrence, towards them and their whole age.. Already in the earliest period of Christianity, the pure stream of its doctrine was disturbed by the fanaticism of the Gnostics. They, who then boasted of their superior learning, had drawn their opinions of divine things from the Oriental and Grecian philosophy, and in part from the Jdwish schools, and sought to introduce into Christianity, and even to oppose to it, those ideas which were disfigured by the offspring of their own fancies, or intentional imposture. Powerful spirits, ZEons, some good, others evil, have emanated from the fullness of the Deity, the pleroma, as rays from a sea of light: these spirits are the architects and regents of our imperfect world, the guides —sometimes also the seducers-of men. Christ was one of these iEons (the greatest and best according to the doctrine of the Christian Gnostics), and many attributed to him the dignity of the Platonic Logos, with other,conflicting qualities. Many different sects, and many particular fanatics and impostors are included under the general appellation of Gnostics. The Manichaens are also allied to the Gnostics. Their name is lerived from their teacher, Manes, a Persian,* who transferred from the Magian to the Christian religion the assertion of two principles, a good and a bad, and in general attempted to combine in a singular manner his own reveries with the doctrines of Jesus and Zoroaster. No heresy was so much detested by the orthodox as this. The name of the Manicheans was employed in a more extended sense, as a general term to stigmatize the enemies of the Church. ~ He was put to death by the order of his king in the year 277. VOL. II.-T 10

　

　

146 GENERAL HIST'PORY. The Gnostic school was distinguished also in its practical doctrines by the character of enthusiasm, and often by that of fanatical excess. But —according to the dispmsition and character of particular masters —the most opposite courses were pursued. Soe favored excessive indulgence of the senses Others, and the most, inculcated a strict life' of abstinence and sensual xtintion. From the middle of the second century until the synod of Nice (325) —and ipdeed several centuries afterwards, because the decision of the eouncil did not remove every doubt, and was not observed by all eongregations —-,he question, when is the annual festival of Easter to be kept? was discussed, sometimes in a passionate and violent manner. Whoever celebrated it at the same time as the. Jews, or fell unintentionally into a chronological error (the calcaulation is not without difficulty), appeared to the priests of Jesus worthy of damnation, and to the emperors, of death. No schism was more fatal than that of the Donatists. At the commencement of the fourth century, Cecilian and Majorinbuat when the last died, Donatus in his place-were made at the same time, -by two opposite parties, bishopsjof Carthage. The claims of the two competitors —since the passion of their parties rendered a pacific adjustment impossible —were debated before the highest ecclesiastical and civil authorities, and decided against Dbnatus. But his and his suceessors' adherents defended more than three hundred years the canonical legality of his election, and declared the decisions against it invalid. Cast out of the bosom of the Church, reprobated, oppressed, and persecuted b the seelar power, they hurled b-hack the same anathemas againat the whole Christian world, and maintained a most obsti. nate and desperate cwar against the civil and military powers of the emperor. But the most important heresies have reference to the transcendent mysteries of the Trinzity, and to the incarnation of Christ, upon which, at'the present day, the greatest part.f Ciuristendom, especially the schismatic churches of the West, have one belief, and indeed upon which many confessors rest in careless ignorance. It is these mysteries that produced the most violent commotion in the ancient Church, and through that, in the state, during five hundred years, and at length became the foundation of more than one permanent schism.

　

　

C HRIST IA'NITY 7 As soon as the teachers of Chrisianity, not cotent to adore with subtmission of faith the great mystery of the divine Trinity, as -it is contained in their sacred books, -wished to fathom the depths of it, and render the incomprehensible intelligible.Hto the understanding by their presumptuous explanation, it was quite natural that they should profane the mystery either by sensual representations, by bringing the Infinite down to the finite, or in fruitless attempts to soar into endless space, exhaust their power with vain efforts of wing, and bring into the world in a painful generation unmeaning words instead of ideas. A dangerous alliance was eoncluded at an early period between pagan philosophy and Christian revelation.; it was presumed to interpret one by -the other, and comparisons were made especially, and a mutual accordance sought,between the sublime dreams of Plato and the words of Jesus and the Apostles, The most profound abstractions had.led Plato to distinguish three archical or original essences in the one infinite God. The-first, constant,-necessary cause, the eternal Father, Creator and ruler of the world; then the Logos, reason, the intellectual archetype of the creation,the Son of the Father; and finally the soul of the universe, the Divine Spirit, the immediately creative and conservative power, are these three mysterious essences, which according to more:calm or more exalted contemplation, present themselves either as mere abstractions of the understanding, that is to say, merely as three different rdations of the sam'l fundamental essence to the'universe, or as three particular, although intimately connected, beings. The last of these conceptions admits again several variations, according as the idea of the union or that of the separation of the three beings predominates, and according as they are imagined perfectly equal in dignity and power, or subordinate one to the other. The flame that was kindled upon this subject by Anus, presbyter in Alexandria, directly after the victorious elevation of Christianity, raged more violently and for a longer time than any other. This priest, who was in other respects a worthy, irreproachable and learned man, arose against the principles which his bishop, Alexander, had maintained publicly, concernmtg the perfect equality of the three essences of the Trinity, ann especially concerning the eternity of the Logos. He himself awertaed that the Logos was produced by the free will of the

　

　

148 GENERAL HISTORY Father, accordingly-although filled with his spirit, and an image of his Father's glory-subordinate tohim, and that his existence, although it commenced long before the existence of all worlds, was not however from eternity. Alexander, after some hesitation, pronounced the anathema against this bold priest. But many bishops, especially in Asia, adopted the doctrine of the proscribed, and several provincial synods rejected the decision of Alexander. When the good intention of Constantine M., who desired an amicable adjustment, was frustrated by the passion of the prelates, he convoked a general council-the first in the history of the church-at Nice (325). The discussions.were conducted in the presence of the emperor, who occupied the first place, with great superiority on the part of the Catholics. A word brought up accidentally, which the Arians rejected decisively, oo00ud0lo was selected as a term to designate the essential equality (con. substantiality) of the Son with the Father, and as the banner of union for the orthodox, and received the assent of the greater part. And thus Arius and his adherents, who were greatly diminished by fear, were excluded from the communion of the Church, exiled, and their writings were condemned to the flames. A part of the Arians, admitting instead of the equality, at least the similarity of the Son with the Father, proposed afterwards, in vain, 00hoou0sog which comes so near the orthodox formula, as a symbol. Orthodoxy can condescend to no compromise; and on account of the difference of one syllable, the Church and state were distracted by a quarrel, which lasted two hundred and fifty years. For as the defeat of the Arian party had been accelerated and completed by the anger of the emperor, so it rose again by the vicissitude of court-favor, and by a prudent use of political relations. At the same time this heresy became more firmly and extensively established beyond the confines of the Roman empire. Of the sons of Constantine, Constantius was early gained by the Arians. He, by his equally superstitious and tyrannical zeal for this heresy, put the cause of orthodoxy in the greatest jeopardy. The persecutions, which had been before directed against heretics, were now aimed at the catholics; councils were held in the East and West to sustain the Homoiousion, and the

　

　

CHRISTIANITY.'149 Hlomoousians were reduced by force or artifice to silence or apostacy. In these times of affliction, the hopes as well as the forces of the Catholic church, were sustained almost solely by the heroic ATHANASIUS, the immortal hero and martyr of the Nicene faith. He fought incessantly, from his first appearance in the Church, and during the forty-seven years of his episcopate, by word, writing, and deed, for the equal divinity of the Son, unmoved by persecutions and suffering, never depressed in the most desperate situations, and his strife was in general glorious and triumphant. He was driven from his chair five times, and wandered about nearly twenty years an exile or fugitive; but the enthusiastic adherence of his flock, the public and private assistance of the monks, the participation of the whole Catholic world, and more than all, the skill and promptness with which he profited by every favorable change in circumstances, always brought him back in triumph. Theodosius M., filled with the sac l ed fire of orthodoxy in his tender childhood, signalized the first years of his reign by the complete overthrow of Arianism, and all the sects of heretics in the whole extent of his dominions. He proclaimed with the tone of a dictator the unity of the divinity of the Father,Son and Holy Ghost, in equal majesty and harmonious trinity. Whoever ventured to think differently was branded with the dishonorable name of heretic, and threatened with the severest, eternal and temporal punishments. To establish these things, and the Nicene faith, Theodosius convoked the second general council at Constantinople (831). In this assembly the doctrine of the equal divinity of the Holy Ghost, which was connected by analogy with the doctrine of the Son, was expressly confirmed, and the notion of Macedonius (the semi-Arian bishop of Constantinople at the time of Constantius), according to which the Holy Ghost is not an independent God, but only a divine power, condemned. But the Arian heresy was restored in the West by the barba. rous nations which conquered the provinces of West Rome. Ulphilas, the apostle of the Goths, had subscribed, as it appears sincerely, to the Arian confession of faith of Rimini, and the poison of heresy, which he imparted to his pupils, spread the more rapidly over the barbarian world, since they instructed in

　

　

150 GENERAL HISTOR Y. their native dialects. and by this means gained the vietory eastly over the orthodox and Latin missionaries. Thus all the Gothic tribes, the Burgundians, Vandals, Suevi and Laogobards were infected with a contagiot which had ceased to rage in the Roman world-and in part made room for a worse contagion. The sword of Belisarius, however, and the edicts of Justinian elevated again in Africa and Italy the Athanasian faith; the sword of the Franks did the same in the Gallic provinces of the Burgundians and Westgoths, the last, themselves as masters of Spain, first attained the way of salvation by the conversion of Reccared (58), the Langobards still later (after 600):, mostly through the zeal of queen Theudelinde and. pope Gregory M.; and thus the fire was finally extinguished, which was kindled by the religious'sophisty of two Alexandrie: priests, and by which the world was troubled for three eenturies, NESTORIANS AND EUTYCHIANS.-MONOTHELITES. THE divinity of the Logos and his relations to the Father were settled; but still the mystery of the Incarnation remained unexplained. The theologians of that heretical age wandered about, painfully amidst loud clamours and bitter quarrels, for many generations, in the unfathomable depths and mazy paths of this mystery, seeking in vain for light and egress, and at length rallying on different sides, and forming parties permanently hostile. One of these parties was that of the Nestorians, who, according to the doctrine of Nestorius, their founder, the patriarch of Constantinople, distinguished in Christ the div ine and human nature, and acknowledged in Mary only the mother of Jesus Christ, and not the mother of God. The other party owed its origin to the opposition of the Alexandrine patriarch Cyrillus. He accused Nestorius; of converting the two- natures in Christ into two persons, and of admiitting consequently fotr persons itl the Divinity; and announced this horrible heresy with thundering words to the East and West. Pope Coelestin condemned Nestorits in an Italian synod, but the East opposed this, and the emperor Theodosius HI. convoked an ecclesiastical assembly (the tird general) at Ephesus to terminate this dispute (431). In this the cause of truth was supported at the same time by artifice and force; the inhabitants in and about the city, which, as was supposed, contained the tomb of Mary,

　

　

CH RISTIA Y. 151 dfended the honoir of the - motiher of God," and the hatred of Cyrillus triumphed in the detision, by which " the new Judas," Nestorius, was declared guilty of blasphemy, deprived of his episeopate, and excluded from the conmmunion of the church The fire was not ex-titguished with the painful death of Nes. torius; and it broke out afterwards on the other hand into bright flames. Hurried away by too much. zeal, Cyrillus had made use of expressions in his anathemas agaitst Nestorius, which did not escape the censure. of the opposite Sect, and Eutychius, the friend of Cyrilh-sj, and ardhimandrite at Constantinople, had used tetms still nmoe exceptionable, in his polemical deeision-s. After the complete union of the divine and human natures, there was no longer but one nature in Christ-such was the purport of his inconsiderate and sinister assertion, A second council, convoked at Ephesus, by Theodosius IL., in an irregular &disession, disgraced by the most scandalous scenes of sacerdotal passion and insolent violene,; confirmed the doctrine of Eutychius,. but another and general council (thefourth of. this rank), convoked by the emperor Marcian, at Chalcedon (455), established, under the predominant influence of the Roman pope, and according to the prescription of his epistle concerning the incarnation (tomus), orthodoxy by a definite formula, which was, however, received utfavorably by the Greeks. " The one person of Christ consists of two natutes," not formed out of or from two natures, as the majority of the Orientals were willing to admit. This decision left the Eutychians without any refuge. But the more severe a law of faith, the more obstinate the opposition of fanatidism.."An incarnate nature of Christ" became the war-whoop, which resounded hostilely in the churches of Egypt and Roman Asia, goon also in those of Armenia, Nubia, rind Abyssiia., and in part continds to do so at the present day. The Monophysites bore —at least for the most part-the common'ame of Jacobites, from the Syrian, Jacobus. Baradeus, who elevated again and united their party, which had declined by disasters ind division, ina the sixth century. Their hatredjustified by their persecution —towards the Melchites (slaves of the king, obedient also in faith,. according to their opinion a title of hontour) brought lasting cnfusiona and terrible bloodshed over the faiest prTovi.nces, especially over Egypt, and aided the S4ra.& cens in their conquests

　

　

152 GENERAL HISTGORY. The Nestorians separated from the orthodox Church at the same time as the Monophysites, but in an opposite direction. They founded in Persia-where they, as proscribed, consequently as enemies of the Roman empire, found confidence-a Church upon a solid basis, which was gradually extended by the zeal of missionaries and favorable circumstances to the extreme parts of Asia, to Siberia, China,'and India (where the Christians, called Thomists, upon the coast of Malabar, have the same faith as the Nestorians, at this time). Their head, the i" Catholic," or patriarch of Babylon (i. e. of the different royal residences on the Tigris), enjoyed a long time the acknowledgment of his supremacy from all these scattered congregations. Afterwards some of the more remote became extinct, the adherence of the rest grew weaker, and the dominion was divided among three heads (at Mosul, Amida, and Van). The emperor Heraclius occasioned a new war. He, upon the suggestion of the monks of Palestine, and with the laudable intention of promoting a reconciliation with the Monophysites, announced to the faithful that Christ, notwithstanding his two natures, had but one will. This publication kindled anew the fire that was glimmering under the ashes. Sophronius, patriarch of Jerusalem, supported by the zeal of his monks, opposed any compromise in the cause of faith, and the popes were of the same opinion. An ecclesiastical assembly in the Lateran pronounced a terrible anathema against the authors and adherents of such an abominable heresy; and the Greek Church adopted later the law of the Latin. In a general council (the sixth) at Constantinople (680), the article of the Catholic faith, which had been so long and.boisterously discussed, was finally settled. "One person, two natures, and two harmonious wills in Christ." But the Syrian monks, who had hatched Monathelitism, defied the decision of the whole Catholic world. The people around shared their fanaticism. Under the name of Maronites (from John Maro, their first leader), or Mardites, the Monothelitesrepulsed into the defiles of Mount Lebanon-effaced by the glory of incomparable heroism the stain of heresy, but experienced a sad fate by the cruel madness of Justinian II. But they were not wholly exterminated; and the descendants of these religious enthusiasts-purified, however, it is said, from the poison of

　

　

CHRISTIANITY. 153 heresy-possess at this day the heights and valleys of Lebanon, as far as the coasts of Tripoli. HERESIES IN THE WEST. THE West took not much part in these great movements, with the exception of the intervention of the pope, as a mediator, exciter, or decider. But it was visited by some peculiar heretical quarrels. Of this number was the long and important controversy about grace. Pelagius, an English monk, in the time of Honorius, excited this, since he promulgated the mild doctrine of the continuance of the original moral nature, even after the fall of Adam. With this idea, and the rejection of hereditary sin, was more than one further deviation from the dominant doctrine connected. " Death is the necessary result of organic nature, not the punishment of sin. The will of man is free, and possesses the innate power to choose and to practise virtue. The celestial grace which is promised us is only auxiliary, not particularly active in the work of conversion; and whether individual men shall walk in the way of salvation or not, is indeed foreseen by the omniscient God, but not founded in an eternal decree." The principal articles of this doctrine were condemned in the East and West, chiefly through the ardent zeal of St. Augustin, who established victoriously his gloomy system (by the inexorable severity of which every attempt at a compromise, as that of semi-Pelagianism, was frustrated), and gained for it a predominant authority for all succeeding times. " By the absolute decree of God we are all destined to eternal life or to damnation. All heathens-whose apparent virtues are nothing but brilliant vices-yea, all children that die without baptism, are lost.. The salvation of man is effected only through grace, the free will in this is powerless." Pelagius died in exile. But his dogmas did not die. The controversy about grace was carried on through all the succeeding centuries, almost to the latest times —under various forms and generally with sinister consequences-and at the present day the difficulty is felt of reconciling the free will of man with the omniscience of God, or absolute predestination with moral attributes. VOL. II. —-U

　

　

154 GENERAL HISTORY. HIERARCHY AND PAPACY. THE authority and? power of the clergy advanced in a continued and rapid progress. Constantine M. had already proclaimed a general freedom of donations and legacies to the Catholic church. The eagerness of the small and great, and of the emperors themselves (the barbarian nations and their princes were also soon animated with the same zeal) to profit by this freedom, enriched the spiritual order, and afforded an independent basis for their greatness. Soon-in the present period, however, not universally-tihe property of the Church was exempted from civil burdens and taxes, that is to say, immunities of the clergy were introduced, to the great oppression of the laity. Already earlier-Constantine M. had laid the foundation for this by exempting the bishops from the penal justice of secular tribunals-personal immunity, in an increasing extension of the idea, was granted to the clergy; and the right of sacred asylums, which had already existed in Judaism and paganism, was conferred upon the Christian churches. (Local immunity.) Such favors and privileges alone were already sufficient to form out of the spiritual order a state within the state. But the Christian priests desired not only independence, but dominion. Constant efforts after this object, and the natural superiority of a power resting upon spiritual principles over physical forces, obtained the mixed triumph; and there were three means which contributed particularly to. produce this result: The character of the. fundamental doctrine, which prostrated the laity to reverence, then the ignorance of this laity, and finally the prudent structure and firmness of the ecclesiastical constitution. After a contest, at first violent, but soon fatiguing, between democracy and aristocracy, the last finally prevailed in the spiritual commonwealth. The bishops became the acknowledged heads of the priests of their dioceses. Among the bishops themselves (there were more than eighteen hundred), the difference of rank, which was introduced at first tacitly, by reputation, by wealth, by extent of diocess, and by the personal character of particular prelates, but chiefly by the analogy of the civil classifieation of the empire, was sanctioned by law, and more regularly determined.

　

　

CH RI STIANITY. iut the principal pillar of the whole struc~ture-the completion of the hierarchical system, the main tie of the Catholic unity, became the prnimcy of the Roman. pope, which rose' gradually in proud majesty. The holy apostles, Peter and Paul, had been put to dealth in the Circus of Rome by, the order of the tyrant Nero. Over their graves, highly venerated and hallowed- by religious' awe and miracles, there' arose slowly, in the course of ages, the astonishing structure of a spiritual and temporal throne of the world. No. impartial observer will fail to perceive the beneficial effcet of the papal primacy upon the unity,firmness, aiMd extensitn of the Church; and if it was expedient and wise to constitute a primacy -in order that the ecclesiastical union, in its naturefree, should not be dissolved into anarchy or hostile parties, and that the power of the church should maintain, by a commori centre of gravity, a tranquil continuance and unity of operation-were this the case, the Roman. bishop had certainly superior claims to this dignity. The name of the empress of the world continned to receive the hereditary veneration of nations; even the new imperial city, Constantinople, acknowledged in some measure the superior majesty of ancient Rome. Of the four governors; who,- according to the regulation of Constantine Al., administered the four pro torian priefectures, one sat in Rome, and when the seat of government was removed to the strong Ravenna, Rome: remained by its population, its wealth, and its magnificence-although dechring —-the most important city of the West, and the first of the world in glorious recollections. TwoA apostolical founders, and they were the greatest, had laid the foundation to the church of Rome, and consecrated it by their martyrdom. It was the oldest, the most numerous of the western eongregations, many of which had been founded by its missionaries. Many bishops of Rome had become celebrated throughout Christendom by purely apostolical deportment, holiness, and benefifence:; others had shone by great talents in civil and religious affairs; and most of them had exercised an extensive influened by much intercourse and correspondence with the: great of the world and. of the church, with the congregations of the empire; and with barbarous nations. The- popes had early conceived the great idea ot empire, and pursued with a steady look the same plan), with amn

　

　

15t6 GENERAL HISTORY. formityin maxims and expedients, with wisdom and energy. What one acquired in goods, honours, or power, increased the fiduciary inheritance of St. Peter, and afforded his successor the means to make further acquisition: In fine, political relations, and the general course of events, favored the elevation of Rome. The eastern prelates were disunited by particular jealousies and incessant quarrels. In these intestine quarrels, if the parties were equal, the Roman bishopwho from his position appeared almost like a foreigner —was able easily to give the decision, by his assistance, either as a powerful ally or as an umpire. Even the patriarch of Constantinople, notwithstanding the splendor that fell upon him from the throne of the emperors, was unable to cope with that of Rome, for the reason that the proximity of the monarch deprived him of independence, and the mutable relations or sentiments of the court permitted no stability in principles and measures; whilst the Roman bishop, mostly beyond the reach of despotism, acted independently. Notwithstanding all these circumstances the primacy of the pope was restricted, until into the eighth century, to preference of rank-which was not always uncontested;-the other churches did not acknowledge in it the authority of the legislator or judge; with the exception of the suburbicarian provinces, which already Constantine M. had subjected to the Roman chair, and then of the Gallic churches, which Valentinian II1. placed under the same power, and also of the English churches, which the missionary Augustin gained for the pope, who had sent him. The title of "general bishop," which some popes adopted, was claimed in part by the patriarchs of Constantinople themselves, in part altogether rejected, and some concessions of the emperors were insufficient to confer upon it any ecclesiastical right. It was not until the eighth century that the magnificence of the pope obtained a firm foundation by temporal grandeur. The hostile disposition manifested by the family of the emperor Leo towards the worship of images, which excited a pious rebellion among the Italians, summoned the pope to place himself at the head 6f the people as a defender, counsellor and leader. Gregory II. and III. made an excellent use of these relations, alarmed the emperors-prevented, however, the complete separation of Italy from the empire, in order that they

　

　

CHRISTIANITY. 157 might act with so much she more independence themselves in the apparent province of a weak emperor, conducted henceforth in the troublesome times of insulation and of danger from the Langobards, the affairs of Rome in peace and war, and acquired in the gratitude of a people, which they had delivered from tyranny, the fairest title to dominion. This title was soon sanctioned by external authority. Pipin, the king of the Franks according to the decision of the pope, compensated him for this favor by the donation of the exarchate, which he had wrested from the proud Langobards. This donation, with a considerable augmentation, was confirmed by Charles M., and the Roman bishop was thus made a considerable temporal prince-although under Frankish supremacy. About this time Boniface (Winfried), the apostle of the Germans and archbishop of Mentz, had taken the oath of supremacy to the Roman chair. His example was followed by all the German clergy, and afterwards by the whole West. MONACHISM. WE have yet to consider an institution-Monachism —which, although heterogeneous to the essential principles of Christianity. was early introduced into it, and which exercised an immense influence upon Church and State. The ascetic principles which constitute the basis of the monastic system, are far more ancient than Christianity. Long before, among pagans and Jews, there were people, who from religious or philosophical enthusiasm, from delight in singularity, from pride, or a solitary, atrabilarious character, despised the common virtues of domestic and civil life, desired to be more perfect, more spiritual than other men, and expected to attain this higher and purer life of the soul by subjecting the body to severe discipline. The Gymnosophists, Essaeans, Pythagoreans and Cynics, may be considered as the precursors of the monks. These ideas were taken up still more zealously and enthusiastically exalted by the new Platonic or eclectic schools, from which they were transferred into Christianity with a powerful influence, and produced early, partly among various sects of heretics; as those of Marcion, Montanus, &c., and partly in the bosom of the Catholic church the doctrines of corporal mortification, contempt of marriage, and perpetual abstraction of the soul from sensual to spiritual things.

　

　

,{8 GENERAL HISTORY. Tne triumph of Christianity, since its confession, demanding ao more victims, seemed no longer meritorious by itself, increased the adherents of that doctrine, and among minds thus prepared, it waes not impossible for a fanciful genius to effect easily a permanent revolution by giving a more definite form to ideas as yet vague, and by directing to a nearer object the forces already set in motion. Antonius, a young peasant from Thebais, did this (305), by the example which he (together with Paul, his older friend) set for the devotees and enthusiasts of his country, by a sad and solitary life in the desert, amidst continual prayer and expiation, isolated from all natural and civil relations. At his death (356), the deserts of Upper and Lower Egypt were peopled by his disciples, and even the cities on the Nile were filled with numerous colonies of the same enthusiasts. Pachomius,the founder of the first regular cloister upon Tabenne, an island of the Nile, Ammonius, Hilarion, who introduced the monastic life into Palestine and Syria, as well as Basilius in Pontus, Athanasius, (and after him, especially Jerome,) who established cloisters at Rome, and Martin of Tours (370), who did the same in Gaul, were rivals and cotemporaries of Antonius, or a little later. The seed which they had scattered, grew up with incredible rapidity into abundant harvests in the mother country, and it flourished well on foreign soil. One hundred thousand monks and nuns were enumerated at the close of the fourth century, merely in the great cloisters of Egypt; those of Palestine and Syria were peopled in an almost equal proportion, and the vast deserts around were animated with a scattered swarm of hermits and anchorites. The severer climate of the West obstructed somewhat the progress of monachism, and modified the monastic rules: but innumerable cloisters were gradually erected in cities and deserts, from Calabria as far as Ireland and the Hebrides. St. Columban and St. Augustin, the spiritual conquerors of England, who, in the sixth century, advanced these pious works, Benedict, who established the first particular order in the same century, Chrodegang, the founder of regular canons in collegiate churches during the eighth cen tury, and his cotemporary, Boniface, the, illustrious apostle of the Germans, are the principal fathers of monachism in the West.'The cenobites or monks in a stricter sense, however diffeIret

　

　

CH:RISTI ANITY. 1 51 the statutes of certain orders are in secondary requirements, and special objects, are united by a common spirit, and in par-, ticular by the three fundamental vows of poverty, obedience, and chastity, into a society uniform in spirit and character. Poverty contains the general obligation to lead a frugal, ascetic life, consequently to manifest the greatest simplicity in habitations, food, clothing, &c. (with which manual labor was originally connected), as well as the -particular obligation to renounce all personal property. Blind obedience, the second vow, the observance of which was maintained by the severest —often tyrannical-punishments, completes the annihilation of personality, and converts the monk into a passive instrument of his superiors, according to the diflbrent degrees of the monastic hierarchy. Celibacy —although it was not at first absolutely required-is a natural consequence of the two first obligations, and of living in common, and is comprised as a consequence of ascetic chastity, in the third vow. The spiritual functions of divine worship, and the care of souls, are not essential to monachism. The first monks were regarded as laymen, but they were soon discovered to be suitable servants of the hierarchy. It cannot be denied that many cloisters have been the means of doing much good. As long as actual poverty compelled the monks to labor, their useful industry-after they became wealthy their riches and authority-cultivated many a desert; forest, marsh and heath were converted into smiling fields, that supplied the granaries of nations. A vast surrounding region often felt the propitious influence of the cloister; even their splendor and luxury served to animate industry. The nobler harvests of the arts and sciences flourished also in or by the cloisters. In them alone the muses found an asylum —:although miserable-during the tumult of arms in the middle ages. Many cloisters and orders have made the sciences the principal object of their efforts; and their collections, their institutions, their scientific works, have always borne precious fruits-often, however, unacceptable to the founders. The missionarnes-who went mostly from cloisters —have rendered immense service to geography, anthropology and indeed to most branches of know-.edge; and the truly beneficent, humane objects of some particular orders or cloisters, such as the care of the sick, liberation

　

　

160 GENERAL HISTORY. of captives, &c., have given them the highest claim to gratitude and veneration. Finally, many particular monks have been most gloriously distinguished, in all orders, and at all times, by virtue, true piety, talents, and zeal for the welfare of mankind. Monachism is condemned, however, by philosophy and humanity. But the spirit only that is naturally or necessarily inherent in monachism, can determine our judgment; and this spirit is discernable by the consideration that monachism requires the suppression of natural inclinations, and that its essence is affected piety, and the practice of works that bear the mark of sanctity. I. Nature is not offended with impunity, and suppressed powers open for themselves a destructive course. The monk, constrained to renounce the most agreeable sentiments, to be severe towards himself, and an enemy of. pleasure, becomes easily inhuman towards others-intolerant, oppressive, without forbearance or compassion. Besides, he who has divested himself of vile man, is in danger of wandering as a visionary in celestial regions, or of sinking down into the grossest sensuality. He who has subjected himself to the law of blind obedience, is in no less danger of adopting the despicable sentiments of slaves, and of losing the very idea of human dignity. II. An institution of affected piety and sanctity, based upon external works, can flourish only in a superstitious soil, and in a dark age. The monk, as such, is therefore necessarily an enemy to illumination and all liberal ideas. He may tolerate and even love erudition, he may respect the real sciences-but philosophy, in the empire of which monachism cannot prosper, is to him an abomination. For the same reason, he does not esteem the domestic and civil virtues, or those that are purely human, because he has renounced them himself, and finds it for his interest to suppress them, and commends and inculcates in their stead the sterile virtues of asceticism. A state where monachism prevails is closed to liberal culture of the mind, is closed to freedom, to civil fortune, and to the nobler destination of man.

　

　

SECOND PERIOD. (FIFTH PERIOD OF GENERAL HISTORY.) FROM CHARLES.M. UNTIL THE CLOSE OF THE CRUSADES.-A D. 800-130& GENERAL SURVEY. CHARACTER OF THE PERIOD.'FEUDALISM and hierarchy are the two principal relations around which, as around a common centre of gravity, all others turn, and which, as the dominant powers of that age, determine imperiously its general spirit in civil, religious, scientific and moral respects. Both feudalism and hierarchy, whatever their panegyrists may say of their excellent adaptation to the time, i. e. of their beneficence to be acknowledged according to the then existing circumstances-belong to the most deplorable phenomena in history. It must indeed have been an unfortunate time, when even superstition became a benefit, when the power of priests remained a desirable refuge, when ordeals were the best expedients against the stupidity or caprice of judges, when bounds were set to despotism by ignorance, when rudeness was the defence against immorality in politics and in private life, and obtuseness diminished the sense of misery! The principal evil was that the people had everywhere lost freedom, and in truth were in utter want of a state of justice. On this account many other evils appear relatively as advantages, because they mitigated or concealed that principal evil. But this appearance vanishes if they are regarded by themselves. In the lawless relation of nations and chiefs, subjugated or ruling by force of arms, the chain of feudal splendor and vassalage, which run through all conditions and parts of a country, from the throne to the hat, prevented perVOL. II.-v 11 (161)

　

　

162 GENERAL HISTORY. haps complete anarchy, or at least preserved the appearance of civil union. But how imperfect a substitute for that firmer and nobler tie of a common law and a common will, which unites the members of a well organized state as such, and-whethei under monarchical or republican forms-exhibits them as one moral person! The prerogatives and power of the nobilitywhether allodial or feudal-were indeed able to raise a barrier against royal tyranny; but the nobles themselves as so many despots, could desolate the country at pleasure by intestine war, and trample with impunity upon the common people, who were abandoned to their mercy. It is the same case with the hierarchy. It mitigated frequently the fury of passion by sacred authority, diminished the horrors of feudal wars by the inviolability of the spiritual empire, and overthrew the unjust power of great or petty tyrants by mediation or punition. But it excited passions also, kindled sacred wars, and was not less favorable to injustice than to justice, and even where it operated beneficially, demanded for the appearance of external liberty the sacrifice of the nobler liberty of mind, and often united with the temporal power against the rights of nations and of man. There remained to nations not one means of defence against such a formidable coalition of the throne with the altar; for science fled from the tumult of war, or was prostrated by fulmination; and among the degraded multitude, powerless by disunion, there operated no public opinion; and religious feeling was almost solely directed-mostly misdirected-by priests. Popular power was also restricted by poverty. Ignorant of the more refined enjoyments, patiently resigned to want, without security of property or person, how could men have been active, industrious, and devoted to commerce? Thus the rust of rude manners became thicker from century to century; only those virtues which are the natural offspring of an uncultivated state and of indigence, improved by the'sublime doctrine of Jesus Christ, remained visible, and only rare talents-they were, however, so much the more brilliant by their rareness, and the night by which they were surrounded-opened themselves a free course. The most precious, peculiar jewel of these times was chivalry; an institution which opposed with wonderful power rudeness and wickedness; but according to its essence, the child of rudeness itself, and which by its principal object, warfare against injustice, sup

　

　

SUMMARY OF POLITICAL EVENTS 163 posed the last as the predominant power; besides, is very much disposed to degenerate into strange deformity, which confuses the most important civil relations, finally, even in its greatest perfection, a dangerous fortification of the power of the nobility, and a line of separation, imposing by its sanctity, between the nobles and the people. The sad picture which we have sketched of this period, requires indeed some modification for the separate centuries as well as for separate parts of the historical theatre. There is observed, especially soon after the commencement of the crusades, a faint dawn, which proclaims the beginning of a gradual change for the better. We have had in view in our description only Europe, and particularly German Europe, i. e. Central and Western Europe. The Northern and Eastern nations, however, are equal to the Western in barbarism, and indeed generally deeper than they, and inferior to them in moral worth. But the Byzantine empire pursues its own,sad career, approaching nearer and nearer to its dissolution. The flourishing civilization of the Mohammedans in the East affords a striking contrast in this period with the barbarism of Christendom. In its highest elevation, however, according to the destiny of Asia, it is obscured by the clouds of despotism, and has not that energetical principle of life peculiar to the European civilization, which aspires constantly to higher perfection, and depends as much upon the spirit and sentiments of nations, as upon circumstances. The splendor of the Arabian civilization declines already in the present period, and at its close is almost extinguished by the Mongolian revolution. SUMMARY OF POLITICAL EVENTS. THE imposing apparition of CHARLES the Great opens this period, and gives to the course of general destinies a new, longobservable direction. This monarch, rendered illustrious by so many exploits, so wonderfully favored by fate, or rather serving as its instrument, is, according to the effects that proceeded from him, the chief figure for more than a century. In comparison with his vast dominions-they extended from the North Sea as far as Lower Ital-:, and from the Ebro as far as the Vistula and Theissall other European states became insignificant. Even after the early dismemberment of his empire, its separated parts retained

　

　

164 GENERAL HISTO RY. for a considerable time a common notion and a common centre of gravity, that was felt in a vast sphere; and indeed one part. Germany, maintained as an inheritance from him the predominant power in Europe during many centuries. His laws, although their spirit was not understood, and their letter neglected, are, however the basis, and the most important commentary of the later internal constitution of many states; and by the restoration of the Western empire he has become a sovereign legislator for the political relations of Europe in distant times. None of his descendants inherited the greatness of Charles; a few generations after him his whole house perished-for the most part ignominiously-under the vengeance of fate; but his empire was dismembered, at first (already under his grandsons 843), into the three principal states, Germany, Italy and France, afterwards into several other fragments, as the two Burgundies, Navarre and the kingdom of the Obodriti. After the many disorders and innumerable misfortunes which. nations had experienced under the weak government of the Carlovingians, the powQr of Germany rose first under freely elected, native kings, and obtained a decided preponderance and acknowledged majesty by the permanent acquisition of the royal crowns of Italy and.'the Roman Empird under Otho iM. This splendid and triple kingdom-which after the union of the two Burgundies comprised Germany, Italy and Arelat-was bounded on the west by the Rhone and Meuse, on the north, south and east mostly by the countries of the ancient Carlovingians; with this difference, however, that on the east the doubtful dominion was determined, established and considerably enlarged; and that besides the Wends, Bohemia, Poland and Hungary (but the two last only at times) acknowledged its supremacy. The rude policy of those times, and the spirit of feudalism, however, did not permit the members of this great body to be firmly united. Even the countries of Germany Proper were gradually converted by the increasing power of the royal vassals and greater dynasties into an irregular medley of governments, aspiring to independence, which the king was able to keep in subjection only by personal superiority in talents, courage, or in the hereditary power of his family. Contacts with France, which was mostly hostile and always jealous, favored in

　

　

SUMMARY OF POLITICAL EVENTS. 165 the provinces of Burgundy and Lorraine separation from Germany; difference of origin and manners, recollection of previous independence, and remoteness of situation, produced a similar effect in the countries of the Wends and Slaves; and without the confusion which prevailed equally in foreign states, anti still more without the distinguished personal worth of the greater part of the German kings —in which respect the history of Germany eclipses that of all other countries-ignominy and dissolution would have been almost inevitably the early fate of this shapeless body politic. But the union of the royal crown of Germany with Italy, and the dignity of Roman emperor, remained the most difficultalthough the most brilliant-relation. This important relation presents, especially in a political respect, two very different points of view. The possession of the rich plains of Lombardy, supremacy over the states of the Church, and besides-under the later Hohenstaufen-the dominion over the fertile countries of Naples and Sicily, deserved indeed to be regarded as precious jewels, compensating for the greatest efforts to attain them, as inexhaustible treasuries and arsenals, as worthy trophies and firm bulwarks of German power and splendor. But the Roman empire,. from the great recollections that were associated with its name, contained the legitimate claim to the first rank among all the western powers, and indeed an apparent title to the empire of the world. All these possessions, however, were rather apparent and nominal than real. As nature has separated Germany and Italy by eternal limits, so it has also severed the nations by the permanent partition-wall of different generic and climatic characters. The untutored, passionate policy of the German emperors, which was'sustained by the force of arms alone, was utterly unable to remove these contrasts or prevent their unhappy results. Thus the Transalpine conquerors were always despised by the humbled Italians as foreign barbarians, hated by them as victorious enemies; and the possession of the country was never any other than a military possession, precarious, and constantly dependant upon force of arms. The coronation of every new emperor was a military expedition, every step was rendered difficult by open warfare, or more dangerous treachery, and every corner of Italy was drenched with German blood.

　

　

ti 66 eG Ef GNT 1.IERALI s ISTO t o!t. Besides all this, there was the more particular relation with the pope. The bishop of Rome and the sovereign protector Qf the Roman church, the sacerdotal regent of the state of the Church, and its civil ruler, the western patriarch and the western emperor, or according to bolder pretensions, the spiritual head of the Christians, and the temporal Lord of the World, had so many points of jealous or hostile contact against one another in all these relations, that, from the general situation of things, the most violent conflict, and indeed a contest for life and death, was inevitable. This war was carried on for centuries, with all the arms that the reciprocal position of the two afforded, but with decided superiority on the part of the pope, who not only terrified a fanatical world by the thunder of excommunication, but excited, protected, and employed against the emperor with success, as instruments, the earthly interests of love for freedom, of personal hatred, and ambition. Hence it happened, that, when the Saxon emperors had apparently established their dominion by repeated and dearly purchased victories, and the Frankish Henry (III.) had exercised it, the son of the last succumbed ignominiously and deplorably in the unequal contest, and that the heroic Hohenstaufen after a long, glorious resistance, came to the sadest end, a warning example to their successors in the empire; so that none of them ventured to assert the rights of the empire with equal zeal; that the kingdom of Italy became an antiquated title, and the Roman empire scarcely more than a name. In their vain efforts to attain this supremacy, the German emperors had not only lavished the national power of Germany, but also sacrificed their authority at home to the venal assistance of their vassals. Their dominion itself over Germany had become hardly more than a rank of honor, and at the close of this period —whilst some German princes have the independence of kings-the German body politic, which has no common soul, no energetic central power, is almost without weight in the political balance. The same relation between the emperor and pope became also the principal basis for the political formation of Italy. This country had withdrawn itself earlier from the dominion of the Carlovingians; some of its great men aspired to wear the royal crown, and even that of the emperors. But Italy was too discordant within itself to escape foreign dominion. After bloodv

　

　

SUMMARY OF POLITI'CAL EVEiNTS. resolutions, and much vicissitude in warfare, the greater part of the principalities formed from the dismemberment of the Carlovingian inheritance, disappeared; and Italy submitted to the Germans. Without the pope, national hatred and feudal anarchy would undoubtedly have severed again these ties; but the collision between the throne and the altar favored and accelerated this separation, and gave duration and character to the new order of things. Rome became for the second time empress of the world. For after the pope had overcome the emperor, no prince, no king, dared to make any resistance against him, and Christendom received with reverence its laws and rights from the Vatican. The authority of the pope, however, was much less respected in Italy itself. It is true, he had obtained feudal supremacy over the beautiful kingdom, which the Normans had established in Naples and Sicily, upon the ruins of the Arabian and Greek dominion, and defended his immediate province, the State of the Church, for which he was indebted to the donation of Pipin and Charles the Great, as well as possible from the iniquities of the time: but here as well as there he was often severely afflicted by the refractory spirit of his vassals and their superiority in secular arms, and the world witnessed the singular spectacle of a power, that was irresistible at a distance, and contemned in its vicinity. In the countries of Lombardy, which, from their position and relations, feared most the emperor's power, there resounded first, amidst the hostile shouts of the fwo conflicting powers, the noble cry of freedom. It proceeded from the cities, which discerned immediately their natural protector in the pope, as the opponent of their formidable sovereign. There arose a large number of republics, which were rich by commerce, powerful by a common spirit, and afforded an alluring example at a distance-even for the nations beyond the Alps. On the contrary, many lords, who were alarmed at the progress of civil rights, attached themselves to the emperor. Many particular cities, which had quarrels with other cities, or particular parties among the nobility and people adhered also to the emperor. Thus all Italy was gradually divided by the dissension of the Guelphs (adherents of the pope) and Ghibellines (adherents of the emperor) into two political parties, which, confusedly intermingled, brought bloody war and intestine disorder into almost all the countries, communities and.

　

　

16S GENERAL HISTORY. fanlilies, during some centuries, prevented by their internal quarrel participation in external affairs,-occasioned by their various success manifold division of the country, and the won derful mixture of freedom and absolute power in this remarkable peninsula. Whilst polygarchy was gaining ground in Germany, and freedom in Italy, in France the system of monarchy or concentrated power prevailed. It is true that in the time of the Carlovingians the relations of this country were the same as in the two first; but the dominion of the unworthy descendants of Charles in this country, longer than any where else, showed that the French people were inclined to hereditary monarchy; and after the elevation of Hugh Capet, whose house never lost the sceptre, the history of France took a course entirely opposite to.that of the history of Germany. The German kings had directed their masculine and bold spirits to great enterprises abroad, but neglected the interests of their own country, especially the fortification of their power, in the consciousness of their imperial elevation. The kings of France, without such imposing dignity, surrounded by insolent vassals, and destitute of sufficient coercive power, strove first, and, indeed, almost exclusively, to increase their military forces, and pursued this plan with that persevering policy which is the natural arm of the weak. Thus their attention was diverted from foreign affairs, and where they engaged in them it was generally done —as in the often repeated wars of Lorraine-with striking weakness. The difficulty of their domestic relations increased this weakness. For when a duke of Normandy, which already under the Carlovingians fell into the power of the enemy, therefore a vassal and peer of France, conquered England, and afterwards the rich inheritance of Guienne fell to the same hostile crown, the French king saw himself threatened in his own kingdom by such imminent danger, in the north and south, that he was obliged to renounce all other plans to insure his own preservation. He carried on war with England, however, not without success; danger rallied the French around their sovereign, and the effect of the royal power, which had been fortified by Louis VI. and Philip Augustus, was already distinctly discovered. This was still more perceptible under the brilliant reigns of Louis IX. and Philip the Fair. I._____________

　

　

SUMMAR Y OF POLITICAL EVENTS. 169 Spain was a world by itself. The Christian kingdoms of Leon, Castille, Navarre, Aragon and Portugal, which had risen gradually, exhausted their forces, partly in wars among themselves, partly against the Moors, who retreated more and more. They participated, however, passively and involuntarily, in the revolutions of northern Africa, the movements of which generally reached the peninsula. They participated equally-especially Navarre —in the English and French wars, on account of their relations as neighbouring powers, and also in the affairs of Italy-Aragon, in particular, which was ambitious to acquire foreign dominion. England enjoyed under Alfred M. a short period of prosperity. After many devastations, the Danes conquered the whole country. But they did not retain it long. A new conqueror, William of Normandy, composed the bleeding kingdom with a heavy sceptre. After repeated storms the house of Plantagenet ascended the throne with Henry II., confirmed it by large possessions in France, and by the recent conquest of Ireland. Internal troubles, occasioned by the conflicting interests of the royal power and the people, who were striving for liberty, prevented the success of foreign wars. The superiority of France was felt, as well as the dangerous vicinity of Scotland. The name of the Normans became celebrated by their conquests and depredations. In their native country, barbarism and dissension prevented the rise of a powerful kingdom. Denmark, however,-to which Norway sometimes belonged — was formidable under Canute M. and the two Waldemars. Sweden remained a long time divided, and was of no great political importance until the close of this period. Russia, which, under the princes of the family of Rurik, began to rise from barbarism, vwas plunged back into it by the sword of Ihe Mongols. Europe knew little of this great country and its inhabitants. The history of the Wends, the Bohemians, Moravians, and f!r the most part, that of the Poles, is connected with the history of Germany, and unimportant except in this connexion. Of the hordes that immigrated from Asia into the countries of the Euxine and Danube, the Hungarians are the most important at first the scourge of Germany. afterwards its vassals, they VOL. II:-w

　

　

170 GENERAL I 1''TORY. regained finally their independence, and were always dangerous, as unquiet neighbours. The Bulgari, Chasari, Pecinaci, Comani, &c., continued their desolating expeditions, and ruled by turns over the bleeding countries. Their most important relations were with Russia and the Byzantine empire. This last sinks more and more into lethargy; but its political life is restored for a short time by the Crusades, in which it takes a great part, actively and passively. At the commencement of this period, the throne of the Abbassides continued to stand far-ruling and brilliant at Bagdad, although the odious race of the Ommiades ruled in independent majesty at Cordova. But, according to the forever-returning destinies of the Asiatic empires, the great caliphate became languid, and its political principle of life died, at first in the remoter provinces, and finally in the heart itself. Out of the provinces that were detached from the empire by the rebellion of governors, barbarian mercenaries, or common adventurers, new states were formed, new centres of military and political intercourse of nations, operating more or less remotely, established; and at length the fifty-sixth successor of the prophet was trampled to death under the feet of the Mongolian horses, and the caliphate destroyed. Among the many new states that were formed out of the ruins of the Arabian empire in Africa and Asia, that of the Fatemites, founded already in the tenth century, was the most remarkable, and in which, by the claim of its founder to the dignity of caliph, religious dissensions were associated with political. But many other dynasties arose to brilliant, although generally transitory, magnificence, upon the extensive coast of northern Africa, and upon that of the Ocean, and in Spain. In Asia, the Turkish states attract principally our attention by their extensive influence, and the permanent importance of the Turkish name. Since the sixth century, the history of Asia is filled with the glory and terror of that far-sounding name. But the theatre and circumstances of the operation-although generally barbarous, and for the most part destructive-of this great nation, composed of numerous tribes, were very different. The Chinese annals make mention of a Turkish empire, existing in the most remote times, ii the mountainous deserts of the

　

　

SUMMARY OF POLITICAL EVENTS. 171 Altai. The formidable hordes of the Chasari, Hungarians (Ungri), Petscheneges, and others, are supposed to have come from the bosom of this empire. Many others, remaining near to their home, wandered about, mostly under the far-spread name of Turcomans, in the steppes to the east of the Caspian Sea,-a part also to the west-bearing arms usually against the states of Central Asia, and often in their pay. The later Abbassides formed their guards principally out of Turkish captives and mercenaries, gave their favorite commanders the government of vast countries, to others the dignity of Emirs and Vizers. The many thrones which we see rise, together or in succession, in the countries of the caliphate, were erected in part by these promoted slaves, in part by the leaders of free hordes, in consequence of rebellion or war, and were overthrown, as they had arisen. The kingdoms of the Gaznevides, Seldjukides; Charissemites, Atabekes, Kurdes, Mamelukes, and many others, belong to this number. Even the Mongols, whose desolating dominion embraced almost all Asia, and a third part of Europe, are a Turkish horde, or a horde subject to the Turks. In the thirteenth century there arose, from the desert of Cobi, the most fearful storm that ever desolated the world. Under Genghis-Khan and his sons, the demi-human Mongols fell like a lavine upon countries, prostrated a hundred thrones, and erected over their ruins their own immense empire, the greatest, the most terrible, by blood and desolation, in history. Each one of the four principal chanates, into which this enormous whole was soon separated-such as China, or East-Asia, Iran, or Central Asia, Dschagatai, or the Steppe-countries of High-Asia (Turan), and Kipzak, or Northern Asia, with Russia, was too large, and the two last were in too barbarous a condition (these fiends were civilized only in China) to remain without further revolutions. We shall see these take place in the next period, especially the most important one of Dschagatai, and the deplorable state in which Asia has remained since, consummated. The Crusades, which commenced at the close of the eleventh century, had the most powerful influence upon the greater part of the states in the East and West. There was as yet no more remarkable spectacle than they. These expeditions were undertaken on account of a religious

　

　

72 GENERAL I1ST I ORY. idea, not from political motives. They will not, therefore, be appreciated in a political point of view. However, the shock of such enormous forces, the march of such powerful armies, the long and obstinate maintenance of a distant country, the attempt to establish a line of communication upon various routes by land and water, in the north and south, with Jerusalem, and finally, the frustration of all these plans, produced necessarily important political results. What were they? All Europe arose in arms-"- as if unhinged, in order to precipitate itself upon Asia," struggled for nearly two centuries with its extreme and combined power-and obtained nothing but the precarious possession of a small extent of coast, maintained it with difficulty, amidst great disorders and constant danger, and finally lost it forever. Several crowned heads, many great princes and lords, the flower of the chivalry of all countries, and millions of common warriors fell as victims of this great cause, upon which immense treasures were also spent, and not one foot of this dearly purchased country was retained; and the hereditary enemy of the Christian name, instead of being enfeebled by a two hundred years' war, was more formidable at its close than ever; the Greek empire, for the protection of which the Crusades were commenced, was at first strengthened by new acquisitions of territory, but soon harassed, and indeed overthrown by the Crusaders themselves, and, after its restoration, abandoned without defence to the Turks; in Asia, finally, many destructive blows were given to Turkish and Arabian states, many sanguinary revolutions occasioned or promoted; but the bulwark against the Mongols was weakened by this very distraction, and the broad foundation laid for the rise of the Ottoman power:- these are the external effects of the Crusades, which form so great a contrast with the object and means, and justify apparently the severe judgment of a celebrated author: "that thus the only enterprise, in which all the nations of Europe have ever united, and which they have pursued with equal perseverance and zeal, has served merely for a striking monument of human folly." But the failure of the principal object of such great movements, which is easily explained by a glance at a map, and by weighing impartially the physical, military, political, and moral forces of the conflicting parties, and by a careful consideration of the unavoidable and insurmountable difficulties and obstacles, from

　

　

CIVILIZATION. 173 the nature of the enterprise, and the situation of the world at that time,-the failure of the principal object or the immediate effect of the crusades, ought not to determine our judgment concerning this undertaking. This is to be appreciated rather according to its motive, according to its spirit, and according to its mediate consequences, which we shall do hereafter. CIVILIZATION. THE SYSTEM OF CHIVALRY. IN an age when the power of nobles and priests triumphs, when nations are sunk in slavery and darkness, when states are dissolved into numerous petty despotisms, when the rust of barbarism grows thicker from century to century, and the voice of humanity and reason is drowned in constant tumult of arms, or in the thunder of the anathema-then is the picture of civilization sad, but nevertheless instructive in its sadness. If a nation is overtaken in its earliest efforts towards social civilization by the worst corruption of society, and the sinister fruits of an artificial degeneracy, the observer is terrified by the monstrosity of such a combination, as well as by the hopelessness of such a condition, and a mirror of fearful warning is presented to all coming generations. Such is the character of the present period. Nations had hardly es6aped the hardships and crimes of a perfectly rude state, when they sunk again under the weight of an artificial-of a double despotism (that of feudal aristocracy and the hierarchical); they were obliged to bear the heaviest burdens of political relations, without receiving the blessings of civil society or the improved state of man. But in such a gloomy state of social relations, the germs of a better order of things were slumbering. They were there concealed, perceived perhaps by none, and they were developed, fostered intentionally by a few, upon the whole less through the merit of these men, than by a wonderful providence, or by the course of general events. Besides Christianity, which gave the origin or formation for the most part to the following relations, besides the ruins of

　

　

174 GENERAL HISTORY. ancient literature, whicn elevated perhaps the spirit of the Europeans, as they awoke from their slumber, there were three causes in particular which produced such a happy revolution: Chivalry, the particular interests of cities, and the Crusades. We shall speak of the two last in another place, for the sake of order, and here only of Chivalry. At all times violence and wickedness have conspired against justice and innocence. At all times the good have found themselves obligated, and indeed have expressly united, to mitigate human misery, to sustain justice, and to preserve innocence. The magnitude of evil in the middle ages, the dissolution of social ties by anarchy and club-law, required and justified a more energetic remedy. When it is permitted to take up the sword to maintain one's own rights, and even to gratify his ambition or passions, he who arms himself for the defence of others' rignts, and for the public protection of innocence, cannot incur any censure. Where the tribunals of justice afford no redress, the oppressed must have recourse to the protection of individuals. To keep one's word voluntarily, where the tribunals are without force, becomes a duty so much the more sacred. In this-consequently in the evil itself-lies the first germ of chivalry, as its most natural and efficacious remedy. Circumstances and the general spirit of the time, gave it a more definite formation. The gratitude of those who were delivered from oppression, the respect which even the wicked paid to the champion of justice and innocence, the agreeable sentiments *which compensated acts of generosity, encouraged exceedingly to an activity, which corresponded with the predominant inclination to bear arms, and gave an acceptable support to the proud pretensions of the nobles. Bravery has always been regarded by warlike nations as the ornament of man, and especially as an indispensable test of nobility. Now the more beautiful idea came into vogue: generosity is the companion of valour, and it is the duty of the strong to protect the weak. But ideas have more power than laws. If a person thought it his duty to restrain injustice, every violation of justice on his own part, appeared necessarily so much the more disgraceful. The just detest a lie, as the instrument of deceit, and the strong despise it as cowardice Truth and fidelity, fidelity as firm as a rock, are the most sacred virtues. Without them there is no honour, and honour is the most precious

　

　

LAWS AND CUSTOMS 175 possession of the knight. The dignity of this character impresses also the stamp of nobility upon the external deportment; practice of philanthropy disposes to affability, and fear of committing injustice teaches us to be cautious, indulgent, and agreeable in society. A higher consecration is given to all duties by religion; the spirit of the middle ages required this consecration for all the more important relations, and the Christian religion, as the instructress of justice and compassion, harmonised most beautifully with the principal obligations of chivalry-purified and consecrated them. This devotion was soon fostered by external ceremonies, and the dubbing of a knight resembled the solemn admission of a person into the religious orders. Whoever aspired to the dignity of knight was obliged to perform the office of an esquire, a kind of noviciate, and the king himself was no more than a knight. It is not in the power, however, of any human institution to alter the nature of man. Chivalry neither destroyed the inclination to wickedness, nor selfishness, nor passions. But it set up justice, humanity, and honour as the high marks to which human efforts should be directed, confirmed the power of moral precepts by conventional sanction, rendered homage to every virtue, stigmatized vice, which, wherever it was found, appeared at least to be a violation of rules or a culpable transgression of positive duty. Notwithstanding all the excrescences which deformed it, especially in later times, those excellent fundamental traits remain perceptible, and, whether distorted by fanatical excess, or abused by wickedness or hypocrisy, its true character is always noble and great. Chivalry, yielding to the different spirit of the times, has ceased to exist, but its consequences have remained. Much of the refinement in the tone of society, much of the delicacy in friendship and love, the sacred observance of the word of honour even among those who deride the duties of morality, and princi. pally the traits of humanity and generosity, which mitigate sometimes the destructive fury of war, the horrors of the battlefield-are indeed mostly legacies or echoes of the age of chivalry. LAWS AND CUSTOMS. THE laws consisted for the most part only of customs, established by circumstances, or the decision of common sense, which

　

　

176 GENERAL HISTORY were occasionally collected, and if approved, invested with putJ lie authority. Political and civil laws were not strictly distinguished. The criminal laws were still to be characterized by composition. The accurate determination of the Wehrgeld and the Peace-money according to the dignity of the violated persons and the degrees of violation, without a moral gradation, indicates certainly a rudeness of ideas; it prevented however the arbitrary decisions of tribunals, which should be regarded as profound wisdom. In Germany, the cities, as the natural friends of justice, were the first to make collections of laws. The provincial collections, such as the Saxon, Suabian and imperial codes, were made in the middle of the thirteenth century. These provincial laws prevailed everywhere. There were few general laws of the empire. The rising sovereignty of the country occasioned this. But some other laws that appeared in this period, the authority of which was general, or extended at least over many countries, are more important than all the provincial or national legislations. The feudal law, the Roman law, and the canonical. Of the Roman law we have spoken already in the forme: period. Its use was never entirely extinct in the countries of the Western empire, especially what relates to the Imperial law and the Institutes. The authority of the Pandects, on the contrary, was first renewed by the emperor Lothaire II. Irnerius (Werner) delivered lectures at that time to a large number of students upon this law in the university of Bologna, and by that means brought it into use. The emperor Lothaire favored its study. His successors-perceiving how excellently this law supported their ambitious pretensions-bestowed likewise their favor upon it, and thus the law, which at first was only a customary one, or a usage of tribunals, but afterwards a code solemnly recognized, arose to dominion in the German countries, and in the greater part of the West. The feudal law was a necessary result of the predominant feudal system. Such important, such general relations could not long remain without a legal direction or determination. Custonis, at first the only source of the feudal riahts, traced the course also for the feudal laws; these gave to customs a more definite form, and established them, more firmly. The dominion of the canonical law was much more extensive 1.

　

　

LAWS AND CUSTOMS. 177 and important in its'results; for this legislation not only united the clergy more closely in all countries belonging to the Romiian church, and formed them into a real political commonwealth-, which existed in all states separately, -and:: extended over all together,-but also produced principally or confirmed the subordination of the civil condition and the civil power to the clerical body. All this would have scarcely taken placer unless an energetic central power had -been formed in the bosorn-of the Church, which, by rallying the spiritual- forces un-der ne: banner, by applying them in one direction, facilitated -its victory over the secular power. This great work was accomplished by the pope, and the ecclesiastical law, according to its most essential dispositions, became a mere papal law. This was effected principally by a spurious book; a collection of'pretende'd decretals of the popes during the first six centuries,: under the venerable name of Isidorus, B. of Seville (t636), composed by- an impostor (probably about the middle of the ninth: century),: and by the favor of the universal ignorance of that' barbarous age, not without artifice and force, but especially by the perseverance and fortune of P. Nicholas I. (t867), obtruded upon Christendom as a genuine historical monument, and upon the Roman church as valid law. In this collection appeared those proud pretensions, which the relations of these times first permitted the clergy in general and the pope in particular to make, as already proclaimed and freely exercised by the earliest popes. After a feeble resistance the Christians of the West received tnis work of imposture, and thus the elevation of the spiritual class over the secular, as well as the supreme legislative and judicial power of the pope, was established upon a durable -foundation. These principles, which were successfully maintained, were constantly confirmed by frequent practice, and were finally proclaimed:without any apprehension in the form of laws. The:monk Gratian, professor.in the-university of Bologna, compiled: about 1150 a'collection of ecclesiastical laws, mostly in such a spirit, under the title of "'coincordia: discordantium canonum." It obtained soon, by the approbation of the pope and the silence of the secular powers, a legal authority- Later (1230), Raimond de Penna Forti published, by the order of Gregory IX., a collection of papal ordinances in five books, called "Libri DecreVOL. II.-x 12

　

　

178 GENERAL HISTORY tales," to which Boniface VIII. added the sixth booR. These two collections, as well as the " Decretum" of Gratian, are the principal parts of the canonical code in force at the present day, which received some additions in the following period. This canonical law is undeniably preferable to the Roman civil lawand still more to the barbarous national laws of that time-in many things-in equity, humanity, suitableness and distinctness of dispositions. It is not, however, to be appreciated here properly in this point of view, but according to its general effects, and according; to the spirit of those relations, which it was designed to establish or to confirm. THE JUDICIARY.-PRIVATE WARS. CHARLES M., considering the administration of justice as an essential duty, or as a prerogative of the throne, commissioned his officers, the earls, also the noble-bailiffs, to preside in courts of justice; the missus dominicus presided in the supreme court, and the emperor himself received the highest appeal. But after the feudal system had everywhere produced a division of government, every lord claimed jurisdiction over his vassals, the landholders over their feofees and serfs; and the king, as such, had scarcely any jurisdiction. He exercised it, however, under a special title in his own domains, as king over the immediate vassals of the throne, and maintained at times, as well as circumstances permitted, concurrent or supreme jurisdiction in or over the countries and tribunals of vassals and lords of the soil. As long as the naturally good manners, the honesty and truth of the old Germans continued to prevail among the nations of the West, the rude simplicity of an unlearned system of jurisdiction would suffice for their wants. But in proportion as depravation and moral corruption were mingled with barbarism, the judges were deprived of the aid which the simplicity, sincerity, and conscientiousness of the parties to be judged, had formerly afforded. In civil, and still more in criminal causes, the want was felt of a regular manner of giving evidence which would prevent witnesses from withholding evidence or testifying falsely. Written testimonies were rare, on account of the general ignorance of writing. Evidences were often defective or sus picious, on account of the exaggerated ideas of the obligation of assistance, which relatives and vassals were tinder to relatives,

　

　

THE JUDICIARY. 179 Ytrds, or fellow-vassals. The prevalent immorality had long since destroyed the force of verbal promises. But oaths, which were required for their confirmation-with whatever solemnity they were united, and whatever number of persons was required to take auxiliary oaths-lost their sancity by too frequent use; and impunity in their violation encouraged perjury. The perception of this abuse, and the insufficiency of any human means to prevent it, suggested finally the idea of appealing to God himself, that is to say, God himself was summoned to testify for justice and truth, either by direct assistance, or by interrupting the course of nature in favor of him who maintained the truth. Superstition devised many different manners of producing these divine proofs or judgments of God, and the laws prescribed them. The lives, honour and fortunes of men were thus made dependent upon blind chance, or artifice and secret arts, and were no where so much endangered as before the tribunals which should have protected them. But even the ordeals had their defenders! But the most favorite species of these judgments, and that which, at least between adverse parties of the nobles, superseded almost all others, was the judicial duel. As confidence in the justice of his cause inspires the combatant with courage, and a bad conscience, on the contrary, usually renders him timid; so, perhaps, of all other ordeals, the single combat between the principal persons of the contest, might deserve an indulgent or favorable judgment. But it was abused even to extravagance. It superseded every other kind of proof. The genuineness of a document, that was produced, was to be tested by the sword. The witness was obliged to corroborate his evidence by the sword; the judge himself was obliged to fight in order to justify the sentence he had pronounced. Relatives, friends and vassals of the parties were obliged to be ready also for combat. Others entered the lists for those, who, on account of their rank, sex, age, or on account of corporal infirmities were incapacitated to fight. The tribunal was converted into a real arena. No art was, therefore, more noble, more necessary, more generally esteemed, than the art of arms. Without it there was no security from every insult, violence and outrage. Arms were the only protection in the bosom of peace, and in the sanctuary of justice. To what was the noble youth to devote himself but

　

　

ISO GENERAL HISTORY. to the art of arms? Virtue,-justice and science, were of no avail against the sword. But feuds operated still more banefully; they destroyed all civil prosperity, and even. annihilated the principle of civil union. The right of self-revenge, participation in it, as the right and duty of the relatives of- the injured person, and even the hereditary transmission ofthis.-duty-according to the order of succession, were —ideas - among the- ancient German nations —the result of their lax union andzuntamed barbarism,- that prevailed. generally, were put in practice.without:opposition, and:sometimes even recognised- by law.~- The first t7vilight of an improved state of society~ led, howevoer,-. to-:the -restriction or repression of those:destructive- rights. Compositionu was substituted for unlimited private revenge-; -the Wehrgeld, that was fixed by law. or by the magistrate, effaced the private offence; by the pay ment of a: certain sum -of money-the offender obtained public. protection. But the ties of civil union were still more relaxed than before, by the spirit of feudalism:; personal obligations were still more extended and confirmed, the pride and arrogant pretensions of the great were cherished -and strengthened. Whoever had a band of vassals at his command, whose first and almost sole obligation of service consisted in beafing arms, despised the authority of tribunals, as well as the restriction prescribed by law. Every noble-for he who had no vassals might raise a strong force of relatives, friends and domestics,-even the more eminent. of the-clergy, as they. were in possession of all the prerogatives of nobles, claimed-the right of feuds, and the terrible state of wa&r of all against all, the curse-of the lawless freedom of nature, arose now, and was established for. centuries in the bosom of civil society-, andwas as destructive to those. who did not participate in this strife, as. to those who did. The intolerable calamities: which. these private wars brought upon nations, their -prejudicial:-influence — upon the -authority of kings,, and their manifest- contradiction to the spirit of that divine doctrine which- was- proclaimed by the.Church, occasioned numerous attempts -and efforts.- to remedy -this evil, or: at least to diminish its-destructiveness. But these ordinances of civil power, in particular the.numerous edicts -for -the abolition of feuds, remained for the most part unobserved. The spirit of anarchy

　

　

PRIVATE WARS. 1l and insolent club-law defied military power. The authority of the Church was somewhat more efficacious. The-'audacious disturbers of peace- wreiralready early- thr eatene d with eccle slastical punishments. Finally, in the eleventh century, first in France, afterwards in other countries, " the peace of God," (treuga Dei,) was announced under the authority of councils and the pope, by which it was ordered under the severest penalties to abstain from bearing arms, every week, from Thursday evening until Monday morning, to solemnise the-days that were sanctified by the Passion and Resurrection of Christ, and thus not only feuds received a salutary interruption, civil and rural affairs —'h free sphere of action, but also a favorable opportunily'was often presented for reconciliation and ie_"'t stablishment of a lasting peace. But this -expddient, also, although the most efficacious of all, produced only a partial- or precarious alleviation. The picture of the manners of this period is also'sketched by the relations hitherto developed.'" We can easily imagine, that the spirit of warm-aid wild anarchy prevented the prevalence of mild — maniers, that the nobles, in their solitary castles, built upon rocks, sunk into rudeness or gross debauchery, the common people, under the yoke of bondage, into brutality, or into cowardly, joyless submission, that the want of a taste for the arts, and a knowledge of the sciences, permitted none of the nobler enjoyments of life, and -that- suppressed powers of mind, the moral sentiments of man, which were abused and insulted by the pride';of the: nobility, and by priestcraft, were converted into sad deformities or''odious" excrescences. Chivalry alone, with its fairer- flowers,-:which- it -produced- under propitious circumstanies, and the- more -tasteful''magnificence,: which was revived at some courts towards -the close of this period, and, above all, the l'restoration- -of;cities,'-and the revival of-a diversity of civil relations, contributed to polish- this rude-age, and occasioned the transitioin' to'the'more social' aid refined tone of modern tames. Precious'virtues, howevier, flourished even in the centuries of the' deepesti rudeniess, which'are -seldom or never found in more refined. times.: )Domestic virtues- especially among femaleshospitality, temperance, unassumiiig honesty, self-denying phi. lanthrophy, are found among' the better portion of all classes in many-pleasing and touching traits. The numerous misfortunes of the times, the never-ceasing storm of the external world,

　

　

182 GENERAL HISTORY. iduced the afflicted to enter;nto themselves, to direct their mental eyes towards heaven; and faithful simplicity and devout confidence produced consolations, noble flowers of life, and noral powers, which the proudest philosophy might envy to the collier. INTERCOURSE OF NATIONS AND COMMERCE. TILE horrors of desolation, which came over Europe ill the train of the migrating swarms of barbarian nations, bringing sudden death to the arts of peace, and to all friendly intercourse, had now ceased to rage; but the permanent relations which resulted from them,-the degradation of the common people into bondage or complete slavery, the establishment of the law of the strongest, the general prevalence of barbarian customs — manifested their sad influence by constantly paralyzing industry and the trades, in excluding almost every profession, except that of arms, in increasing infinitely hostile relations, and in diminishing extremely friendly relations; in destroying intercourse, on the one hand, by poverty, and by circumstances that forced its cessation, on the other, by the utter ignorance of the conveniences and more refined enjoyments of life. Even nature participated in this wild, uncultivated state of man, and manifested, in the sad aspect of countries, the vices of civil society. Italy even, the garden of Europe, had become full of forests and marshes. Wolves howled in the wilderness, where once were fertile fields and a happy population. It was still worse beyond the Alps. Vast tracts of country lay desolate in all the provinces. They were not only without cultivators, but they had no proprietors; the right of occupation found ample room. Those grounds that were occupied were used for pasturage, rather than for agriculture, and frequently only for the chase, which was not merely an amusement, but a means of subsistence for the nobles. A single unfavorable season, the least desolation of war, every unexpected passage of troops, produced famine. For the earth was cultivated hardly enough for the most pressing wants. Commerce and the trades were in a condition equally bad, or still worse. The common people, in their poverty, sought to satisfy their wants, each by the labor of his untutored hand. The greater proprietors had bondnmen upon their estates, who were artisans that sufficed for t&heir

　

　

INTERCOURSE AND COMMERCE. 183 simple domestic wants and those of husbandry. There were yet very few cities in one half of Europe; those that remained from ancient times had generally lost all their former splendor, and the sphere of industrial activity was very small in all of them. Thts there was a want of the first basis or objects of commerce, of the raw materials, not less than of the products of manufactories. But all the conditions were wanting also, which are indispensable for national intercourse. Security of rights, peace in the interior, and externally even reciprocal acquaintance. Yet amidst so many difficulties, obstacles, and dangers, commerce sustained itself, and made even important progress, as soon as, and wherever by the least favor of circumstances, its prosperity was rendered possible. Great commercial activity and lucrative industry, were found, particularly in all the countries where the Arabians ruled. Spain was never more populous, possessed never more flourishing agriculture, and more active industry, than in the time of the Arabians. In the East, the prosperity of the arts of peace was first interrupted, and commerce paralyzed, by the Turks and Mongols. The Normans were in the north what the Arabians were later in the south. They were celebrated, from the ninth century, by geographical discoveries in the north and east. These discoveries encouraged the commercial spirit of the nation, and extended its influence to a great distance. The Normans, in common with the Wends, who had long exercised their industry, and who inhabited the shores of the Baltic, were for a considerable time masters of the commerce of the world. On the one side, this extended by sea to tne coasts of Italy and France, later, principally to the cities of the Netherlands, where, as the most convenient intermediate situation, the Italian merchants carried the merchandise of the south; on the other side, upon several routes and rivers through Russia, 3specially by Novogorod to the Black Sea, and as far as the interior of Asia. The pilgrimages to Palestine and other sacred places, and then the Crusades, maintained a lively knowledge of many remote countries, and an extensive commerce. But the geographical

　

　

184 GENERAL HISTORY. horizon was still farther opened by some celebrated travellers who inserted in part their own observations, in part notices collected from other sources, into their remarkable travels. The Jew, Benjamin of Tudela (about 1160), who in the concerns of his nation, travelled through the East, then the monks Plan Carpin- and Ascolin,' whom pope Innocent IV. sent to the Mongolian khan Gayuk, Andre de. Rubruguis, sent by Louis IX. to the khan Mangu, Marco Paolo, who went (1269) from Venice, and.-travelled in the East on account of commercial affairs during twenty-six years, and was the first of the Europeans who visited China and its capital Pekin, and fifty years later, the Englishman John Mandeville, who traversed the same -countries, are the most distinguished.,i Their. descriptions of Central, -High, and Eastern -Asia, in: which~marvel~lous stories and- fables are abundantly intermingled, are the basis of the descriptions of this part of the world that have been in vogue until the latest times. But what had far greater influence upon the most important relations of commercej than all other circumstances, was' the European system of cities-that which was merely renovated; as in Italy, or in general in the countries of the old Roman empire, as well as that which originated, as in the German and Northern countries. We shall speak of these in another place. CHRISTIAN RELIGION-AND CHURCH. THE empire of the Gospel extended further and further. The Germanf n'ations,: which-had' n6t been converted already, especially the' Saxons,thhen the Wends and Slaves, the Scandinavian niatious, the Russians, the- Hungarians, and in Asia many Tartarmian hordes, embraced Christianity, either by voluntary submission to ctrine of peace o by the doctrine of pforce of arms; and, accoriding to; their -geographical or political relations, some adopted the'Latifr rite, others the Greek, and some: also a heretical rit:-especially in Asia the Nestorian. -The dete~rioration of Christianity is as afflicting, as its propa. gation is:pleasing. - For -not only. the divine- service, for which the Roman —rite, and -with-t the Latin language, was gradually adopted in the whole West, was constantly overladen-with new usages, and disfigured by increasing pomp; not only ceremonies were introdtmced, which were far more exceptionable than those of the ancient':pagans, and in part even scandalous and nonsen,

　

　

CORRUPTION OF THE CHURCH. 185F sical: but also the doctrine itself was in part corrupted, in part veiled by human institutions, which, although contradictory and foreign to the spirit of the Gospel, crept in by the assistance of imposture, under the protection of the system of clouding the human mind, or were announced as the dictates of a sacred power. The precepts were maintained with tyrannical severity; the most terrible persecution befell every -one who abjured the faith, or only wavered This increasing corruption was mostly the fruit of the un-'limited power of the Church, because everything that goes beyond the bounds set by nature or reason, becomes necessarily a deformity, or produces monstrosities. But how did the clergy attain such boundless power? how did it become stronger than all temporal powers, than all civil and human rights? This was effected in part by the continued operation of those circumstances, relations, and forces, which were combined already in earlier times for the elevation of the Church, in part by ulterior favor of accidents, and by a prudent, courageous, and consequent use of them. It is easy to conceive, how-in a time when all civil authorities were paralyzed by feudal anarchy, when governments were dissolved by petty despots, when national intercourse was prevented:by ignorance and barbarisma body spread in all Christian countries, principally in Central and Western Europe, closely connected by a common interest, a common law, and a well-organized constitution, exercising a powerful influence in every particular country, by its local possessions and political rights, was able,- by a' skilful direction of its combined forces, to acquire an exorbitant power, and frus. trate the efforts of all its adversaries. It is not less' easy to conceive, how, in an age of- darkness and poverty in intellect, that class which continued to possess solely some treasures of science could appear against all others with decided superiority, and render their elevation coritinually moreuncontested and brilliant, by artful delusion and doctrines that were smuggled into Christianity, and how, finally, in times of almost general submission to the chains of bondage, or at least to personal dependence, a power that operated upon the -mind not'less than upon external actions, that dispensed -the goods of:heaven-not less than those of earth, was destined to become -irresistible.'. The nimbus of holiness which shone around this class in general, and- its VOL. II —Y

　

　

i86 GENERAL HISTORY. distinguished members in particular, prostrated the multitude.o pious veneration, and whoever dared to stand upright, was crushed by the thunders of the Church. The anathema and interdict were the great spiritual guns, that seldom thundered ill vain. The first excluded the individual from the communion of the faithful, and deprived him not only of the benefits of the Church, but also-partly by an express law of the civil author;ties, especially of the pious Roman emperors, and in part by a broad interpretation of these laws, or by usage,-of civil and even of human rights. But, wherever this piece of ordnance failed to do proper execution, or where the spiritual war was to be waged against a whole nation, rather than against individuals then the formidable Interdict was employed, which deprived all the inhabitants of a city, a country, and a kingdom, of the enjoyment of religious consolations, and filled their minds by gloomy and awful ceremonies, with the terrorsofdivine wrath. The possession of such boundless power corrupted the clergy; and this will not surprise any one who knows the nature of the human heart. Power brings with itself the inclination to abuse it, and the possession of earthly treasures is a lure for the passions. The clergy, intoxicated by power and wealth, became supercilious and luxurious, the church discipline was earlier relaxed in the contest with passion and sensuality; it seemed, after their power was secured, no longer necessary to make an impression by strict morals or by personal dignity. Celibacy, as an outrage against nature was revenged, here by secret sins, there by open excess; or the renunciation of domestic felicity was considered at least as a lawful claim to other enjoyments, especially to elevation and power. Finally, the general corruption of the age reacted upon the clergy; the stupid, rude, slavish multitude of the laity, were hardly worthy of a better government. We shall speak of the more memorable events of the Church, in particular of papacy, in the more special history. THE ARTS AND SCIENCES. THE principal seat of intellectual culture is no longer Greece or Italy, or in general; Europe, but the Arabian empire. From the time the Abbassides ascended the throne of the caliphate, more refined manners, and the arts and the sciences began to

　

　

ARTS AND SCIENCiS. 18 flourish in their territory as well as in some Arabian states separated fiom the principal empire. This took place at the time when darkness and barbarism had consolidated their empire in Europe, and had in part destroyed, in part veiled or rendered unintelligible, the monuments,written and unwritten, of earlier civilization. For five hundred years, and longer still, the Arabian literature flourished with vigour and splendor. From the Indian confines, and from the border of the High-Asiatic steppe, as far as the sands of Libya and the coasts of the Atlantic, the rude tones of fanaticism were superseded by the sound of melodious songs; the tumult of war was succeeded by the instructions of the learned and of philosophers. The sin of Amru if the burning of the Alexandrian library was more than a legend-was amply requited by numerous collections of books in the East and West, formed by princes and subjects, by unwearied zeal in transcribing and translating ancient and foreign classics, and by the' fertility of Arabian genius. Even the conquests of the Turks did not prevent the sciences from flourishing; Malek Schah, of the tribe of the Seldjukes, was himself one of their principal protectors. Their beautiful empire was first shaken by the Mongolian revolution. It was not however terminated. The sciences arose again from the ruins of desolation, and continued to flourish, untilat the close of the following period —they found their eternal grave beneath the footsteps of the Tartars and Ottomans. But however brilliant this general description is, and however high the Arabian authors, from vanity and national pride, estimate their scientific merit, the most, upon a more accurate examination, is dissolved into vain appearance, or at least into merely comparative light, and into merely local and temporal worth of doctrine. The result of an impartial estimation is, that with the exception of some few sciences, knowledge among the Arabians did not progress beyond the point which it had already reached among the ancients, that even in several and the noblest sciences the disciples of Mohammed remained far behind the classical writers of the ancient pagan world. And this fact cannot surprise us. The genius of the Asiatic nations is not propitious to mental activity. The principal cause of this is despotism: and the curse of that part of the world is, that it never ceased to prevail there.

　

　

GENERAL HISTO R~Y It is founded in the nature of things, that the breath of despotism should operate mortally upon the nobler powers of the mind. A slave cannot soar to sublime thoughts; and should he attempt it, the despot could not permit it., There may-be some times a.well-disposedir r-gshrt-sighted sultan, who-from love or vanity-cherishes and promotes science; but' he acts against his first interest if he does so. Natural instinct, or at least his satellites, will soon instruct him upon: that. He will encourage the fine arts for pleasure and ostentation, the real sciences for political economy; but he will dislike the higher, liberal, intellectual knowledge, philosophy, and its companion, unsophisticated,worthy history, because he himself is condemned by their decision. This was the case with Arabian rulers, and still more so than with others, since they were not only civil despots, but also supreme priests, or protectors of religion, consequently a double interest demanded of them the suppression of mental freedom. Not only the philosophy and republican policy of Greece and Rome were proscribed, but also the mythology of Homer and Ovid.- The gods, no less than the heroes of the classical world, were an abomination to the ruler of the -faithful, and the Moslems found themselves separated by an insurmountable barrier from the empire of taste as well as from that of history and:philosophy. They despised even the languages,-in;*wthich such dangerous treasures were contained. The works of the Greeks and Romans were known to them only throughi trsilations,-careful selections of what would-not injure the empire and faith of Mohammed-it wasg prohibited to go to the fountain-heads. Henee geography especially was greatly indebted to their and their subjects' zeal. All branches of mathematics, as well as the natural sciences, enjoyed likewise a friendly encouragement, by,which they were- in part! maintained in their earlier condition, and in part extended further. The last was the case especially with botany, chemistry; and medicine.' Chemistry, which before consisted only of isolated knowledge, was first made, by the Arabians,' a true science; -and the names -of the: great Arabian physicians, such as the two Messues, Rhazis,: Geber, Avicenna, then of Avenzoan,. and Averroes, are pronounced with reverence. The celebrated school of Salerno, the cradle of modern medicine,:is of Arabian origin.

　

　

ARTS AND SCIENCES. 189 But medicine suffered also by the restriction of mental freedom. The dissection of human bodies was prohibited; anatomy was confined to animals. The follies of alchymy and astrology manifested frequently their pernicious, irnfluence:upon medicine, and this participated likewise in the perplexing verbosity of the philosophical schools. For the Arabians pursued the study of philosopby, not with freedom of mind and animated investigation, but:asservile scholars of: their sole teacher, Aristotle (only half glances were cast upon the rest).- They. did-not study this one master in the original language, but in translations, through the defects of which the obscurity of his books was increased, and errors accumulated. The subtilties of dialectics,the arsenal for learned contests, occupied principally the industry of the Arabians, and to them belongs the merit of having first restored these long neglected treasures of Aristotle's wisdom: to the West. The Arabian translations of the Stagyrite, with the commentaries of the oriental philosophers, especially those of the celebrated Averroes, were translated into Latin; and the stream of scholastic philosophy flowed principally from this source. That this scientific culture of the Arabians, which was in reality not very important, that even that of the Jews surpassed the culture of the Christians, -shows most distinctly the degree of darkness which lay over the Christian world. Some countries in the vast extent of it were, it is true, always enlightened by a twilight; solitary stars shone also in the darkest centuries: but the general character was ignorance and night. The principal remnant of ancient illumination was still to be found in the Grecian countries. Of the Western countries, Italy and England enjoyed the most light. But complete darkness fell upon the latter with the Danish conquest; the former, richer than all other countries in the monuments of ancient civilization, and even rich by its ruins, was unable to sink entirely into barbarism. Among the solitary lights of these dark centuries, let- us recollect especially the potentates who encouraged genius by a gracious look, and honoured science. Charles the Great shines in this respect in pure glory. He did much. for the sciences, and after- he had conquered in: a hundred battles, considered it not unworthy of himself to found schools,

　

　

190 GENERAL HISTORY. to encourage teachers and pupils by personal presence, and to assemble a circle of the Muses' friends around his throne. The fruits of all this were not matured. After the death of Charles there were no fostering hands, the tender plant died in the iron age. Alfred the Great, who was himself a scholar, protected science with equal zeal, and with a still purer love. Towards the close of this period, Frederick II., the greatest of the Hohenstauffen, and Alfonso X., the Vise, of Castile, were the most illustrious protectors of science. The graver sciences, as well as those of taste, enjoyed their fostering care. The names of the distinguished geniuses, in the five hundred years which this period embraces, may be pronounced almost in one breath. But this brief enumeration of them is foreign to our object. We design to take only a general view. In the ninth century, besides the learned friends of Charles llV., of whom Alcuin was the most remarkable, Hiesmar, archbishop of Rheims (t882), and John Erigena (called also the Scotchman, although born in Ireland), were the most celebrated. But in the tenth, and the first half of the eleventh, ignorance was more complete; in one hundred and fifty years, only twenty-five writers were enumerated, of whom the greater part are worthless. In these dark times, even the knowledge of writing was nearly lost. The most eminent persons, the supreme judges, were sometimes unable to write their names. Hence originated marks. Books became more and more rare, and vanished in some regions altogether. We find, however, in this very time, the learned and talented Roswitha, nun in Gandersheinl, and the great Gerbert (pope Silvester II., t1003), the wonder of his age, and who was decried as a magician on account of his extensive knowledge in natural things. After the middle of the eleventh century, more sensibly in the twelfth, the aurora of taste and science commences. The modern languages were gradually formed and improved by their use-if not in the grave sciences, at least in poetry, and also in public affairs. But the most celebrated scholars of this and the next century were none of them free from the chains of scholasticism, that is to say, of that subtile and polemical school-philosophy, whichconsisting of a strange combination of pagan philosophy, espe

　

　

ARTS AND SCIENCES. 191 cially that of Aristotle, and Christian theology-from the nature of these conflicting elements, as well as from the spirit of pedantry, partiality, and presumptuous decision, so common in schools, especially in cloister-schools, could not be otherwise than obstructive to the progress of better and liberal knowledge But the schools in cloisters and cathedrals, established mostl in times long past, and increased especially by Charles M. an his successors, were, during the greater part of this period, the only literary institutions of the West; the clergy therefore were the exclusive and sole possessors of the scanty remnant of science. The plan of instruction was limited for a long time to the Trivium and Quadrivium,* till the mental view was gradually enlarged, and at least in the larger and more celebrated schools, instruction was considerably extended. Even such schools became by their wealth, celebrity, and the gradual developement of political constitutions, isolated institutions, which in spirit and form of government certainly continued to be monastic and spiritual, and were under the direction or supremacy of the ecclesiastical authorities, especially of the pope; but they became very beneficial to science, likewise important as particular corporations, and exercised a powerful influence in church and state. In this way originated in part special schools for particular sciences, in part general schools or universities. Of the first, that at Bologna was celebrated for jurisprudence, that of Salerno for medicine, those of Paris and Oxford for philosophy and theology. The last two were enlarged to universities, the rank and privileges of which were also conferred upon those of Rome, Padua, Toulouse, Montpelier, and Salamanca. Furthermore, the scholastic restriction in spirit and instruction continued to prevail also in the universities. The dialectical art pleased the vain teachers as a convenient weapon for attack and defence. The truths of revelation, as well as the statutes of the Church were supported-at first by the decisions of Plato, but afterwards when veneration for the Stagyrite was transferred from the Arabian schools to the West, by those of Aristotle-and the refinements of metaphysics were inculcated with dogmatical severity. At length Aristotle, whose * This division of the sciences is ascribed to Augustin. The Trivium comprised grammar, logic and rhetoric; the Quadrivium, music, arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy.-Note of the Translator.

　

　

192 GENERAL HISTORY. Nritings had been endangered by the early fathers, was adduced Dy later councils as competent authority even in sacred things; and difference of philosophical views gave rise to accusations of heresy and persecutions. The authority of the Stagyrite became predominant, and scholasticism triumphant, especially in the thirteenth century, through the favor of the emperor Frederick II., and through the zeal of the two orders, the Franciscans and Dominicans. The celebrated names of an Alexander Van Hales, of an Albertus Magnas, a Thomas of Aquino, a Bonaventura, and above all that of Roger Bacon, distinguished this age. These celebrated men all belonged to those mendicant orders; they were all principal teachers of the scholastic philosophy; they all rendered homage to Aristotle. II. DETALED HISTORY OF THE FIFTH PERIOD. HISTORY OF THE CARLOVINGIAN EMPIRE.:: CHARLES'THE GREAT. * -Or thenuierous kings; who stalk over the stage' in the Middle Ages-.-as at otbirr times-f-for the most part in uniform - insignificance, and of whom only a few distinguished by energy, and fewer still by true wisdom and virtue, are personally;-remrkable, the figurie: of Charles the Great appears with a'-ajesty -.minently imposing.- He,:the founder of an empire of the world, the legislator of nations, shone'in the night of ages, before and after him- as s'asolitary star, and on that' account.wiih- greater brilliancy;than really belonged to him. Charles the Great acquired in the third year of hiis:reign, by.he opportune death of his brother, Cailoman, the" undivided sovereignty of the Frankish. kingdom. His memory is soiled with the suspicion that he iurdered this brother; the spoliation of his nephews in their minority, whom he excluded from their

　

　

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CHARLES THE GREA 193 father's inheritance, confirms the suspicion; but this double crime was necessary, as is said by way of apology, to carry out the plans of his great mind. Desiderius, the king of the Langobards, father-in-law of the two brothers, granted an asylum to his fugitive grandsons Charles, enraged at that, sent his wife back to her father, and marched hostilely to Italy. Desiderius was soon besieged in Pavia; pestilence and famine compelled him after ten months to surrender. Desiderius, who was probably deprived of his sight, dragged out his miserable existence in a monastic prison. Charles took the crown of the Langobards, frustrated the attempts of Adelgis, the son of Desiderius, caused the duke of Friuli, who refused to obey, to die the death of a criminal, and forced the powerful duke of Benevento to recognize the Frankish supremacy. No other king, no people in the situation in which Europe was at that time, was able to cope with the powerful king of the Franks and the Langobards-with the valiant, indefatigable Charles, who was not sparing of human blood. That he subdued them around in succession, ought therefore to astonish us less than, in particular examples, the incompleteness of victory, or the prolongation of war. Of these the Saxon war is the most remarkable-commenced already before that of the Langobards, in the year 772, and continued until 803 with little interruption, and abundant in disasters and scenes of horror. The exploits of this war have been transmitted to us incom plete, and disfigured by the flattery of the Frankish chroniclers. So much we discern, that Charles took in the very first campaign the fortress of Eresburg (Stadtberg on the Diemel), destroyed the far-venerated statue of Irmin, and penetrated victoriously as far as the Weser; but that, which was the case also generally in the following campaigns, the Saxons yielding to superior power, as soon as the main army of the Franks had retired, rallied again, fell with vengeance upon their odious enemies, and carried desolation into their country; that they even in open field rendered victory at least doubtful, and not until after the most obstinate resistance, and after innumerable victims had bled on both sides, were finally induced by the extreme efforts of Charles, to come under the government and adopt the VOL. II.-Z 13

　

　

194 GENERAL HISTORY. religion of the Franks upon the condition of preserving their freedom and their own laws. As honorable as these terms appeared, they were abhorred ty the Saxons, as the law of the enemy. But the- Christian religion, which was obtruded upon -the Saxons,. required:not only the sacrifice of their own doctrines, traditions and usages, which were hallowed by age, and closely connected with the manners and constitution of their fathers, but also the payment of -tithes, which seemed intolerable to a people, until:that time,.free from taxes. Charles, convinced of the aversion of the -Saxons, endeavored to secure their obedience not only by erecting:bishoprics, by establishing counts and special- judges; and by obligingi the Saxons to serve in the national forces, buit: he considered it necessary to transplant many thousands of the Saxons into Frankish countries, in the same manner as during the- war, he had desolated their provinces without compassion, massacred thous, ands of captive patriots, and disgraced his military glory -by accumulated outrages upon the most sacred rights of man. But even this military glory is doubtful, or at least eclipsed by the brilliant merit of Wittekind. This hero-not duke of Saxony, only a nobleman of Westphalia —fought from the commencement of the war-until its fourteenth year, at first, as the chief of a band of followers, afterwards as the general of the whole army — oftentimes with misfortune, but always with glory. But finally, after the Saxon army had exhausted. its blood in two great battles (783)-the only pitched battles during the war-and Charles had desolated in the following, year the:country as: far as the Elbe, Wittekind listened to the often rejected proposals of the enemy, rendered homage to the king, and received baptism. The subjection of Saxony was:followed by hostilities with the Wends and Normans; they'were the occasion of. new triumphs. The Wilzes, Sorbes and Bohemians were-conquered, and forced to pay tribute, but the Normans,.Who from Jutland, under their king Godfrey, ventured dangerous attacks by sea and land, were repulsed with difficulty by the whole force-of the empire. Godfrey's successor, Hemming, concluded a: peace (811), which made the Eider the boundary of Germany. At: the diet of Paberborn (777), where Charles received the submission of manv Saxon tribes, appeared the Arabian emirs, Ihn al Arabi and his son Jussuf, to ask assistance against Abdol-Rahman, the caliph —ar

　

　

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RESTORATION OF rHE WESTERN EMPIRE. 195 Jmnmiade —of Cordova. The grandson of Charles Martel did not hesitate to take up arms against the Saracens: he crossed the Pyrenees, took Pompelona, Saragossa, and all the country as far as the Ebro. But the army, laden with booty, was surprised on its return, in the narrow pass of Roncesvalles, by the Vaskes; great treasures were taken, many valiants soldiers slain, and:among them the celebrated Roland, the nephew of Charles. This deed remained unrevenged, but the Spanish province was maintained in a tedious war. But Charles:preserved peace, and even the: reciprocal: relations of friendship with the caliph of Bagdad, Harun-al-Rascid, the Abbasside. The two enemies of Ommiyah were the natural:friends of one another. - Tassilo II., the Agilolfingian, duke of Bavaria, subjected by earlier treaties to the king of the Franks, had already refused to do military service for Pipin, and had arisen: more than once against Charles. After being conquered -in the field; he renewed his oath of fidelity, and engaged.afterwards in treacherous designs. Now the enraged king had the traitor tried- at Ingel. heim. The Agilolfingian was sentenced to death. The mercy of the despot commuted the punishment of death for imprisonment in a monastery.: Bavaria was divided into counties to secure the power of the king. The Aval had concluded an alliance with Tassilo. After his fall they invaded the Frankish countries, and Charles undertook a war of extermination against them. Ten campaigns, in which three armies were engaged at the same time, were bloody for both parties, and finally destructive for the Avars. Their fortresses were taken, immense riches became the prey of the victors, their; country, which was desolated as far as the Raab, and even to the mouths of the Theiss and -Saave, was committed to Frankish. counts and bishops. RESTORATION OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. -BUT the most brilliant, the most important event of Charles life is the restoration of the Western empire. This-dignity had ceased to exist from the time that Augustulus descended from the throne of the Cwesars, by the order of the barbarian Odoacer. Rome obeyed after this in part the barbarian rulers of Italy, in part the Eastern emperors, and obtained during the contest about images, a doubtful independence, under slack republican

　

　

196 GENERAL HISTORY. forms and the paternal power of the pope. But the anger of the Byzantine court and the hostility of the Langobards rendered a protector necessary. The decree of the Roman senate and people, confirmed by the authority of the pope, appointed Charles Martel patrician of Rome. His son and grandson obtained the same dignity, with which-however vague its idea, and however ambiguous the intention of conferring it was-at least protectorship over the holy city and its church was connected. Pipin and Charles M. acquitted themselves gloriously of their office, and confirmed by that means their right of supremacy, so that, after the destruction of the kingdom of the Langobards, the patrician Charles made his entrance into Rome amidst such marks of distinction as it was customary to show to sovereigns alone. After the death of the wise pope, Adrian I., Leo III. was chosen for his successor by the influence of a powerful party. Four years afterwards the hatred of his opponents excited a tumult against him, and it was only with difficulty, that the maltreated pope escaped from prison. Charles received him in his camp at Paderborn, and marched in the following year (800) in person over the Alps, held a court in Rome, declared the pope exempt from all reproaches, and punished his enemies. On the Christmas-day of the 800th year -of the CLristian era, after the celebration of mass, a brilliant crown was placed upon the head of the king by the pope, in St. Peter's church, and there resounded from a thousand tongues the acclamation: c" Long life and victory to the pious, high-exalted Charles, the great and pacific Roman emperor, crowned by God." From this time Charles had an independent title to the sovereignty of Rome, but in the opinion of men a claim to the empire of the world. Thus the ancient majesty of the queen of the earth began to be revived by the energy of Charles the Great, who, if his plan of associating himself with Irene had succeeded, would have reunited the nations of the East and West into a new empire of the world, or at least into a system of combined states. This brilliant prospect, however, was in part not realized at all, in part in a spirit entirely different from that which Charles had intended. If we consider the victor, the conqueror Charles, as a creative genius, his grandeur vanishes almost entirely, because the works of his arm alone, not those of his intellect, remain discernable in

　

　

THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. 197 the current of succeeding history. He has bequeathed to mankind nothing but his empire,-which might have had another origin-and this was soon destroyed, and after a short period scarcely a trace of that which was his peculiar, truly personal work, the emanation of his individuality, the creation of his intellect or genius alone, was to be discovered. Instead of the monarchical —even despotical-system to which all his civil and military institutions tended, we see soon after his death the complete anarchy of feudalism substituted, which he had opposed during his lifetime. The light of science which he had kindled with toil, and cherished in the most laudable manner, was extinguished after his death in still denser darkness. The clergy, whose power he had increased with the vain hope that they would support the throne, trampled upon his son and grandson. All his laws and ordinances, as numerous and multifarious as they were, diminished some moral and civil defects; but only for a time; and then barbarism reigned more powerfully than ever. Even the immediate fruit of victories, the political power of the empire, was staked by its division; and although chance united the inheritance under the sceptre of Louis the Pious, yet upon the first relaxation of energy, the weak connexion in the interior, as well as the miserable system of defence against the exterior, was discovered by the rapid spreading of internal commotion, and by the terror of the Normans' arms. In order to understand the preceding history, and that which follows, it is necessary to take a view of the civil constitution of the Carlovingian states, or in general of the German kingdoms according to the predominant traits that appear in this period. CIVIL CONSTITUTION.-THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. THE feudal system forms the principal character of this constitution. We shall add some observations to what we have already said in the preceding period. Mankind bore the resu ts of feudalism for centuries without observing their origin, without investigating their character and spirit. Finally, when the excess of political affliction produced the violent revolution of France, the feudal system, which was discovered to be the principal source of all the misfortune, was assailed with stormy indignation. Those again, who enjoyed the partial favor of the feudal rights, defended the system itself with all the zeal and

　

　

198 GENERAL HISTORY. delusion of irritated selfishness. Let us weigh these relations with the impartiality that:becomes history, and with the gravity which the importance of -the subject demands. Let us consider especially the feudal system in comparison with the: allodial. The principle of the allodial Constitution is freedom, that of the feudal servitude. In the former, all rights and duties flow from the idea of national union, and are therefore civil rights and civil duties; in the latter. all is derived from personal engagement, and is conventional demand and conventional obligation. In the former the nation demands, itself, or by its functionaries, fidelity, obedience, and performance of duties; in the latter fidelity and performance of duties are only a personal obligation. The allodial constitution is therefore nobler, because it is based.upon ideas, and recognises and protects the dignity of man and the citizen; the feudal constitution on the contrary is hostile to that dignity in the very nature of it, because it presupposes a surrender of freedom to persons for a reward. It has also a natural inclination to pass either into anarchy or complete slavery, and indeed into both at the same time-if, on the one side, political combination, and on the other the relation of individuals be considered. The allodial system is a system of union of free-men under, but not by chiefs, who exist only by means of this union. The feudal system, on the contrary, is a dismemberment of the nation into a multitude of larger or smaller bodies of people, who are obliged to serve, and who without a common interest, and without common rights, are connected together only as the servan-ts of the same master, and represent the image of a nation n]ly in so far as their masters again altogether serve still higher rulers, and all these, at length, are bound to serve in like manner a supreme master. In this. artificial concatenation, the whole national combination depends upon the single uppermost link, to which the chains''of'vassalages -and -arriere- vassalages are attached. If this link' breaks, that is- to say, if a king is wanting, or if his. power is: overthrown, as many yseparate principalities are directly formed, as:there were, before, immediate vassals of the crown. If in such countries there -happens to be no prince, his power is broken into a number of smaller, independent seigniories. But if these should lose their chiefs also, the vassals, released from feudal- obligations, would find themselves suddenly

　

　

THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. 199 isolated, and terrified at their unaccustomed freedom would disperse in all directions; whilst a nation bound together by the tie of allodial freedom,: after the loss of its leaders, would remain a nation, as before, and either elect -other leaders, or organize itself differently, at pleasure. But the more relaxed the national tie is in the feudal system (where it exists pure, according to its fundamental idea), the stronger or more manifold is the tie of bondage. The common vassal, or the vassal of the lowest grade,- is not only subject to the personal:will of his immediate: lord, but —since his lord is subject to a higher lord:: and the latter; again to a still higher, the last -finally to the supreme ruler-obliged also to serve, mediately, all these, because the effect,of the superior command extends to all the subordinate grades of arriere vassalage, accordingly, the mass of the nation becomes: in reality.the servants of the servants of servants. -In the allodial system, on the contrary, freedom is only consolidated by the subordination of the leaders, the supreme head- keeps all the rest within the bounds of the law, and is kept within them himself by the whole nation. Oppression can exist only by corruption of the system, or by unauthorized usurpation. In the feudal system, liberation takes place only as an exception, and can result only from the restriction or degeneracy of the system; servitude is the rule. Already in the infancy of the feudal system, when this arose under the shade of the predominant allodial constitution,-a plant that grew up of itself-and as yet unregulated by laws was as a mere custom, a relation tolerated rather than expressly instituted, liberty was thereby variously and essentially endangered. In proportion as fiefs were multiplied, and allodial possession comparatively diminished or'less esteemed, the effects of them became -.more sensible, more predominant, and injurious. The evil was great already under the later Merovingians, Charles Martel and- Pipin:opposed with energy, but without decided success, the- arrogance of their powerful vassals, but they did not combat the system:itself. Charles the Great, with more discernment, attacked the root of'the evil with equal constancy and. success, since he found in the allodial system, which was almost antiquated, and- in the long neglected ban and arriere ban, the means to suppress feudal anarchy, but at the same time the power to introduce a system of government equally dangerous

　

　

20,0 GENERAL HISTORY. to the rights of the common people, and to the usurpations of the great. The wreck of this system through the incapacity or misfortune of his successors, removed the last barrier to the power of the great vassals, which was rising anew, and the feudal system, triumphant with all its abuses and monstrosities was established immovably for centuries. The power of the dukes, who ruled over whole nations or vast countries, either as hereditary princes or imperial governors, appeared to Charles the most dangerous. He therefore abolished the dutchies, and divided the empire into smaller districts (pagas, comitatus), over which he placed his counts (comites, according to the Roman style). But the fidelity of these counts was guarantied by the restriction of their powers, and the superior authority of the bishops and sendgraves. The most important function of the sendgrave, was the holding of the annual May-days, which since they could not be any longer general, on account of the great extent of the empire, were holden separately in every province or district of the judge. At these assemblies appeared, besides the counts and judges of the hundred-courts (or noble-bailiffs, and in general the subordinate functionaries),some assessors (scabini) in the name of the common people (as a committee of the free people), and deliberated upon the concerns of the province, upon new institutions and laws, or upon the adoption of the general ordinances sent them by the king. The special judge presented the resolutions of the provincial assemblies to the general Diet of the empire, which had become already a mere court-day or assembly of the grandees. Only what was decreed or approved by such assemblies-of the people themselves, in so far as it was possible, or at least of the great, who represented them in some measure-was regarded as law; and the Capitulare, which was a mere expression of the royal will, was accurately distinguished from the lIw, (lex) for which the assent of the people was indispensable. Besides the appointment of the assessors, who were chosen from irreproachable, free allodial proprietors, the common people retained various important rights and liberties, and were carefully protected from the abuse of power on the part of the counts and noble-bailiffs. But they were under severe obligations to the king himself, as men of the ban and arriere-ban, and even as servants without compensation, and frequently also as voluntary

　

　

THE FEUDAL SIosTEM. 201 vassals, and in general as the subjects of a brilliant throne; they were exposed, also, as the attention of the king was incessantly distracted by external wars, to much illegal oppression from the nobles. As highly as these institutions of Charles have been extolled by many, their instability was soon discovered by the fall of the edifice, which he had erected with so much labor. Charles did not act with sufficient consistency. He was, as it were, divided between the allodial and feudal systems, between the principles of absolute dominion and those of freedom, although more inclined to the former. He, therefore, left behind nothing but fluctuating relations, in their further developement, dependent upon the play of accidents, upon the personality of his successors. In order to break decisively the power of the aristocracy -of the great dynasties, as well as that of the powerful vassals — Charles ought to have gone to work with perseverance and fidelity, to re-elevate-because the principle of the original constitution was freedom-the falling fabric of democracy, and to enforce again the obsolete rights of the people. But he did nothing of this. To the nobility he opposed most frequently only his own rights of sovereignty, which he had usurped, caused the liberties of the people to be regarded, for the most part, only as royal concessions, made, even where he returned to the allodial system, or the ban and arriere-ban, this subservient to his personal interest, or to that of the crown, and thus struck at the very heart of democracy. On this account, the mass of the people, which had been accustomed to be treated as a great retinue, fell, upon the first relaxation of the sovereign, without assistance, into the power of individual lords; the only possible counter-balance to the nobles' power was destroyed, this was therefore irresistible, and destructive to the king himself. Thus the punishment for the illiberality or selfishness, which had suggested his plans of dominion, was inflicted upon Charles and his descendants, by the decree of Nemesis. So little had even Charles been able to protect the common people, that, although he favored the ban and arriere ban, already during his reign a great number of individuals, who formed a part of it, surrendered themselves voluntarily or by force to the lords as vassals, in order to escape their violent oppression. This degradation of the common people, as well as VOL. II-2 A

　

　

202 GENERAL HISTORY. the arrogance of the grandees, was augmented under his suc-essors. The Carlovingian princes, divided among themselves, became from their ambition the servants of their vassals, whom they compensated profusely obr their assistance with the possessions, and honours of the empire. Louis the German, gave them at the diet of Coblentz (860) the solemn assurance, that he would act in all great affairs only according to their counsel and will, and made, therefore, his servants members of the empire. The dependence of the throne upon its vassals was established, and what they gained in power and honour was the irreparable loss of the nation. Gradually-as the weakness, and even contemptibleness of the Carlovingian princes increased —the relation of service was converted into that of an independent power, and by mutually transferring or mingling feudal rights with allodial, official rights with those of proprietors, those established by law or custom with those that were introduced secretly, usurped, or acquired by violence, the system of the most oppressive aristocracy was completed. For not only the offices of count and noble-bailiff became hereditary in the families of the possessors, partly by custom, partly by tacit or express permission-which was almost inevitable according to the general relations; —but soon that ceased to be any distinction between the possessions, incomes, and rights, which belonged to the count as proprietor of lands, as commander of a band of followers, or as patron, and those which he possessed as a vassal of the throne, as a royal officer, or as a captain in the national army. Thus originated a multitude of rights, which from their title were regarded as sacred, from their possession. as equally independent, and by the exercise or abuse of which others could be easily obtained, and the throne and people constantly restricted. The' greater part of the counts were at the: same time rich allodial- proprietors within the districts of their administration,; the. dukes, whose ancient power was restored, were not less so'; the power of both increased perceptibly-: the sendgraves, on the contrary, lost their authority in' proportion as the- king, whom they represented, lost his power., Finally, even their office ceased, or lost, at least, its importance, having been united at first personally, but afterwards permanently, with that of count or bishop.

　

　

THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. 203 NOBLES AND SERFS THE oppression of the common people kept pace with the degradation of royalty, and thus was gradually formed the complete division of nations into two principal classes, that of the nobles and that of the serfs, both of which were equally removed, but in opposite directions, from the natural equality of civil rights, and which we find for centuries almost alone upon the theatre, whilst true citizens, whom we look for according to reason and justice, have disappeared entirely. I. Nobles.-Already in the most remote times we meet with a nobility among the German nations. These nobles did not form, however, a political caste, entirely separated from the common people, but consisted of those persons or families, who either on account of larger possessions, or on account of particular merit,the recollection of which might be hereditary —or on account of being frequently invested with important powers, seemed to be entitled to superior regard; but they had no established or exclusive prerogatives, nor acknowledged hereditary rights. This nobility resulting almost necessarily from the nature of the simplest civil relations, and scarcely unknown in the state of complete barbarism, at its origin not injurious to the rights of the common people, free itself and proud of its freedom, degenerated in the course of centuries, partly by natural, internal corruption-to which all political relations are inclined-partly by external influence or the concurrence of circumstances, in an accurately measured gradation of usurped civil and political prerogatives, into a numerous, although exclusive caste of privileged families,, who despised or oppressed' public liberty, and who were proud of serving their prince, although they defied his power, whose pretensions, recognised either expressly or tacitly or at least confirmed by time, form the most striking contrast of relations established historically with the exigencies of public law and natural policy. II. Serfs.-Whilst a numerous class of the nation arose thus to proud prerogatives and insolent power, another, far more numerous, sunk into contempt and servitude. The vast space between them, the true province of the people, in which formerly public liberty had flourished, remained desolate and vacant. Attracted by opposite poles, many comnmn freemen, and even

　

　

20 GENERAL HISTORY. those who were not free, by the favor of fortune arose to the rank of nobles, but the greater part sunk gradually into the chains of bondage. We find slaves already in primitive times among the Germans. They are mentioned by Caesar and Tacitus. But they were, as everywhere among the ancients, not members of the nation, but enemies who had been captured in war, or individuals who, from some lawful cause, had lost their freedom. Their numbel was increased: on the one hand by conquering the Roman countries, where the conquerors found many actual slaves, but reduced to this state also, according to the right of war, a multitude of provincials; on the other by continual wars, especially by those which were later waged against the Normans and Slaves. A great part of the nation, however, had already at that time fallen into slavery. The degeneration of the allodial constitution, still more, the club-law, which stalked audaciously in the train of feudalism, had exposed the weak to the mercy of the strong, and such was the fearful progress of legal oppression, that many poor freemen debased themselves not only to the condition of vassals, but even to that of serfs to their more powerful neighbours, in order to appease the ruthless tyrants by interest. This obnoxiation took place also with the reservation of certain rights, or conditionally. Even nobles reduced themselves sometimes to this state. By this subjection some gained the favor of their lord, and arrived by that means to prosperity and new honours, but the greater part sunk into complete slavery. For how indefinite the title of dependence, how trivial the pretext for dominion: force supplied easily the deficiency of rights. Whoever came into immediate connexion with a lord in any way, as vassal, client, or lessee, as farmer, or as a voluntary servant for a limited time, as a subject of his jurisdiction, a military subaltern, or even merely as an inhabitant of the same district or neighbourhood, was drawn down by his insatiable usurpation, as by an irresistible whirlpool, in circles smaller and smaller into the gulf of slavery. The lot of him who was drawn into this abyss was sad and ignominious. The serf was a thing, or an animal, not a man. In the absolute possession of his master —who had even the right

　

　

THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. 205 of life and death over him (for a long time entirely free, after wards restricted by a trifling wehrgeld), chastised him cruelly from caprice, or for the smallest fault-the slave could neither enjoy the possession of external things, nor the sweets of domestic life. What he acquired belonged to his master, who affbrded him only a scanty subsistence. All the labors that his master ordered, in the house, in the field, or in the shop, the slave was obliged to perform, without thanks or reward. The children of slaves, as fruits of property, belonged likewise to the master. They were not produced in sacred marriage, under the blessing of priests, but only in brutal copulation. Later, however, when milder manners began to prevail, the will of the master remained the marriage law. Slaves might be sold, exchanged, given away, separately or in lots, but most frequently, with the soil to which they belonged (glebce adscripti). As an external mark of his degraded condition, the slave was obliged to wear a peculiar dress, and go with his head shaved. If one, driven by desperation, run away, he became likewise a slave wherever he went or was perhaps delivered up to his old master. It was principally the peasants who were reduced to this awful state of degradation. Domestic slaves were less numerous, and might, by the favor of their master, or by the nature of their services, arrive at better relations. The unfortunate agriculturalists remained beasts of burden forever. There were, however, milder degrees of servitude even among the peasants. Many had some right of acquisition. If they performed the services, that were determined arbitrarily or conventionally, and paid the tribute imposed upon them, they were freed from further exactions. But after their death, at least the best portion of their property fell to the master. Some were serfs only in part. There were indeed some peasants who maintainod their liberty, merely by the favor of fortune, amidst all the storms and misfortunes of these times, without having a better title to it than the oppressed. What this and that one preserved of their liberty, was, however, precarious, and slavery was the general lot of the peasants. This lot has remained in many countries until the latest times. Whilst cities acquired the precious boon of liberty, whilst servile ministerials (court-servants) soared to the rank of nobles, the yoke of slavery has remained upon the peasantsthe fundamental mass of a nation, and its preservers-although

　

　

206 GENERAL HISTORY. not in name and external signs, yet in the most oppressive burdens. We:will resume the thread of the Carlovingian history. THE CARLOVINGIAN HOUSE. OF the legitimate sons of Charles, Charles, Pipin and Louis, among whom he had divided the empire already in -781, and more completely in 806, the two elder died before their afflicted father, who then declared the sole survivor co-regent and emperor, and made his grandson Bernhard, the son of Pipin, king of Italy —under the supremacy of Louis, however — and died soon afterwards] (814). The good-natured, but weak, Louis soon discovered the diffi culties of his situation, and proclaimed at a great assembly of the states, in Aix la Chapelle (817), his eldest son, Lothaire, his colleague in the empire. He was to be the principal heir of the empire, and to exercise the rights of sovereignty over his brothers, Pipin and Louis; these, however, were to be kings in the countries allotted to them, and were even authorized to constrain their sovereign to perform his duties. Bernhard rose against this division. He was easily defeated, condemned to death by a tribunal of the grandees, but by the mercy of Louis he was deprived of his sight instead of this punishment, the consequences of which plunged him miserably into the grave (818). Soon the ambition of the brothers occasioned scenes far more terrible. Louis, after the death of his wife, Irmengard, chose the beautiful Judith, daughter of Welf, a Bavarian count, for his second consort. She gave birth to a son, Charles the Bold. whose tender father desired to leave him an inheritance equal to that of his elder sons. They, perceiving that this must be done at their expense, with many grandees took up arms, and seize(d their father, their odious step-mother, and her young son (830). Harmony among the wicked is not lasting. Lothaire was forced by his brothers to set their father at liberty; but the unnatural sons soon revolted again, and the emperor, betrayed by the pope, and abandoned by his people, was taken prisoner a second time, dragged to Compiegne, deposed, and, to complete the outrage, forced to do solemn penance. In the presence of his eldest son, who enjoyed his father's humiliation, Louis was

　

　

THE CARLOVINGIAN HOUSE. 207 obliged to lay aside his imperial ornaments and arms, confess that he was a sinner, and read in a loud voice a long list of his errors. Thus Lothaire thought to make him forever contemptible and incapable of reigning. But his less abandoned brothers, especially Louis, declared for their father, and procured-him the crown again (835), which he had better never have worn. For, uninstructed by the most -bitter experience, he repeated-his arbitrary divisions, and favored, especially after- Pipin's death, his favorite Charles, and even the criminal-Lothaire, so-immoderately, that Louis rebelled for the third time, and hastened the' death of his aged father, who did not appreciate him, by-the troubles of this war (840). Lothaire, now emperor, supposed that: he ought to have -the whole empire. But his younger-brothers, and their nephew Pipin, collected their forces and fought against the proud emperor. The decisive battle took place at Fontenay, not far from Auxerre (841). One hundred thousand Franks fell here as victims of the fraternal discord. Lothaire fled. He still endeavoured by extreme exertion, in particular by summoning the Saxon arriere ban, to restore his fortune. But he lost a second battle at Strasburg, and Louis the German, chastised severely the Saxon rebels, as they were called by the victor. Humbled by such great disasters, Lothaire sued for peace, which was concluded at Verdun (843) by that celebrated treaty of division, which separated the great empire into three parts, henceforth independent, and which consequently forms a principal epoch in the history of Western Europe, and the commencement of the partial history of Germany, Italy, and France. By this treaty Lothaire obtained, together with the confirmation of the imperial dignity, the kingdom of Italy, and the long extent of countries from the Rhone, Saone, Meuse and Scheld, as far as the Rhine. Mentz, Worms and Spire alone were given (on account of their wine) to Louis the German, the master of the purely German countries on the east of the Rhine. Charles the Bald finally obtained Gaul west of those rivers as far as the sea, that is to say, France Proper. Aquitania alone fell to the nephews of the kings Pipin and Charles, from whom, however, it was soon taken by Charles the Bald. Complete separation in other respects was not intended; a kind of common right of the house to the Carlovingian inheritance seemed to be admitted,

　

　

208 GENERAL HISTORY the ban and arriere ban was levied in common, consequently the ideaofacommon empire and a common head of the empire was preserved, and still it was left to chance, whether reunion or permanent separation should ensue. The last took place by the favor of fate, and thus the treaty of Verdun was of immense advantage to the three states, but especially to Germany. We are not indebted, however, for this inestimable benefit, to the sage and benevolent intentions of those who concluded this peace, but rather to their perversity, or merely to a blind power of natural relations, or accident. The accident, that only one of Charles the Great's sons survived his father, had united many nations under one destiny. The casualty which left three sons to Louis occasioned the separation of these nations. The three kingdoms were not separated from the recognition of the personality of the respective nations, but according to the law of property, for the distribution of the parts of the inheritance. Lothaire I. laid down his blood-stained crown (855), and went into the cloister of Prum, where he died. Of his three sons, Louis 11. obtained the imperial crown and Italy, Lothaire II. the northern, and Charles the southern half of the above-mentioned countries between Germany and France, of which the former was called Lotharingia (Lorraine), from its sovereign, the latter Provence and also Burgundy, from its principal countries. After the premature death of Charles (863), his brothers shared his inheritance. But Lothaire II. died also without sons (869), as well as his brother, the emperor Louis II., who died later (875). After the death of the last, Charles the Bald, anticipating the other heirs, took possession of Italy and the empire by artifice and force. Louis the German died soon after (876). He had also three sons, Carloman, Louis the Younger, and Charles the Thick. After the premature death of his brothers and nephews, the last united the two inheritances of Louis the German and Lothaire I. (Burgundy alone excepted, which had already revolted; but Lorraine was included, which Louis the Younger had acquired by arms and a treaty, 880), in his person, and finally, by the choice of the French, France likewise. In this last kingdom, as well as in the other states, which he had violently usurped, Charles the Bald had reigned ingloriously ana even contemptibly. Equal contempt lay. upon his son

　

　

THE CARLOVIN GIAN HiOUSE. 209 Louis II., the Stammerer (877), and upon his grandsons, Louis III. and Carloman,' after whose death Charles -the Simple was excluded from the throne, which was occupied by Charles- the Thick. Charles the Thick upon the throne of Charles the Great was a caricature of weakness and contempt; this master of nations, harrassed, humiliated by every foreign and internal enemy, a passive tool in the hand of his minister, an-inactive spectator of the sufferings of his people, was covered with domestic as well as public disgrace. Then Arnulph, duke of Carinthia, Carloman's natural son, rose against his unworthy uncle. The Bavarians, Eastfranks, Saxons, Thuringians, and finally the Allemanni, deserted their king, and deposed him solemnly in an assembly at Tribur (887). He died the next year, poor, forsaken, in -a cloister. By this memorable deposition the union of the Carlovingian monarchy -was "completely'and- forever. dissolved. -.Germany, France-: and:Italy, chose kings for. themselves, the two' last amidst violent party-strife and bloody-vicissitude.. Some -other countries, as the Spanish March -(from which the kingdom of Navarre was afterwards -formed), and several Sclavonic tribes improved'this opportunity to obtain or. maintain their independence. The separation of Burgundy was still more important. In this country, the greater part of which belonged to the kingdom of Provence, and which had changed masters- many times since the death of Lothaire I., a number of bishops and archbishops assembled after the death of Louis the Stammerer, and resolved to withdraw themselves and their country, the ancient inheritance of the Burgundians, from the Frankish dominion, that had lasted three and a half centuries, and which promised no longer any protection, and to confer the crown of Burgundy upon the count of Vienna, Boso, a mild and prudent prince. This new kingdom-called also Cisjurane Burgundy, in respect to Franceconsisted of the present provinces of Savoy, Provence, Dauphine, Lionnais, and a part of Franche-Compte, and was too powerful for the arms of the French. But after Boso's death -(887), count Rudolph of High Burgundy founded' a second kingdom of Burgundy,-the Transjurane-formed of Savoy, the west of Switzerland, and a part of the frontiers of Franche-Comtd. - This was VOL. 11-B 14 _ _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

　

　

210 GENERAL HISTORY. called the kingdom of High Burgundy, but that which was ruled by Louis. Boso's son, was called the kingdom of Low Burgundy. The two were afterwards united-but not integrally-under the name of the kingdom of Aries, when Rudolph II., king of High Burgundy, and Hugh, Louis' successor in Low Burgundy, invited by two parties simultaneously to govern Italy, adjusted their contention by a compromise, by which Rudolph resigned Italy to his opponent, and retained the two Burgundies (930). Arnulph, whom the Germans had chosen king in place of Charles the Thick, was a valiant and energetic prince. The Normans, Sclavi, and other enemies felt the effect of his power. The French and Burgundian kings respected him, if not as master, at least as their superior in power. The distraction of Italy finally opened the way for him to the imperial throne. Party spirit and bloody dissension raged in this beautiful country, more and longer than in all the other Carlovingian kingdoms. Of the two principal competitors for dominion, Guido, duke of Spoleto, and Berengar, duke of Friuli, the first obtained the victory, and the imperial crown from pope Stephen V. He was succeeded by his son Lambert. His opponent sought now the assistance of Arnulph. He marched over the Alps (894), cut his way through the countries of Italy with the sword, stormed and took Rome, and was crowned emperor (896). Vain honour! The nations of Italy, the Romans especially, abhorred the dominion of a prince who was odious to them as a foreigner, as a barbarian,-the epithet of their presumption-contemptible; and hardly had Arnulph, pressed by pestilence and famine, left Italy, when Lambert was proclaimed emperor anew. But he died in a short time (998), whereupon a war was kindled between Louis, king of Low-Burgundy, and Berengar, duke of Friuli, which lasted until Otho M. We return to Arnulph. He died in the year 900. His son, aged six years, Louis the Child, became his heir. The states still respected the blood of Charles M. But Louis having died in his minority (911), the states of the kingdom, after a period unfortunate and calamitous, in consequence of internal dissension and the desolation of external war-the Hungarian-abandoned completely and forever the Carlovingian house, and elected king Conrad, duke of the Franks, one of the great lords among their compatriots (912).

　

　

NORMANS 211 Some branches of the fallen house maintained themselves, with difficulty, howev: r, for some generations upon the Frankish throne. Charles the Simple, who was despised by his subjects, was driven from the throne by Robert of Paris, latei by Rudolph, king of Burgundy, and died in prison (929). His son, Louis IV. (Ultramarinus,because he had fled to England) ascended, however, the throne after Rudolph's death (916). He was succeeded by Lothaire V., his son, and Louis V., the Idle, his grandson, the last Carlovingian king. For when he died (987), Hugh Capet, son of the great Hugh of Paris, rose against his uncle, Charles, duke of Lorraine, with a powerful party, which declared him unworthy of the throne. Hugh Capet himself was chosen king, and Charles with his family died in prison. NORMA4NS, SARACENS AND HUNGARIANS. As often as a nation or empire encroaches audaciously upon the rights of others, passing proudly the bounds set by natural relations, so often has it received into its bosom the germ of its own destruction, and laid the foundation of its own ignominy and misfortunes. This law of retribution in the government of the world, we see fulfilled sooner or later everywhere in history, but nowhere so suddenly and so completely as in the Carlovingian empire. It was not only plunged immediately after the death of the conqueror into the confusion of anarchy, and dismembered by intestine dissensions into larger or smaller ruins, but the nations themselves, especially the dominant one, the Franks, were exposed to the anger and rapacity of foreign nations, and became almost the object of derision of their enemies. Among these the Normans were the most formidable. This far-spread people of German origin, yet by remoteness and climatic law, longer and more completely barbarous than its brother nations dwelling further south, appears from the darkness of the long tradition-time, faintly already several centuries before Charles M., as a sea-ruling people of warriors-their chiefs styled themselves'kings of the sea,-but distinctly, and with powerful action upon the wheel of great revolutions, not until after the days of this monarch. Charles M. had fought against the Normans in Jutland with superiority. But after his death there was a general movement among the nations of Scandinavia, and already Louis the Pious saw the desolation of the coast

　

　

212 GENERAL HISTORY. and shore-countries of his empire. This misfortune becanme still greater under the sons *of Louis.- Lothaire sought the aid of these barbarians against his brothers. Henceforth these desolations were repeated almost annuially.- In vain Louis the German restored the frontier-dutchies; the national.'force was gone; terror'proceeded before the' march'of the Normans. Germany, France, Lorraine, Engiand, Italy, Spain, and even Africa felt the power of their arms.- -Many armies were defeated'by them, Hamburg, Aix -la'Chapelle,' Cologne, Treves, Rouen,'Nantes, Tours were destroyed or:desolated, Paris taken, Lucca and Pisa plundered,: Spain terrified;,England aind the'adjacent islands'conquered, bold exploring or' piratic'al exp'editions were undertaken in all' direct'ions.'.'When Charles'the "Thick" ruled the Frankish kingdom, a band of Norman robbers penetrated deeply into the countries of the Rhine. Lorraine was the *principal theatre of' this unfortunate war. "Finally, Arnulph (891) revenged on the Dyle in Brabant by a brilliant' viiCtory this long disgrace; whereupon' Germany was undisturbed for some time by these enemies. The devastations of France, on the contrary, were continued till Charles the Simple resigned to the valiant Rollo, the scourge of the country for long years, the beautiful province, which bears from the' conquerors the name of Normandy, as a fief, but Bretagne as an arriere fief (911), and'gave him his daughter in marriage. Whilst the arms of the Normans penetrated from the North into the heart'of Europe, the ceries of'the fugitives before the Saracens were heard from the south.' From Africa fanatical bands of robbers passed over to Sicily, which they finally con.quered completely, or terrified' the coasts of Italy and the south of France. One hundred'and'fifty cities of Calabria and Campania were plundered, Rome itself threatened, many holy relics taken or profaned, even to the'gates of the eternal city. For several generations the Arabs ruled apart of the coast of Naples, which were not delivered until' the arrival of the Normans. More remotely, on'the coasts'of Provence, not far from Aries, the Arabs had established'a place of arms, whence they spread terror as'far as the valleys" of Piedmont, the shores of the Leman and even as far as the districts of Lorraine. But the most formidable storms gathered on the eastern fron tier.'Here it' was not separate hordes of robbers, but great

　

　

THE H NJ,NR.I A N1S. 21S naatigpst,,lthat.-were at work. Louis the German, and his son, Louis the Younger, fought, almost without interruption, against the Sclavi. The first reconquered Moravia. The contest was still more important under Arnulph. Zwentzbold, prince of Moravia, had taken up arms against him. He ruled also over Bohemia, which Arnulph had ceded to him, and kbeyond, over many countries of Pannonia and Austria, as far as the Saave and Adriatic. coast. He died during the war (895); his sons continued the contest, which was concluded with the fall, of the Moravian kingdom. Hungary, Poland, and Bohemia shared the desolated country. The name remained to its smallest part, which fell to Bohemia, and was afterwards declared a margraviate of this kingdom. By the dismemberment. of the Moravian: kingdom,, Germany was brought into hostile contact with the Hungarians, and a series of scenes of desolation was commenced. We have mentioned already in the preceding period the doubtful origin of this formidable people. It called itself (and continues to do so) Madschars, after one of its tribes; the derivation of the Hungarian name is not settled. These Hungarians, as well as many other nations of the steppes of. High and Northern Asia, driven by unknown revolutions over the Wolga and Don to Europe, resided for several centuries in the vast countries of Southern Russia, and were under the dominion of the Chazars, as is asserted, for two centuries. Towards the-close of the ninth century,. seven of their tribes, together with. a foreign tribe, crossed over the Carpathian. mountains into Eastern Pannonia and- Transylvania, where they mingled with the remnants of various nationL': All.the, tribes were ruled bywaywwodes, subject to a great waywode, of whom Arpad, trhe son- of Almus. became formidable. by his military exploits (about 888). He assisted Arnulph against the Moravians. In the meantime East Pannonia was conquered by the Petscheneges, the ancient enemies of the Hungarians, -whereupon the latter settled in West Pannonia. which they had taken. from the Moravians, and in a part of Austria. The terror of their arms was immediately spread over Germany, and did not cease for half a century.. The manners of the Madschars revived the recollection ot the barbarous Huns.:Whithei the bands of -their warriors penetrated, there the country became a desert; and although what

　

　

-214 GENERAL HISTORY. their cotemporaries write, that they devoured the flesh of the slain, and drank their blood, is' probably rather the expression of terror than genuine truth, yet this very terror is character-.stic and significant. In the next year after the death of Arnulph, their rapacious hordes poured over Austria, Carinthia and Bavaria; the flames of villages and cloisters marked their course; they returned laden with booty. With greater power, and after they had desolated Upper Italy, and plundered all Moravia in the intervening time (903 and 906), they repeated their aggression upon Germany, at that time ruled by Louis the Child (907). The German army, having assembled at the fortress newly built, near the mouth of the Ens, was defeated. Luitpold, duke of Bavaria, who commanded the army, fell after a desperate conflict, as well as a large number of bishops, abbots, and counts. The king himself, who arrived with reinforcements, was defeated, and escaped with difficulty. Then the houses of God and the habitations of men blazed far and near, or fell into ruins. The sword, famine, and misery, consumed the German people. Saxony, Thuringia, Franconia, and Suabia, and even Lorraine, felt the scourge likewise. All minds were seized with terror; no one dared to oppose the fiends. Hence the punishment of death was proclaimed in vain by Louis for assembling the ban and arriere ban; and a disgraceful tribute remained the only means for obtaining-not peace, only an uncertain truce. Under the reign of Conrad I. there was a similar devastation. It was renewed under Henry I., when he refused the tribute which his predecessors had promised. These barbarians plundered and devastated the south of Germany, as far as the Rhine, and also Lorraine; then, on their return, Hesse, Thuringia, and Saxony, and forced the king to grant a tribute for nine years (924). Italy and France were also, until the middle of the tenth century, infested by the predatory expeditions of the Hungarians. Towards the east, they spread consternation to the gates of Constantinople. We shall relate their final defeats in the subsequent history of Germany. During all this period the Madschars were ruled by princes from the house of Arpad. They ascended the throne in no order fixed by law, but sometimes by the double right of election.[. _ ______

　

　

GERMANY. 215 and blood. We will distinguish in this series Geysa I. (972), who adopted the Christian religion, and Stephen I. (997), the Saint,his son,who made the Christian religion predominant among his people, received from the pope a royal crown, and, as it was formerly asserted, conferred upon him the kingdom as a fief. The acquisition of Transylvania, the settlement of many Germans, and active advancement of civilization, distinguish his reign. His successor, Peter (1038), acknowledged the supremacy of the German emperor; but this relation was not lasting. Under the succeeding kings, notwithstanding many intestine commotions, the kingdom was enlarged by the acquisition of Croatia, Dalmatia, Gallicia, Servia, and a part of Bulgaria; yet internal confusion and barbarism were increased by the immigration of great swarms of Cumani, at first in the beginning of the twelfth century, and again in the middle of the thirteenth. Under Bela IV. (1235-1270), the whole kingdom was desolated by the Mongols, and was delivered only by their voluntary retreat. Wladislav IV. was assassinated by the Cumani. Andrew III. (1290), a collateral relative of the last king, obtained now the throne, against the pretensions of Charles Martel of Naples, the nephew of Wladislav IV. But he died without male descendants (1301), the last king of Arpad's house, whereupon -not without contention-the crown of St. Stephen fell, as a female inheritance, to the French house of Naples. HISTORY OF GERMANY. THE treaty of Verdun had already made Germany politically independent: but it was the renunciation of the Carlovingian house that first imparted to it a particular life, consequently its particular history, and the first act of its free life was the election of Conrad I. for the German king. The history of Germany, as an isolated state, is divided, in so far as it belongs to the present period of General History, into two periods essentially different in their character. In the first, the empire of the Germans is powerful, glorious, farl-ruling, acknowledged the first in the West, its king not unequal in

　

　

216 GENERAL HISTORY. majesty to the-Cesars, whose heir he styles himself. The princes of the empire are his servants, the kings of Europe are eclipsed by his glittering majesty.- In the second, the empire and emperors are fallen- under the tutelage of the Roman priest. The king of the Germans shines no longer among the monarchs of the west by independent majesty, only by the splendor borrowed from the papal luminary, as the first vassal of the Church; the centre of gravity in the lever, that sets nations in-motion, is no longer at the throne of the emperor, -but at the chair of the Vatican.; arid:Germany above all, is most intimately connected with- Rome, receives- from there its laws and' rights. As much as:the imperial side of the balance rises, so much falls that of the princes and:the states of the empire;' the enfeebled head is no longer able to regulate the refractory members. But in both periods the Empire and Papacy-sometimes one, sometimes the other predominant-are, either by their united, or by their conflicting interests and powers, the principal wheels in the revolutions of the West, the principal figures in its history. I. THE PERIOD OF THE EMPIRE IN ITS GREATEST SPLENDOR. CONRAD 1. AND HENRY I. AFTER the death of Louis the Child, the chief men of the empire-who had already usurped the rights of the people — elected Conrad of Fritzlar,- duke'in Franconia, for king (911). Soon however loud cries of opposition resounded against this etlectbioi;o, and:Conrad, notwithstanding'his energy and good intentiorns, was unable'to conjure the storms that were excited agairisthitn.i. His: power was so limited that the people of Lorraine (or their princes), -thought it' for:their interest to subject themselves to Charles the Simple, king-of France, and that this kinIg imaintined- such precious' acquisitions.- — At the same time, Arnuiph: the Bd,; duke;of Baviaria; disdained to- acknowledge the king of the Germans.: On this account'he' was proscribed by the pritces, eicommunicated by the priests, and remained, until Cortrads-death, a- fugitive in a frontier province of Hungary

　

　

GERMANY - 217 Whilst hordes of Hungarians devastated the empire, Erchanger and- Berchtold, the royal delegates in Suabia, disturbed the peace of the country. They were overcome, condemned, and executed. Finally, Henry, son of Otho the Illustrious, duke of Saxony and Thuringia, from whom Conrad, after his father's'deathi wished to take one of: the two dutchies, which Otho had governed, declared war against this monarch. Conrad.died during the contest (918). The princes, in- conformity with' the generous wish of the deceased emperor, elected -his valiant enemy, Henry the Saxon, whom the rabble of historians call the Fowler, and who -deserves the title of Great. The opposition which Burkard and Arnulph, dukes of Suabia and Bavaria, raised against Henry's election, the king.soon vanquished by the: strength.of his arm, and still more decisively by generous clemency,. which forced: even Arnulph's arrogant.mind to friendship. After this -he marched against Charles the Simple of France, and.taught him by the speedy re-conquest of Lorraine, the superiority of the German power, when well-directed, and not paralyzed by discord. - In the meantime the Hungarians renewed their terror in the German countries; against their well-exercised, active:cavalry, the less supple -infantry of the Germans was:unable to stand. Henry,:therefore-concluded a truce. for nine years (924), and paid-tribute in order that he might gain.time tomake preparations that would ensure victory. He augmented and' improved, -by exercise,: the cavalry, regulated the.whole military system, and gave Germany, by.constructing many fortresses, a defence less dependent upon the fate of battles.:.This last measure was more important and productive in results -in. a civil, than in a military respects.-The -cities which' Henry founded, contained the germ of -civilization and;liberty: which: theisucceeding centuries -brought to. a most fertile. developemeti-t. This wise monarch fortified many places with walls and towers, which appeared tenable by their situation, in the north and middle of Germany, where, until his time, were only open villages, or solitary farms, cloisters, -castles,- &c.,. and- enlarged -t.hem by new habitations, and increased. their population;boy establishing there, from the surrounding:region, every tenth: manr of the:free-men,:who composed- the national: army. -By various- privileges -and advantages, which he' granted to cities,-as, that all assem VOL. II.-2 C

　

　

218 GENERAL HISTORY. blies and solemn festivals of the people in the environs should be holden in the cities, that no one there should be regarded as a serf-he overcame the ancient repugnance of the Germans to live in cities, promoted by prudent ordinances, the early rise of various trades, and commanded, in order to insure the means of subsistence in case of a siege, the third part of the harvests of the country to be deposited in the magazines of his fortified places. After the expiration of the truce concluded with the Hungarians, when they asked for a renewal of the tribute, and received a contemptuous refusal, they invaded Germany with a strong force, and penetrated into Thuringia, where they separated in two divisions. One of these was now defeated at Sondershausen, and the other, which contained the bulk of their power, experienced the same fate at Merseburg. Eighty thousand barbarians were slain; all their baggage, all their plunder was taken; all those, that escaped from the battle, were destroyed by famine or the anger of the countrymen; Germany was delivered from such visitations for two centuries (934). During the truce with the Hungarians, Henry had fought with success against the other enemies of the empire, against the Sclavi and Normans. For the defence of his new conquests he built on the Elbe the castle of Meissen, the principal place and alarm-post of the margravate, Misnia, and established against the Wends the margravate of northern Saxony. At the same time, he chastised the Danish king, Gorm, who had desolated the coasts of the North Sea. Henry carried war into Jutland, and obtained the cession of the territory between the Eider and Slie, of which he formed the margravate of Schleswig. Two years after the victory of Merseburg, the king died (936), unsurpassed by the most celebrated of his successors in energy and goodness, as worthy of the civic as of the hero's crown. OTHO Jf. His son Otho L., the Great, who succeeded him, acquired glory still more brilliant, but less free from reproach. By the acknowledgment of Otho as sole king-although he had several brothers-the idea of the indivisibility of the empire, which began to prevail among the kings elected for all Germany,

　

　

GERMANY. 211 was forever sanctioned. Division of dominion-as it took place often under the successors of Charles M. in Germany-is appropriate in the idea of private inheritance, but incompatible with the dignity of a people, and with the idea of an elective empire. At the coronation of Otho, the three archbishops of Mentz, Treves, and Cologne, figure as having a superior andl even exclusive right to do so. They (who appear later also as archchancellors of the three united kingdoms) and the hereditary possessors of the four first offices of the court (Bohemia, Palatinate, Saxony, and Brandenburg) obtained gradually the electorate, that is to say, the exclusive right of election. One half of Otho's eventful reign is filled up with civil war. Eberhard, brother of king Conrad, and other princes of the Franks, who saw with displeasure a Saxon house-and even the blood of Wittekind-rule over Germany; and Giselbert, duke of Lorraine, as well as the sons of Arnulph the Bad of Bavaria, took up arms repeatedly against the king. Even Otho's brothers, his own son Ludolph, and his son-in-law, Conrad, rebelled, and the country was doomed to feel the disasters and vicissitudes of a long war. The energy and fortune of the king prevailed against all his enemies. He vanquished, punished, pardoned, disposed relations as victor, and became more powerful after every contest. These revolts occasioned repeated investitures of dutchies and other high dignities of the empire. Otho gave the most important to some relatives and trusty friends: in order, however, to render their dependence more secure, he established, in the greater part of the provinces, palsgraves, who, as the immediate mandatories of the king, were charged with the supervision and restriction of the dukes; but they discharged this office faithfully only for a short time. Of the dutchies, Bavaria was conferred upon Henry, Otho's brother, Suabia was given to count Burkard, whose wife was a relative of the king, but Lorraine was divided into two dutchies (Upper and Lower Lorraine), and the supreme authority over both was conferred upon Bruno, archbishop of Cologne, the king's brother. Saxony, in fine, which Henry I. had governed also as king, Otho-considering the place of an imperial officer incompatible with that of king-'conferred upon Hermann Billung, a valiant and noble man, whose race possessed the dutchy of

　

　

220 GENERAL HISTORY. Saxony in the male line until its extinction, but in the female line, rules, at the present day, Britain and the seas. Otho M: fought against external enemies with- n,0 l$ss success than he had against the rebels, firstlagainst the Wends and Danes, 4 d-?stil;more,.,gloriously-against France and the HungaTians. The German king upon a humble request (948), assisted Louis IV., king of- France, who was surnamed Ultramarinus, against the rebel Hugh,. count of Paris, marched as far as the gates of this city, and obtained, as a reward of victory, all the provinces of Lorraine which remained in the hands of the. French. The Hungarians fell over Austria into.Bavaria (955), greedy for plunder, inhuman as in-earlier times, more formidable than ever -in number and equipment. They conquered and ravaged the country as far as the Lech, crossed this river, and besieged Augsburg. Otho fought these barbarians in the great plain, which is extended from this city between the rivers -Lech and Wertach. The most splendid, the most complete victory, crowned the wellcommanded forces of Germany. From this battle-day in Lechfeld, Germany was forever delivered from the Hungarians. But Otho's expeditions to Italy were more brilliant and important than alL his other exploits. This delightful country, the pearl of Charles the Great's empire, had experienced since the fall of his house the most: extreme distraction, occasioned by sanguinary and confused change of.dominion,. by hereditary feuds of. families, by the union of sacerdotal.and worldly ambition, by the intrigue of woman and the sword of. man. Rome, in particular, had been for.a. considerable. time the theatre. of. scandalous and. criminal. scenes that are without a parallel;: the spiritual and civil power had been in, the. impudent hands of abandoned women. Theodora, an eminent Roman lady and her daughter by the.margrave Adalbert.of Tuscia, Marozia and the.younger Theodora, the Messalinas and.Agrippinas,of their. age, were- the females, who played this:singulal part. From the commencement until the middle. of the tenth century, these women, formidable by the power of the - Tuscian house,. versed Iin intrigues, bold and ready for every - crime, conferred. the papacy: at pleasure upon their-creatures, lovers and bastards...Alberic,.an incestuous, bastard of Marozia, enraged at: a chastisement, which he had suffered from Hugh of

　

　

GERMANY. 221 Provence, king of Italy, the second husband of Marozia, raised a sudden insurrection against his step-father; the'castle of St. Angelo was, taken by storm, king Hugh'-was forced to fly precipitately, and liberated Rome received' republican magistratesAlberic at their head. Not long after this, Hugh laid down the crown of Italy, and went into a cloister (945). His son, Lothaire, was deprived of half of the kingdom by Berengar II., margrave of Ivrea, the grandson of Berengar I. After the' death of Lothaire (950) Berengar was acknowledged as sole king. To fortify his powei he solicited for his son the' hand of Adelaide, the widow of his enemy. She, filled with abhorrence, escaped from his power and implored the assistance of Otho, the German king. He came, delivered her from oppression, and married her. Berengar, too weak for resistance, submitted, and retained his kingdom, yet as a vassal of Otho, and for a yearly tribute. But the tyranny of Berengar alienated the minds of the people, the chief men, and especially the clergy. Many voices were raised in favor of Otho. Pope John XII.-the son of Alberic, consequently the grandson of Marozia-invited him likewise to put an end to disorder. He came for the second time (960), and vanquished Berengar. The iron crown of Lombardy was now placed upon the head of Otho, and he received soon after; in Rome, from the pope, the golden imperial crown (962). Berengar was exiled to Bamberg. The oath of fidelity taken by the pope and Roman people, was good only to the emperor as such, and his successors in the imperial dignity-undetermined, whether by election or hereditary succession-but not to the German king as such; and the real combination of the German royalty with the Roman imperial dignity was at this time neither definitely pronounced, nor recognised as valid. It is said that Otho III. first concluded an express agreement upon this subject with pope Gregory V.,wh'ch, however, acquired uncontested validity only by time. Otho 1M. himself, notwithstanding the reverence which he inspired personally, experienced the inconstancy, the restless passion for freedom, the hostile pride of the Romans. Hardly had he left Rome, when the same pope who had invited him plotted dangerous treason. He returned, suppressed the revolt, caused John XIL. to be deposed by a synod, and Leo VII. to be

　

　

~22 GENERAL HISTORY. elected in his place. Otho was obliged to march to Italy twice more to subject the rebellious Romans. Public executions, and flagellations of the most guilty, restored obedience, but increased hatred as well as terror. Otho the Great died in 973. OTHO'S HOUSE. His younger son, Otho II., was crowned in the lifetime of his father, as associate emperor, and acknowledged as his successor in both kingdoms. But Henry the Younger, or the Quarreller, duke of Bavaria, rose against this elevation, favored by various members of the German empire, and foreign princes. Otho conquered, and deprived him of Bavaria, which he conferred upon his brother Ludolph's son, duke of Suabia. In victories with little interruption, Otho fought not without glory against France, the Wends, Bohemians, and Danes. But restless Italy occupied and consumed the principal part of the forces of the emperor and nation. The pope (Benedict VII.) was expelled. When Otho appeared, the insurgents submitted: but by bloody and treacherous severity he stained his name and the majesty of the throne. From Rome the emperor hastened to Lower Italy, in order to conquer Apulia and Calabria, which his father had endeavoured to acquire. But although Zimisces gave Theophania, the daughter of the preceding emperor, Romanus, to Otho II., and Apulia and Calabria for a dowry, yet the dominion of the Germans was never firmly established. In the renewed war of Otho II. against the Greeks and their allies, the Saracens, the Germans experienced the greatest loss. The emperor himself, after a great defeat of his forces, fell into the power of the enemy, and saved himself with difficulty. He died soon afterwards. His son, Otho III., who succeeded him, was in his minority. His mother, the wise Theophania, governed the empire in his name, which Henry the Quarreller disturbed in vain by renewed pretensions. He recovered, however, the dutchy of Bavaria. Leopold, the Babenbergian, margrave of Austria, and the founder of that house, which, from his time until that of Rudolph of Habsburg, ruled this country, fought with success against the Hungarians. These barbarians were driven far beyond Calenberg, and their fortresses on this side taken by storm. When Otho, whlm Willigis, the mild, learned archbishop of Mentz,

　

　

GERMANY. 223 nspired with love for science and virtue, grew up, he looked also with particular preference towards Italy and Rome. He went there three times; he even intended to establish there the seat of the empire. The consequences of that might have been immense. Fate ordered it otherwise. After Otho had endured the same difficulties and dangers as the two preceding emperors he died-as it is said, by poison (1002). The powerful Othos were thus extremely harassed in maintaining the sovereignty of Italy, although most of the popes from the time of Leo VIII. were installed by them, and were their friends. Gregory V. especially, a prince of the Saxon house, and the learned Sylvester II. (Gerbert), whom Otho III. elevated, were faithful, and personally important adherents of the throne. What awaited the emperors, if once the popes became independent, if they became enemies?; After the death of Otho III., who was childless, Henry of Bavaria, grandson of Otho the Great's brother, obtained the crown, not without opposition, nor even without war. The margrave Ardoin in particular, continued the contest for the crown in Italy for many years. Henry was victorious, but the world gained little by it. The abbot of Verdun refused unjustly to admit the imperial candidate into his cloister, who wished to retire there. The king praised the foundation of the bishopric of Bamberg as the most glorious action of his life; and on his death-bed he rejoiced at the merit of never having violated the virginal chastity of his wedded spouse. At his coronation he received from the hands of the pope a golden apple-afterwards preserved among the imperial jewels-as an emblem of the dominion of the world. But weakness and misfortune characterized the reign of this sovereign. With him the Saxon house of emperors became extinct (1024). The idea of hereditary right, and with it the power of the crown, were weakened by the necessity of election; a happy thing for the princes who aspired to independence, but not for the people, who needed the more powerful protection of a king against the arrogance of petty despots. FRANKISH KINGS.-CONRAD II. AND HENRY II. Ix a general assembly of the spiritual and secular members of the empire, Conrad, an eminent Frank, who-from his origin or

　

　

224 GENERAL HISTORY. Mtrlmanial' possessions —was- surnamed the Salian, was elected king. But the Saxons, proud of their centennial possession of the crown, saw it pass with reluctance to a house of the Franks; and these last supposed it was only the restoration of their ancient right. The consequences of these conflicting pretensions were upon one side secret disaffection and suspicion, upon the other irritability and provocation to severity. Conrad II., in-such difficult relations, directed the rudder with a strong hand. He kept the refractory lords in dependence, displayed in external undertakings an energy that corresponded with the dignity of the empire, and left-to his son a dominion consolidated, augmented, and respected at home and abroad. Conrad's Roman expedition (1026) was attended 4with nothing remarkable.' He, too, had rebels to punish; but the state of things was not changed. What he performed in Burgundy was of more importance. The double kingdom of Burgundy, or of Aries, was ruled until (1332) by that —Rudolph's family, who (889) had obtained independence in Upper Burgundy, and whose son had united the two Burgundies. -Gradually, however, here as everywhere, the royal territory was divided into several subordinate seignories, whose relations to the crown were doubtful, and determined according,to the vicissitude of circumstances. Thus Robert; son of the French king Robert, established at Dijon the seat of a dutchy, called Burgundy, in the stricter sense, which was governed three hundred years by his house, and became later the foundation of a new, still larger Burgundian kingdom, which extended to the North Sea. Thus originated the houses of the counts of Vienne -whose territory was afterwards called the Delphinate-of Savoy-who soon extended their dominion over the Alps into Italy, —-of High Burgundy-called afterwards Franche Comt6and others.' The kings of Burgundy, as they had originally detached themselves from France, had always been inclined to the German side.- Rudolph III. concluded a treaty of inheritance with Henry II., tke king of the Germans. Since Henry himself died without heirs, Conrad II., as successor'of the last in the German kingdom, maintained that he was also successor to the Burgundian crown by hereditary right. He therefore demanded, after Rudolph's death, his crown. Count Odo, of Champagne, Rudolph's nephew; opposed this, but in vain. onrad was victoz

　

　

GERMANY. 225 in two campaigns, in the third, -Odo lost his life. - Thus: the delig htful countries: which, according -to: the modern appellation, are icalled Provence and-Dauphin6, Lionnais and Franche Comte besides Savoy and a large part of Helvetia (the. other: part belonged previously to the Germans), were united to the German Sthpire,-'Toulon -and Marseilles were German ports; two-thirds of Charles the Great's inheritance were completely combined. Conrad was crowned king of Aries at Geneva. The archbishop of Treves was afterwards appointed archchancellor of this king, dom,. in the same manner as: the: archbishops of Mentz and Cologne-obtained this dignity:over.the two Other kingdoms of Germany and Italy. But the union of Arles to the empire did not in reality last long. In the great dangers and contests -of Italy and Germany, the emperor -neglected, or forgot this secondary kingdom, less connected, with,their highest interest. Gradually the greatest part of it was separated into independent seignories, or came under the power: of the French. A few fragments-in part mere- names —remained to Germany. In the north, Conrad ceded the ma'rgravate of Schleswig to Canute the Great, king of Denmark, Norway and England (1027), The old Carlovingian, the natural limits of Germany, were thereby restored.: Under the equally excellent son of Conrad II., Henry III. (1099), whom his father had early declared his successor, the glory of Germany eclipsed all the states of Christendom. With the exception of some lords, whose insolence he humbled, whose new-raised pretetsions he reduced to the limits of the ancient law, no person in his vast empire made any complaints against him, Not severer towards others than towards himself, he not only: demanded, but- also -gave justice; and fulfilled, what is the duty of a king, with no less strictness than he insisted upon that, which is the king's. It is true, in the eyes of those who know only princes' rights,'but not those of the nation and king, Henry might appear as a despot, because he disposed arbitrarily of the dutchies, and even reserved the most important for himself, or conferred them upon the members of -his family. But all; these dispositions, as much as they displeased the notables, were entirely consonant to the spirit of the- old constitution, that is to say,to the spirit of the first- days of German -royalty. The inheritance of fiefs VOL. II.-2 D 15

　

　

226 GENERAL HISTORY. especially the great fiefs of the empire, was rather a custom introduced secretly, or mere usurpation, than positive law. And in particular the great offices of the state or king —of which those of tho dukes were the principal-which in their idea presuppose the free commission of the king, and personal capacity, could not, by sonde actual usurpations of the feudatories, or by the extorted compliance of weak kings, in justice, become hereditary; the rights of the throne and the nation could not be so quickly extinguished. The whole organization of the state was as yet unsettled and fluctuating;- the king, if he did reserve in certain provinces the government for himself, or if, with the same intention, he appointed mere titular dukes, passed neither beyond the bounds of positive rights, nor those of natural rights; as yet it was left to his wisdom, his fortune, or to the course of events, to shape the constitution so or otherwise, to make the idea of monarchy or that of aristocracy, union or division, victorious. Yet it was perceived already under Henry's reign, that the German princes were the most dangerous enemies of the German kings. Powerful in all external transactions, in peace and war, and commanding respect, he was unable to subdue the single Godfrey, his and the empire's duke over Lower Lorraine. Enraged, because Upper Lorraine was conferred upon another duke, which he considered as a reduction of his paternal inheritance, the daring Godfrey took up arms. He was repulsed, it is true; but having retired to Italy, he obtained the hand of the powerful margravess of Tuscia, Beatrix, the emperor's sister; strengthened by this connexion, Godfrey'renewed the war against his master, and continued it until his death. Bretislaw, duke of Bohemia, who refused to pay tribute, saw the imperial army march into Prague in the second year of the war (1041), and did not obtain peace until he had reconciled the emperor by a humble petition. At the same time, Peter, the Hungarian king, appeared before his throne to implore assistance against his own subjects, who had expelled him on account of his tyranny. Then Aba, the king elected in his place, invaded the Eastern country (Austria). But Henry repulsed him, and carried his arms victoriously into Hungary, marched into Stuhlwessenburg, the capital of the kingdom, received there the oath of obedience from the magnates, and the oath of feudal fidelity from Peter, whom he reinstated

　

　

GERMANY. 227 But this feudal relation did not subsist long. The Hungarians, enraged against Peter, the friend of the Germans, assassinated him; whereupon Andrew, his successor, renewed the war against the emperor, but without success. It was in Italy, that Henry governed with the greatest glory. Since the time that Henry II. had abrogated the law- made by Charles the Great, and renewed by Otho the Great-by which the election of the pope was not valid, unless approved by the emperor, the old party-rage, and with it crime and scandal had prevailed anew. Three popes at the same time had erected their chairs in three different churches at Rome. Then Henry appeared (1046), and held a council at Sutri, which deposed them all. According to the will of Henry, Suidger, bishop of Bamberg was then chosen for the head of the church, who adopted the name of Clement II., and officiated at the coronation of the emperor. The law of Otho was now renewed, and rendered more severe. The following popes were likewise elected according to the will of the emperor. The noble, constant Henry, who was masculine in influence and action, died in the flower of his age, in the thirty-ninth year of his glorious life (1056). II. THE TIME OF PAPAL GRANDEUR. HENRY IV. THE orphan Henry, aged six years, and the empire, fell to the care of Agnes of Guienne, the excellent and discerning widow of Henry I[I., who was not, however, equal to the storms of the time. Now, as the feared monarch reposed in his grave, and the reins of the empire, held by a female hand, were relaxed, every discontented, ambitious, or covetous person among the magnates hoped to be able to gratify his passions and desires with impunity. Agnes-averse to force, and not in the situation to use it, without faithful counsel, without active assistance -succumbed to the disfavor of circumstances. The arch

　

　

228 GENERAL HISTORY. bishop Hanno of Cologne, with some other conspirators' carried off the prince (106'2), and thus obtained the regency.. Agnes, forsaken by all her friends, concealeda her grief in a cloister. - Soon the severe Hanno was supplanted in his charge by the adroit, ever officious archbishop, Adalbert of Bremen. By flattering and indulging the prince in all his desires, he gained his affection, and corrupted -his youthful heart. Thus Henry had already contracted bad inclinations in his fifteenth year, when he was declared capable of defending himself. General dissatisfaction with Adalbert compelled the king, however, to remove him from his person.'It was nriowperceived that Agnes' had reconciled -no- enemy by mildness, and gained no'frieid by benefits.. Otho of Nordheim, upon whom-she'lad conferred' her: own dutchy of Bavaria, never ceased.to be her anrd: er sion's inveterate enemy; Rudolph of Rheinfelden, her:son-iin-law,; and& — to whom -she gave Suabia, requited this dounble'favor with:;ingratit ude. The hostile sentiments of the princes towards Henry were discovered but t'oo soon.:They -raised' complaints: against his private conduct, not less than against various acts of government. Henry committed youthful excesses; he wished to divorce his wife, Bertha; he built strong castles in Saxony and Thuringia, in order to curb those who were hostilely disposed; by prolonging the sojourn of his court in these provinces he was burdensome to the inhabitants, who were obliged by law to pay the expenses; he retained, in fine, as prisoner, a declared enemy, duke Magnus of Saxony, who had been the protector of an outlaw-Otho of Nordheim;- these were the charges for which the princes, especially those of Saxony, took up arms against their king and master, and teven compromised the majesty of the empire by appealing to a foreign judge.: The same Otho of: Nordheim.n was. at -the -head of:the rebels, who had been previously-deprived of his dutchy and condemned to death by a tribunal of princes on account of high treason, and pardoned by Henry. — The king, taken by surprise, yielded to power, set the. duke Magnus at liberty, and, alarmed by the desertion of many- whom -he considered friends, -promised to demolish:the new-fortresses,. But. when,. at: the time of their demolition, arrogance and passion went beyond all bounds, when in the king's favorite fortress of Harzburg, even the bones of his

　

　

GERMANY. 229 brother and son were unsepulchred, altars destroyed, and the most disgraceful outrages committed, Henry considered himself no longer bound by the compromise, and proceeded to take vengeance. His faithful friends adhered more closely to him, because tney were indignant at such enormities; in a bloody, decisive battle on the Unstrut (1075) the army of the rebels was destroyed, and thdy received now the severe terms of peace from their conqueror and king. But the prospect of a tranquil reign, which this victory had so gloriously opened, was suddenly obscured by the aggression of a new and formidable enemy. " An old, infirm priest, without money, without arms, without land, powerful only by the energy of his soul,"* but by this and the power of ideas, master of the hearts of all the Western nations, was victorious qver the throne, which surpassed all others in courage and elevation. A great spectacle indeed, and exalting for the mind, which is justly rejoiced at the superiority of its own or the intellectual powers over the physical I! But the joy can be pure only when it is the good spirit from which the power proceeds, but not when, in contradiction to themselves, the spiritual and moral powers are misused for the service of principles just as detestable as those which it is pretended to combat. Not royalty, but despotism is the enemy of mankind; their welfare is to be found, not in the dominion of priests;: only in freedom and rights. From this point of view let us consider this great contest. In considering things thus we may condemn Hildebrand without being the slaves of kings; we can perceive the dangers of royalty without seeking our welfare in the power of priests. When pope Victor II., who was elevated to the papal throne by Henry 1I., died (1057), the Romans, without the participation of the -tutelary regent Agnes, elected a brother of Godfrey, duke of Lorraine, for pope, who styled himself Stephen IX. After him (1058), in conformity with the imperial will-which was here heard for the last time-bishop Gerard of Florence, or Nicholas II. was elected. He made in the first year of his governnlent, in a council at Rome, the important law, that henceforth only- the cardinals, that is a certain number of the most eminent minong the Roman clergy, should elect the pope, the rest of the * John von Mueller.

　

　

230 GENERAL HISTORY. clergy and the people should merely approve the election, with out prejudice to the rights of " king Henry of Germany, or such other person as a pope should have crowned emperor in Rome." This law was observed in the next election, and Alexander II., previously bishop of Lucca-was elected, without the approbation of the empress (1061). He supported himself in his dignity, although Honorius II. was appointed anti-pope. At his death, cardinal Hildebrand, whose counsel already under the last popes had governed.the church, was raised to the papal throne, and obtained, by feigned submissiveness, the imperial sanction (1073). Hardly was Hildebrand, now Gregory VII., established in his dignity, when he displayed suddenly, and to the astonishment of the world, the whole plenitude of the absolute power of the papal throne-the slow growth of ages. By the piety, as well as by the policy of the emperors and kings, the high clergy had long since —in Ge;many more than in any other country-been endowed not only with treasures, but with land and serfs, with princely honours and rights, and, according to the dominant principle of feudal investitures, made vassals of the empire. As such, the newly elected bishops and abbots were obliged, like secular feudatories, to receive investiture from the king, with this difference, however, that it was considered proper to use the ring and staff as symbols of surrender, instead of the emblems of secular power. But such formality relative to the condition and office of the invested persons was sufficient to give rise to the idea of a violation of ecclesiastical freedom, as if the ecclesiastical power and the ministerial office, and not merely the regalia accidentally connected with them, were actually conferred by the king; and complaints were actually made, that scandalous traffic was carried on with the spiritual benefices, that the high charges in the church of Christ were conferred by the favor and despotic command of the monarchs of the earth. Not without apparent grounds, therefore, Gregory prohibited investiture with the ring and staff, and entered boldly into the contest with the princes who defended their rights founded upon custom, and especially with Henry IV., the most powerful of all. But it was the intention of the pope, that Henry should not only renounce the right of investiture, but that he should support with his authority the ordinances of the Church, that he should even

　

　

GERMANY. 231 give account to the pope concerning his private life, and concerning all the complaints that the exasperated princes made against him. For they had even dared to accuse their king and master before the papal chair; and the pope had dared to set himself up for his judge. But Henry, full of anger at such presumption of the priest, convoked an assembly of prelates at Worms (1076), and deposed the offender. Now there was war upon life and death. Gregory, in a synod at Rome, excommunicated all the prelates who adhered to the king, excommunicated the king himself, and absolved his people from obedience and fidelity. Not only the Saxons, with Otho of Nordheim, whom the king in the excess of his magnanimity had made their governor, but also many princes of the south of Germany, declared for the pope. Of these Welph, duke' of Bavaria by the grace of Henry then Rudolph of Rheinfelden, the Suabian duke, Berchtold of Zahringen, formerly duke of Carinthia, who was irritated because he was so no longer'; Leopold, the valiant margrave of Austria, and Ottocar of Styria, and some few bishops, were drawn by selfish motives into the interest of the pope. For most of the great prelates adhered to the king: the champions of the pope were the hirelings of superstition, or its voluntary slaves-the monks.. The princes, unmindful of their duty, asssembled at Tribur, and notified their king that his empire was at an end, unless he was absolved from his excommunication within year and day; that he should dwell as a private man in Spire, until the pope came to Augsburg to pronounce his decision. Henry perceived with horror the spirit of his unfortunate age. If the pope came to Germany all was lost. The king, therefore, resolved to proceed precipitately, in the depth of winter, to Italy. He crossed the Alps of Savoy into Lombardy, where truer hearts beat for the German king. But he had come to Italy, not for war, but for peace; his terror at the revolt of the Germans had humbled his heroism. He went as a suppliant to Canossa. Pope Gregory had fled hither, upon the intelligence of Henry's journey, to the protection of the powerful margravess, Matilda of Tuscia, Henry's relative and enemy. The king appeared before her fortress, Canossa, humble, submissive, and without defence. And a scene was here enacted

　

　

232 GENERAL HISTORY. upon wnich the latest posterity will look with horror. In the space before ther in-:wall of the castle, the king of the Germans was obliged to implore for three days and three nights, in the garb of penitence, with his feet and head bare, tortured by cold, hunger, and thirst, the mercy of God and the pope, until the last finally spoke the word of grace, and received the penitent again into the- bosom of the Church —with reservation, however, of further decision concerning his royal dignity (1077). The crowned sianer Theodosius; who, in the consciousness of guilt, takes upon himself penitently, but voluntarily -thle penance of the Church in order to reconcile- his offended iGod, may be considered as. an example of the submission:f a' despot" to a higher law than that of man, edifying to. the Chriistian, consoling to' the citizen. But it was as a- king, not as a Christian or sinner, that Henry was obliged to do penance.- No holy motive, it was coercive force, that drove him to it; gnashing his teeth he kissed the rod that struck him, and in his person the insolent priest trampled all the kings of the earth, all nations in the dust. The princes of Lombardy felt themselves humiliated' in the person- of their king, and called upon-him -to take"':engeance. With a swelling army, and in the spl1ndoi' of mojety'h. now marched through the hostile country. But the inte!ligence reached him from Gernany,!thlxtiethidtelblios:pinelis, ioi a diet held at Forchheim, had elecie4RfWiblph of Suitbla;, kina g; Then Henry recrossed: thep Al; pte tately, iaitended -by -hi; most faithful adheirent.; Fit priioes were" forhim, i is' true, but nearly all the bishops of the empire —oiljy fiie swore td the popeand most of the cities.'Th-e love of: the Citizenss-for their persecuted king'; who Was cuised -the — priests, forsaken by: the princes, ia''lehred.l6,-* the ijustice of' hicau', and the independent, fidelty,'tas:ell a - th olowerfult ssistance.of these- t6itikens —sLiri- opposition'to ithe — blinid submission' of the country-%serfs. to the' passions~ 6f'theirr masters — appears; as a splendid:- vrst' lof: fedom; ans-as a: worthly reward:fi the benefits Which the c'i:ehed i eived:-from, tfhe'throne,...' But this strife;-kindl''ythd pAieb't, iTv:-:iongs sanguinary, full of vicissitude. It was carried on -in *Gerinany with'all the fury of unbridled passion. The-re were bisliops and a;nti-bishops in almost all the churches. There were likewise:governors of the

　

　

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GERMANY. 23 king and anti-king in most of the provinces. Discora entered into the bosom of communities and families. Everywhere "pope" or " emperor" was the battle-cry of the combatants. Rudolph did not long enjoy his usurped crown. His dutchy was conferred upon the noble — Frederick of.;H3ohestaufen Henry's son-in-law, worthy of this elevation by his valour and fidelity, and the father of a race of heroes. A great battle, near Mellrichstadt in Franconia, was not decisive..In a- second (1078), near Wolksheim on the Elster, Rudolph received a mortal wound-a judgment of God as he confessed at the point of death. The other rebels were also punished; Welph was deprived of his dutchy, Leopold of Austria of his margraviate. The greatest part of Germany submitted.: Now Henry thought to chastise the pope. Accompanied by an, anti-pope elected in a synod at Brixen, archbishop Guibert, of Ravenna, who styled himself Clement III., Henry marched to Italy,-took Rome, caused himself to be crowned emperor, and besieged Gregory in the Castle of St. Angelo. He was: delivered from this afflicting situation by Robert Guiscard, the Norman duke of Calabria, the pope's vassal. This valiant and cunning prince was one of the ten sons of Tancred of Hauteville, who,'forty -years before (1033), had come from Normandy to Lower Italy, seeking war and dominion.. Already earlier (1000 and 1016): some bands of Norman -pilgrims: had rendered military service to the princes of this country, and excited the admiration of the. erertvated nations of the'south by their northern strength.-; The.confused state.of Lower Italy, where Lombardic princes, Greek governors and: Arabian robbers were engaged:in incessanit.quarrels: opened a-brilliant prospect to the northern adventurers:Diake Sergius of: Naples, had given'(1016) those INormans who: had fought'for him' under Rainulph, a portion of territory, upon which they- built the' city of AverSa. From' this'- first: seat of their'dominion they soon extended, in a series of wuars, which they carrie on upon their own' account, their'; power over vast countries.'William Ironarm,'Tancred's eldest son, who- styled-: himself count of' Apulia, founded a; regular government,'based. uponi: the -feudal scystem. After his death hisbrothers received- from the emperor Henry II1. the investiture of their- possessions (1047).- - -.., The: pope saw with apprehension the growing -power of these VOL. II-2 E

　

　

234 GENERAL HISTORY. foreigners, and Leo IX. carried on a violent war against them. But both parties soon perceived the political advantages of a combination against the Greeks and Germans, who were equally odious and dangerous to both. Robert Guiscard especially, the most celebrated of the brother heroes, rendered homage to the pope as a vassal, and received from Nicholas II. (1059) the title of duke of Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily. This last country was conquered, some time after, by Roger, Guiscard's brother, and Robert subjected all Lower Italy, with the exception of Naples. Gregory VII., wrested from the hands of his enemies by the faithful Guiscard, went to Salerno, where he soon afterwards died (1085). His successors, Victor III. and Urban II., renewed the anathemas against the emperor. During the absence of Henry. his adversaries in Germany chose Hermann, count of Luxemburg for anti-king. But Henry's return, and Hermann's death (1088) restored the fortune of the first. Ecbert of Misnia, who wished to play the part of king, was put to death. In Italy, however, the far-ruling Matilda gave, some time after the death of her friend Gregory, her hand to the young Welph (1089). He made irresistable progress in Italy, whilst his father pursued his success in Germany. But Matilda, dissatisfied with her youthful husband, broke the childless marriage at the end of five years, and gave her territory to St. Peter. The Welphs were after this completely reconciled with the emperor, and received from him the renewed investiture of Bavaria (1095). Urban's successor, Pascal II., pursued this deplorable war, and gave to it a still more horrible character. Henry, who was invincible to so many enemies, was to be overthrown by his own son. His eldest son, Conrad, had been previously induced to revolt from his father. But a premature death carried him off (1101). His enemies, especially the unprincipled Welph, succeeded in inducing his second son, Henry, to revolt likewise. He, combining the most detestable treachery with presumptuous violence, took his father prisoner. An assembly of princes, held at Mentz, deposed the unfortunate old man; and three bishops, since he met them with becoming dignity, tore from him violently his imperial insignia. In ignominy and misery, exposed even to hunger, the fallen emperor lived in Ingelheim, until the voice of his friends encouraged him to fly secretly. For there were still

　

　

PAPACY. 235 some few who had remained faithful to him, especially Henry of Limburg, upon whom, after the death of Godfrey of Bouillon the dutchy of Lower Lorraine had been conferred, the bishop of Liege, and others; but, above all, the cities, free from the coercive impulses of intrigue, followed naturally the just cause. After so much vicissitude of fortune, as Henry had experienced, he had still a prospect of victory; but the sad campaign against his son broke his heart (1106). He was solemnly interred at Liege; but his son, to fill up the measure of crime, caused the body of his excommunicated father to be disinterred, and to lie upon the earth for five years in Spire, until it was permitted to return it to its maternal bosom by the absolution of the pope. A cursory survey of the history of papacy, which was so formidably displayed under Henry IV., will not be here out of place. HISTORY OF PAPACY. WE have seen the pope already at the close of the former period, after efforts for eight centuries, considerably elevated by the power of multifarious circumstances, and the spiritual preponderance which he had obtained, established upon the basis of a secular power. As long, however, as Charles the Great ruled over his vast dominions, the power of the Roman bishop rested upon the grace of his emperor, and had thi Frankishf monarchy been energetical in its interior, or had the family of Charles been endowed with the spirit of their ancestor, the pope would perhaps have become again like his brother in Constantinople or fallen to the rank of a mere bishop of the metropolis. But the unworthiness of the Carlovingian princes encouraged the priest to make bolder pretensions. Here Gregory VI. appeared as arbiter between the weak Louis I. and his rebellious subjects; there John VIII. sold to the abject Charles the Bald, the imperial crown, for the price which he himself had fixed; previous to this, Nicholas I. summoned insolently the younger Lothaire, who was tormented by his uncles' desire to obtain his territories, before his tribunal on account of a divorce. The same pope announced, generally by his writings and actions, his ambitious intentions and his lofty projects. He succeeded also, by smuggling in the collection of Pseudo-lsodorian decretals, in giving a legal foundation to his pretensions, and to that, which

　

　

236 GENERAL HISTORY. had really come into use but a short time before, the appearance, of an ancient right. But several aceidental circumstances now interrupted womewhaat' the progress of papal power. -- -The long-continued disorders of Rome, the crimes and scandals accumulated under a series of despicable popes,-debased the holy chair, and restrained its occupants from great undertakings. But when the sword of the Othos had given Italy a permanent law, and brought Rome and the imperial crown into'the possession of the German kings, their youthful majesty threatened;.the: papacy anew with complete subjection. For although the pope crowned the emperor,_and' ohi that account, not unapparently, considered -the imperial dignity dependent upon -his investiture, yet his words could not prevail against the arms of the Germans, if these Germans'stood by their king. This became evident especially under Henry III., who in the council at Sutri (1046), deposed three popes, caused Clement II. to be appointed in their place, and proclaimed most solemnly the imperial right to sanction the -papal election.' But this imperial power was of: short' duration.:: The reform introduced by Nicholas II. (1059); which confided exclusively to the cardinals the:election of the popes-under the merely apparent reserve of the imperial rights which were'soon disregardeds'cured to the Roman'church the possession:of able heads, and facilitated the continuation- of one and the same plan. This plan nhad two principal parts:- to elevate the spiritual condition above all dependence upon' civil relations and civil power, and evein to make the clergy the supeme supreme dsof the laity, and then to give the pope absolute power in the spiritual empire. The means to attain the first'-object was the pri-ohibition of the investiture of the spiritual order by secular lords-which after a long contest, attended with variOus' success; was finallyenforced in:the principal point-and the injunction of'celibacy, which operated still moire efficaciouily','and'which; had' been previously praised as- a meritorious renunciatio, irecommended to priests, and prescribed to'bishops; but this was first announced as a general: law for: -the whole'clergy:by- G regory VII. This measure had incalculable results:. No better,: means could have been devised to'eleva;te the clergy by — the nimbus:of supposed holiness in'the eyes:of the people, and to make it's members one body, closely connected, entirely isolated, and solely subservient to the

　

　

PA PACY. 23' -interests'f the -order; and the comprehensive -view, the profound knowledge of human nature is to be admired:no less: than the bold genius of the man, who, in such a spirit and in-such a gene — ral manner, raised the contest' against:the strongest impulse of nature, and- terminated it victoriously. The accomplishment of the second- grand object, the subjec. tion~ of the spiritual order to the: autocracy of the pope, was favored by the nature of things, which in every society, especially one that is large, leads almost infallibly to the gradual concentration of power. H-:ence -the.spiritual state, which had been originally democratic, then aristocratic,' was converted, with a progressive increase of accurately defined grades of rank and power, gradually into-monarchical' autocracy, by which the primate appeared not only as the highest keystone.of the hierarchical pyramid, but as a crown of rays, the brilliancy of which was to be the source of all ecclesiastical splendor; hence all subordinate power in the Church was not to be considered as the basis, but as the -emanation of the papal. To the most important means of promoting this remarkable change, or also to its effects, belongs the imperious interference of the pope in the elections of prelates. He appears to have liberated the churches or chapters, to which the right of election had been gradually transferred from the congregations, from th& influence of the' laity, for the sole purpose of substituting his own more sacred authority; and soon the papal appointment, or at least the papal favor, became the only way, or at least the indispensable condition for obtaining ecclesiastical offices. From the prelates who were indebted- to- the favor of the pope for their elevation, little resistance to -encroachments was to be feared. Hence, finally,' even the authority of councils yielded to that of the Roman bishop, and the legislative power, as well as that of absolving from the laws, was concentrated in his exalted person. The doctrine advanced by the side of these exercises of power, and in part before,-as preparing the way for them; and again, this doctrine was sustained by the same power that served to vindicate it.' "Christ has appointed'his beloved Peter-upon whom, as upon a rock, he built the Church-his successor and vicar upon earth. The vicar of him, who fills the heavens with' his majesty, may indeed behold the kings and potentates of the

　

　

23Q3 GENERAL HISTORY. earth, no less than the servants of the Church, at his feet. But tnere is a twofold power here below, the spiritual and secular Both were conferred by Peter, as is shown by the symbol of the two swords. But the spiritual is elevated as much above the other, as the celestial kingdom is above the earthly, or the eternal salvation of the soul above the fleeting welfare of the body. It is indeed the spiritual power alone that exists by itself, and shines, like the sun, with its own brilliancy; the temporal, on the contrary, borrows only from that, as the moon from the sun, a feebler and more dependent light. The thrones of the earth receive their glitter from the resplendence of St. Peter's chair. The pope therefore-who, as some shameless canonists presumed to teach, is not God, it is true, nor a mere man, but a middle being between the two —is above all powers; he may dispose of crowns and kingdoms; he is the supreme legislator and judge, in every thing infallible, the dispenser of divine grace as well as of divine wrath; to him is the power given to bind and to loose, his word can absolve even from natural or divine commands (such as the duties of truth and fidelity). To rise against the pope is rebellion against God." The popes who, after Gregory VII. signalized themselves by their energy or arrogant pretensions, were Adrian IV. and Alexander III., at the time of Frederic I.; then Innocent III., the founder of the inquisition; Gregory IX. and Innocent IV., the formidable opponents of Frederic II., and finally Boniface VIII. All the popes from the time of Hildebrand, were, without contradiction, the supreme heads of Christendom; all strove to be its autocrats. The affliction of the popes in their own country forms a striking contrast with the fear and reverence which their dignity inspired abroad. In Rome itself, and in the States of the Church, the popes shared the deplorable fate of all the sovereigns of their time. Their vassals or arrogant nobles despised their authority and, in defiance of the thunders of the Vatican, raised presuinptuous war against the vicar of Christ. The tyrants of the European kings, the rulers of Christendom, were often captives in their own capital, the victims of some noble lords,' the objects of the derision or compassion of the Roman women.

　

　

GERMANY. 239 HENRY V. HENRY V. advanced the same pretensions that were con demned in his father, and with still greater energy. For when Pascal II. renewed the Gregorian edicts relative to investiture in the councils of Troyes, Henry marched to Italy with a strong force, and extorted tumultuously, and not without bloodshed, from the captive pope (1111 ), the most solemn acknowledgment of the royal right of investiture. But this compromise excited the indignation of the bishops, and Guido, archbishop of Vienna, and a relative of Henry, presumed to excommunicate him himself, because the pope had promised never to do so. The old quarrel was now renewed. In the meantime Matilda of Tuscia died (1115), whereupon Henry took possession of her territorynot acknowledging its donation to the papal chair-as a relative, and feudal lord. But he did not retain it; he saw himself finally compelled to conclude at Worms (1122) with Guido, his old enemy, who had ascended the papal chair under the name of Calixtus II. (1119), and repeated solemnly his anathema, a new compromise, which is therefore called the Concordat of Calixtus, and has been constantly regarded as a fundamental law of the German church-although some variations have been made, partly insidiously, partly legally. In conformity with this the election of bishops was to be made freely by the competent chapters; but the emperor might participate in them by a deputy, who, in case there should be no choice, might givewith the counsel of the archbishop-the decisive vote; and the emperor might give the investiture of worldly possessions and rights (or the regalia) with the sceptre. The waning power of the empire is already perceptible in the external transactions of Henry V., as the effect of the great change, which the relations of the emperor with the pope and the princes of the empire had experienced by the enterprises of Gregory. It was impossible that the monarch, who was trampled upon by the priest, who possessed no coercive power over his own governors, should be formidable to nations. Thus the war against the Hungarian king Kaloman, was terminated without advantage or power; thus the Germans were completely defeated by the Poles in Silesia. Henry V. died without heirs (1125).

　

　

240 GENERAL HISTORY. THE FIRST HOHENSTAUFEN.-FREDERICK I. AMONG the aspirants to the throne, the sons of Henry's sister the two Hohenstaufen, Frederick and Conrad, appeared as those who had the best title to the royal dignity. The first possessed Suabia as a paternal inheritance, the second held Franconia as a fief from Henry V.; both surpassed most of the German princes by character and exploits. The opposite party succeeded, however, in electing the duke of Saxony, Lothaire II., count of Supplingenburg. He, in order to strengthen his power, against the Hoh en, married his only daughter Gertrude, inheritress of many provinces of Saxony, particularly of'Nordheim and Brunswic, to Henry the Proud, duke of Bavaria,: inheritor of the vast possessions of the Welphic house in Italy and Germany. He invested him also with the dutchy of Saxony, in which already Henry the Black, the father of Henry the Proud, the younger brother of Welph II., had already become the proprietor of the rich allodial domains of the Billung house. Thus the race of the Welphs had become a great tree, which covered with its shade the north and south of Germany, and Henry the Proud, was more powerful than the king himself. But the Hohenstaufen, from whom Henry wished to wrest all the imperial possessions, which they had received from Henry V., defended themselves heroically against their too powerful enemy. So great was the vicissitude of fortune, that in the commencement, Conrad placed the crown of Italy upon his head in consequence of victory, but finally the Hohenstaufen, casting sad looks over their desolated country, found salvation only in subjection. A dissension concerning the papal election (1130), appeared to Lothaire to afford the' opportunity for recovering the ancient rights of the empire. But Innocent II., whom he protected against Anaclet II., insisted no less on that account, upon the pretensions of the Church. Lothaire crossed the Alps, cut his way to Rome with the sword,'and received from Innocent the imperial crown in the Lateran, since iAnaclet was enthroned in the Vatican and St. Peteis.'By the threatening vicinity of his powerful rival, by his dependent position towards his imperial patron, Innocent was so little moved to moderation, that he, even more insolent than his predecessor, required Lothair:, as his vassal, to render him homage upon his knees.

　

　

GERMANY 241 But this proud pope was expelled soon after the departure of the emperor by Anaclet. The favor of the Romans, and the assistance of Roger II., whom Anaclet had crowned (1130) king of the two Sicilies, procured him the victory. Lothaire appeared once more in Italy, triumphed over the anti-pope, as well as over the Norman power, but died on his return, not far from Trent. The power of his son-in-law, Henry the Proud, did not favor his efforts to obtain the crown. The princes of the empire feared his power, and elected Conrad of the house of Hohenstaufen. His election renewed the great feud, abundant in important results, between his house and that of the Welphs. For a long time the Welphs had been powerful in Upper Suabia and Bavaria by their rich possessions. The wife of Louis the Pious, Jutta, was a princess of this house; her brother, the wealthy Ethico, is famous in tradition. But, after the middle of the eleventh century, the male line of the house became extinct, whereupon the rich inheritance fell to a branch of the Italian house of Este-the son of the margrave Azzo, and Cunigunde, a descendant of theWelphs; —and this family, renovated by him, who called himself Welph, as his maternal ancestors, flourished again, and with far greater splendor than before. For from this second root the stock has sprung, whose crown covers Britain and Hanover, and vast countries in all parts of the world. Henry, irritated at the election of Conrad, delayed to give up the imperial jewels; but Conrad resolved to take from him a part of his fiefs. Henry took up arms, and refused to appear peaceably at the diets. He was, therefore, put under the ban of the empire, and his dutchies taken from him. Bavaria was given'as a fief to the margrave Leopold of Austria, and Saxony, to Albert the Bear, margrave of Brandenburg. During the first tumult of arms which followed this judgment, Henry the Proud, shaken by the severe blow, died suddenly (1139). The hereditary right of his son Henry, a minor-afterwards cailed the Lion, —and of his brother Welph of Altorf, to the fami.y possessions of the outlaw, was defended by the last, and the many friends of the family of the Welphs, in bloody wars, attended with various success, against the new dukes of Bavaria. and Saxony, the executors of the imperial ban, and against the power of the Hohenstaufen. The battle-cry of the combatants: 1" Here VOL. II. —F If

　

　

242 GENERAL HI:STORY. Waiblingen!" (the name of a castle belonging to the Hohenstaufen\ and "Here Welph!" was soon employed to designate the parties themselves, and later, in a wider sense, in general for the -adherents of the -emperor and those of the pope; and the hereditary feud of the Ghibellines and Guelphs (as the Italian language altered those sounds) was prolonged for centuries after' the original strife had ceased, and distracted especially the countries of Italy. Margrave Leopold of Austria penetrated into Bavaria, of which he conquered the greater part. After his death, Henry Jasomirgott, his brother and successor, continued the desolating war. Saxony was maintained by the affection of the people for Henry, and Albert repulsed. The last, however, having renounced Saxony, in a diet at Frankfort, was invested with the imperial immediateness for his margraviate of Brandenburg, which was before under the duke of Saxony (1142). These great movements were interrupted or took another direction by the effect of the Crusades, the great concern of nations since the last days of Henry IV. Conrad, at the solicitation of the abbot, Bernard of Clairvaux, wasted his power in the distant east, and neglected his own empire. He did not even make the expedition to Rome, and died uncrowned (1152). He was succeeded by his nephew, Frederick Barbarossa, who was chosen unanimously by the States of the Empire, assembled at Frankfort, after an interregnum of only eighteen days. In this election a clear trace of the right of preference, possessed by the seven great officers of the empire (three spiritual and four secular), appears for the first time. The new emperor thought it a matter of the highest importance to pacify Germany, in order that he might restore in Italy and abroad the majesty of the empire. He strove to induce Henry Jasomirgott to cede Bavaria to the Welph Henry, from whom it had been taken. At the solicitation of the emperor, Jasomirgott restored Bavaria, with the exception, however, of the country above the Ens which was united with the lower margraviate. The united country was erected into a dutchy. The new duke was to govern with independent power, to be the first in rank after the electors, to be liberated from all obligations to the empire, with the exception of investiture to be received in his own country,

　

　

GERMANY. 243 and a little aid which he was to afford in the riungarian war, only -for the acknowledgment of his quality as prince of the empire: his possessions were to be hereditary for male and female descendants. This is the origin of the great privileges and liberties of Austria (1156), of which it may be said in truth, that they were more in mere title than in substance, that they were als6 pernicious in their erects, as conflicting with the unity of the empire, and as the object of envy and imitation. Austria itself gained however by the elevation of its princes. The blessings of nature were multiplied by a more diligent application to agriculture, and, for an ornament to the country, Vienna arose in the place of the ancient Vindebona, which was destined for greater magnificence. Frederick performed the Roman expedition in the third year of his reign (1154.) The papal chair was then occupied by Adrian IV., an Englishman, the only man of this nation who ever ascended the papal throne. The ideas of the pope's majesty were already so deeply rooted, that even the proud Frederick condescended to hold his stirrup. But a more serious contention arose, when Adrian presumed to call the empire a fief (Beneficium) of the pope. A milder interpretation of this word, however, appeased the emperor. It is sad to see the transient harmony of this emperor and the pope stained by the execution of a well-disposed, although enthusiastic, patriot. Arnold of Brescia, the friend of freedom, a bold reformer in ecclesiastical affairs, endowed with a potent mind and noble sentiments, had endeavoured to reduce the relations of the clergy to -the simplicity of the primitive times; he inflamed by his words of fire the people of Brescia, and soon those of Rome, and produced a revolution, which had deprived -the pope of all power in secular things, and restricted his authority to the pastoral care of souls. Innocent II., and after himn four other popes, trembled before this common priest, until Adrian IV. renewed the contest with more energy and success, and obtained the deluded emperor for his ally. It was not difficult for him to represent the man of the people as the author of sedition, who had offended against civil power no less than against ecclesiastical, and who therefore merited a double death. Frederick believed the smooth tongue, demanded the surrender

　

　

244 GENERAL HISTORY. of Arnold from the count of Campania, and delivered him to the executioner. He was burnt, his ashes thrown into the Tiber, but the memory of the martyr remained sacred to the Romans. Frederick went to Italy no less than six times; twice in the time of Adrian IV., three times against Alexander III., and once more after the death of this obstinate enemy. It was great interests that called him there, relations of the highest importance lby character and results. A spirit which had slumbered for centuries, the spirit of freedom, was again awakened in the cities of Italy. Barbarism and military power, misery and the dismemberment of states, had given birth to slavery; returning civilization and commerce, the friend of peace, opulence and a growing population, imparted to these cities the sentiment of human rights, and the courage to maintain them. Force alone had founded and maintained the power of the princes and the emperor; the strength of their arm was the source and measure of their pretensions. Under this point of view, it was natural that it should seem just to the cities to recover their liberty by the same means which had suppressed it, and that they should discover in the measure of their power the measure of their rights. Frederick, on the contrary, as sovereign of Italy, as heir of the crown of Lombardy, and that of the ancient Caesars, could not regard the enterprises of the cities otherwise than illegal, and worthy of punishment. It was his duty also to protect the unity of the empire from the pretensions of civil commonwealths as well as from those of the princes. Independence of the partswhether of the people 6r of particular princes-was equally incompatible with the majesty of the empire. Formerly the German kings had favored the cities from inclination and principles, because the throne and commonalty were naturally allied against the power of the lords. But if-as was the case in Italy-the freedom of cities threatened to pass into independence, they became no less enemies of the throne than the insolent nobles. But there was another circumstance that irritated the emperor against the cities-their combination with the pope. These cities, for their particular interest, did not hesitate to resign themselves to the enemy of their legitimate king, the enemy of every civil power, and the enemy of all intellectual freedom, and to

　

　

GERMANY. 245 fight under the banner of liberty for the establishment of the most formidable throne of the world. Under such circumstances the enmity of the Hohenstaufen towards the cities may be justified; and we have only to deplore the sad situation of the world in those times, when the inevitable collission of confused ideas and adjusted pretensions produced necessary war, and when it seemed possible to obtain liberty and justice only by the most desperate means. Upon his first expedition the emperor experienced the hostility of the cities, especially of Milan, the swelling pride of which was odious even to the other cities. But he appeared at the head of a powerful army, reviewed his troops in the plains of Roncaglia, convoked a diet, regulated, appeased, punished, and went to Rome, where his coronation was disturbed by a bloody tumult, and Frederick was saved with difficulty by the devotion of his valiant soldiers. He was exposed to similar danger on his return, especially through the perfidy of the Veronese. He came therefore for the second time with a still stronger army (1158). The Milanese submitted, implored pardon, and paid an amercement. And in a still more solemn diet, in the same Roncaglian plains, he caused, by the legists of Bologna, the extent of his power, as successor of the Cwesars, to be determined, the regalia which were endangered by the usurpation of the cities, to be adjudged to the crown, and the feudal relations as well as the royal government and the peace of the country to be regulated and established by laws. But the new papal election produced a repeated and general flame. After the death of Adrian IV. (1159), seven cardinals declared for the emperor's friend, Victor III. But the bold and proud cardinal Roland had twice as many votes. He, who took the name of Alexander III., immediately fulminated excommunication against the anti-pope and the emperor, and thus gave the signal for the most terrible conflict. There was war in all Italy for eighteen years, the whole country from Rome to the Alps was a scene of fury and desolation. In Germany, althoull most of the cities adhered to the emperor, the flame of civil war broke out also. -Frederick, exasperated principally against Milan, which had even hired assassins against him, marched to the rebellious city, took and destroyed it, caused salt to be sown upon the place where its walls had stood, and dispersed the inhabitants into the

　

　

.240 GENERAL HISTORY. surrounding country. But soon the city arose again from its ashes, and a closer and more general league was concluded among the cities; after the fall of Milan, Verona was the principali Frederick summoned incessantly the German warriors against such active popular power. The sword of the enemy, and pestilence closed their destiny. He returned with a stronger force, performed brilliant exploits, gained battles; but the enemy was not conquered. Pope Victor III. had few adherents; his successors, Pascal III.- and Calixtus III., still less. Alexander III. triumphed. In honor of him the Lombards had built a new city, Alessandria, a principal place of arms, and the rock on which the military fortune of Frederick was wrecked. The great battle of Legn-ano (1176) decided finally the victory of the cities and of the pope. The emperor concluded peace (1177.) At the entrance of the cathedral of Venice, Alexander received the humbled monarch, who kissed his foot, and was then liberated from the ban. He had previously ratified to the cities for six years all their rights, liberties and customs, which they possessed, within or without their walls. as privileges derived from usage, and these advantages were afterwards (1183) guarantied forever in an imperial diet at Constance. The recovery of the ancient rights of the empire over Burgundy afforded some consolation for this humiliation. The emperor's second marriage with Beatrix, the hereditary princess of High-Burgundy or Franche Comtd, afforded him a familypower in those countries; he was able to exercise the more effectually the rights of a.Burgundian king, under which title he was crowned at Aries. He obtained a still richer compensation by the marriage (1185) of his son Henry, effected in his sixth expedition to Italy, with Constance, niece of the Sicilian king, William. By this alliance, the house of the Hohenstaufen acquired the right of succession to the two Sicilies, which opened a brilliant prospect, but bore sad fruits. The defection of Henry the Lion was one of the principal causes of the defeat of Legnano. This duke, so highly praised among the German princes, had but little love for his country. The events in the empire, and the acts of the emperor were considered and appreciated by him only as they bore upon his own interest or that of his house. He calculated even this

　

　

GERMANY. 247 interest in a narrow-minded way, desiring dominion more than glory, but money-especially in his older days-still more than' dominion. In Frederick's fifth expedition to Italy Henry refused to follow him with his forces, on which account-since such a breach was irreparable —the decisive battle was lost. Even after this, Frederick implored and conjured the rebellious duke to avert his misfortune by speedy assistance; and, reflecting solely upon the calamities of the empire without regarding other relations, he went so far as to supplicate the duke on his knees. He remained inexorable. Finally, he promised assistance upon the condition of receiving the opulent city of Gosslar as a reward. The emperor, irritated at this proposition, compromised wihli the pope by great sacrifices; but he intended to punish the duke. Hardly had he returned,when he summoned the descendant of the Welphs before a tribunal of princes. Many other complaints were raised against him. Henry, knowing the disposition of the princes, did not appear upon a repetition of the summons. Then the imperial ban was pronounced against him (1180). Bavaria, Saxony, all his imperial fiefs and dignities were taken from him, and the powerful rebel was reduced, after a short resistance, to humble subjection (1182). Frederick, moved to compassion by the fall of his enemy, pardoned him, but he banished him from his offended country three years, and permitted him to retain only his allodial possessions, Brunswick and Lune. burg. The exile took up his abode at the court of the. English king, Henry II., his father-in-law, defraying the necessary expenses of himself and his house from penurious charity. Thus terminated the great power of the Welphs in the German empire; but with the destruction of this dominion, which embraced one half of Germany, the most important relations were altered in the South as well as in the North. First the two dutchies, Bavaria and Saxony, passed to other houses. Saxony was given to Bernard of Ascania, son of that Albert who had laid the first foundation for the power of Brandenburg. Albert had elevated his country, mostly an allodium of Billung, to an independent principality, and enlarged it afterwards considerably by conquests over the WVends. The old March, as well as those which he had recently acquired, which are called the Middle-march, the Ucker-march, and the march

　

　

248 GENERAL HISTORY. of Priegnitz, fell to his elder son, Otho; his younger son, Bernard, was now duke of Saxony. Bavaria was given to the valiant, prudent and faithful palsgrave, Otho of Wittelsbach, descended from the ancient house of the lords of Scheyern. The lords of Scheyern often figure in the heroic history of the German empire, who later, when they had given their ancient castle to the monks, called themselves lords of Kehlheim and Wittelsbach. They were beloved by the people. Hence there was great rejoicing when Otho received from the emperor Frederick, as a reward for his services during thirty years, this dutchy, which at the present day enjoys the government of his royal descendant. This duftchy, however, when it passed to the house of Wittelsbach, had not the same extent as in the time of the Welphs. Upper Austria was already separated from it; now Styria and AMerania were also elevated to the rank of independent dutchies. Several other spiritual and secular lords extended upon this occasion their territories or rights, and the capital of Bavaria, Ratisbon, became a free city. The dismemberment of Saxony was still greater. Most of the bishops and chapters of the interior and the vicinity seized upon a part of the seigniories. At the same time Lubec was declared a free imperial city, and immediateness was granted or restored to the princes of Pomerania, and to those of AMeclenburg. Bernard of Ascania, the new duke, obtained consequently little more than the title. During the Italian expeditions, or in their short intervals, the majesty of the empire was sustained also in other relations with energy and fortune, either by Frederick himself, or by those whom he had invested with power. Thus the emperor made a victorious expedition against Poland (1157), and renewed the obligation of this country to pay tribute. But he erected Bohemia into a kingdom. Thus he adjusted a contention of the Danish princes for the crown, and received from Sueno feudal homage. Thus many victories were gained by Henry the Lion and Albert the Bear over the Venedic nations (Wends); and not only the German dominion, but also German manners, and the German language, were extended almost generally as far as the Oder. The most powerful of these nations were the Obotrites'Obodriti), whom already under Henry Ill. their prince Gotts

　

　

GERMANY. 249 chalk had elevated to dominion over many other tribes. They were now declared subjects of the empire. After such an eventful life, and after he had fought so long against the autocrat of Christians, the aged Frederick, in obedience to the spirit of the age, resolved to undertake a Crusade. But it was not permitted to him to behold the Redeemer's tomb. After he had advanced victoriously, amidst many dangers and troubles, as far as the boundary of Syria, he died from a cold, which he caught by bathing in the river Saleph (1190). THE LATER HOHENSTAUFEN.- FREDERICK II.-THE CITIES OF UPfER ITALY. THE position of Henry VI., his son, when he ascended the throne, was far more favorable than his father's had been. His reign, however, was as far inferior to his predecessor's in glory and fortune, as his predecessor was superior to him in talents and virtue. By the death of William II. the Sicilian inheritance had fallen legitimately to Henry's wife. But the people in Naples and Sicily devoted themselves to Tancred, a natural prince of the house, and Henry made war against him in vain. It was not until after the death of this rival, that the emperor, after having blinded his son, whom he had taken prisoner, and confined his widow and daughter in a cloister, succeeded, by sanguinary and cruel measures, in reducing the two kingdoms to subjection. Such severity alienated the hearts of the people. His character was also stained with avarice and perfidy. He was so much the less able to execute his plan of making the empire of Germany hereditary in his house. He endeavoured by seducing propositions to purchase the consent of the States of the empire. But just aversion to Henry's person, augmented that to the thing itself, and he was able to effect no more than the election of his son Frederick, at the age of two years for his successor. He died soon afterwards (1196), it is believed by poison, which was given him by his own wife, who was angry at his cruelty towards her people. Then the princes supposed that they were not bound to support the child that had not yet been baptized. It seemed desirable to remove the powerful house of the Hohenstaufen from the throne. Hence, although Philip, duke of Suabia, the brother VOL. II.-G

　

　

250 GENERAL HISTORY. of the deceased emperor, was appointed administrator of the empire until the majority of Frederick, the princes of the opposite party assembled at Cologne in order to elect a king. They were encouraged in this by pope Innocent II. This pope-the guardian of the young Frederick-succeeded in procuring at first the election of Berthold, duke of Zahringen, and when he resigned for a sumof money in favor of Philip, that of Otho of Brunswick (1198), the son of Henry the Lion. The friends of the Hohenstaufen, on the contrary, elected the regent, Philip, emperor. Both received the German crowns, Otho IV. at Aix la Chapelle, and Philip at Mentz. But Philip was much more powerful than his rival. He was sustained by Philip Augustus, king of France, and Primislaus Ottocar I. of Bohemia, upon whom he had conferred hereditary royalty. The last, however, revolted, and several princes followed his example, and Innocent fulminated the anathema against Philip; but the majority of the princes adhered to him, and Otho IV. was obliged to take refuge in England. During the confusion, which civil war had produced in Germany, the pope had increased his power in Italy with equal cunning and boldness, and concluded with the cities of Lombardy a new alliance-the league of the Guelphs-against the emperor. Later, however, Innocent became a mediator between him and Otho, or rather dictated the compromise, by which Philip was to be emperor alone, but Otho his successor. The anathemas were revoked, and the pope's acquisition in Italy ratified. This general reconciliation was to be consolidated by intermarriages (1207). The good Philip did not long enjoy this dearly purchased peace. He had disarmed many enemies of the Hohenstaufen by mildness and noble sentiments. He was murdered by a friend. Otho of Wittelsbach, nephew of him who was elevated to the ducal chair of Bavaria by Philip's father, committed this deed in anger at a supposed offence (1208). Otho IV. was then generally acknowledged emperor, and crowned by the pope, to whom he gave the strongest assurances of friendship. But the emperor considering it his duty to maintain or' to renew the rights of the empire, demanded back the'ountries, which the pope had usurped in Italy, rejected even nis feudal seignory over Naples and Sicily, and declared both countries of the empire. Innocent pronounced now the anathema

　

　

GERMANY. 2l5l against Otho, and opposed to him, because his exigency demanded the most desperate resources, his ward, the prince of Sicily; But the latter was obliged to promise not to encroach upon the rights or possessions of the pope, and if he acquired Germany, to leave Sicily to his son. And thus Frederick, a descendant of the Hohenstaufen, whose house had been so often anathematized by the priest, now made his way under the benediction of the pope to the imperial throne (1212). He received in Mentz the homage of many princes, and was afterwards solemnly crowned at Aix la Chapelle. By many gifts and renunciations he won the favor of the princes and prelates. King Philip Augustus, in France, was also friendly to him, because he saw not without apprehension upon the throne of the empire a prince of the house of Brunswick, a relative of the English king. This induced the pressed Otho to make war against France in alliance with England. But in Flanders, near the village of Bovines, he suffered so complete a defeat (1214), that his cause was given up as lost, and no further attempt was made by him to recover his dignity. In his hereditary countries, whither he retired humiliated, he continued to bear the imperial title, but died soon from grief (1218). Frederick II., who thus renewed the splendor of the Hohenstaufen, is the greatest among the princes of his house. German energy and boldness were combined in him, who was brought up in Italy, and educated at the court of the pope, with the versatility, prudence and gentle manners of the Italians. His high manly virtue, his magnanimity and fidelity were embellished by all the amiableness of a clear mind and a benevolent heart. In advance of his age in taste and science, endowed with a superior genius and with humanity, full of dignity and grace in his exterior, the possessor of the first throne of the world seemed destined to conjure the active, republican spirit of that time, and to consolidate a system of monarchical dominion, which, although inviting under his sceptre, might have become destructive under unworthy successors. The world was liberated from this danger by the same destiny which prostrated the noble Henry IV. at the feet of the haughty Hildebrand, which, unknown to men, directs their concerns, and.ften against the wishes of cotemporaries, and to the regret of the best men, permits plans apparently bad to succeed, and injus

　

　

252 GENERAL HISTORY. tice to triumph, in order that the concealed seed of good may grow up, aLd that for the future the victory of justice may be secured. Frederick had been obliged to promise the pope that he would not permit the crowns of Germany and Sicily to be placed upon one head. He caused, however, as soon as 1220, his son Henry, who was destined to be king of Sicily, to be elected king of the Romans. In the meantime he appeased, when he went to Italy directly afterwards to receive the imperial crown, pope Honorius III. by other favors and concessions; he repeated also his promise made in 1215, at his coronation in Aix la Chapelle, to undertake a Crusade. But lie delayed, as much as possible, the fulfilment of his promise-although made solemnly, and repeated from fear of excommunication-until the twelth year (1227); when finally, yielding to the demands of Gregory IX., he embarked at Brindisi, but was soon compelled to return on account of sickness. He was immediately excommunicated by Gregory for breaking his word, who summoned Christendom to war against him and his house. It was in vain that the emperor undertook the Crusade in the following year. It appeared a double sin to fight inl the holy war without absolution from the ban of the Church. Ifence the curse was renewed and published in the East, in order that the tomb of Christ might not be liberated by any unworthy one, and in the West, fanatical or venal enemies, or those who were exasperated by political causes, were incessantly summoned against the emperor. Upon receiving intelligence of this, Frederick hastened to conclude peace with the sultan Meledin, in order that he might turn his arms against his more dangerous enemy, the pope. Notwithstanding all the obstacles which the latter had thrown in his way, he had triumphed over the infidels, and won their respect. He recovered Jerusalem-the crown of which he placed upon his,wn head-with the other sacred places, and commenced his return, in order to prostrate the armies of the pope by sudden blows, but to reconcile the pope himself by humble entreaty When the spiritual monarch heard the approaching footsteps of the victor, he pardoned the emperor (1230), whom he had offended severely, received him into the bosom of the Church-but only by

　

　

GERMANY. 253 means of a large sum of money-and obtained the pardon of the rebels whom Frederick had subdued. But the cities of Lombardy refused obedience; distrust and animosity remained in all minds. Among the cities of Upper Italy, Venice, after Milan, was the largest. This city, belonging to the sea rather than to the land, which is indebted for its origin to Attila, the destroyer of cities, built by fugitives from the continent in those calamitous times when the Western empire fell under the blows of the barbarians, enjoyed, by the benefit of its isolated situation, and original indigence, from the time of its first foundation, an almost undisturbed and enviable freedom. At the close of the seventh century, this modest city of mariners and fishermen was still governed by twelve chiefs, elected annually, who bore the title of tribunes, and exercised a power determined by custom and circumstances, rather than by laws. The foundation of its later grandeur was laid slowly and secretly by commerce and navigation. The appointment of a general doge or duke in the place of the impotent tribunes, favored the elevation of its power. Paolucci Anafesto (697) was the first doge. His successors claimed early the dominion of the Adriatic Sea. The Venetians carried on a lucrative commerce with the Byzantine empire, with the Arabian kingdoms in Syria and Egypt, and subjected a large extent of country in Italy and Dalmatia. But it was at the time of the Crusades, and by them, that Venice reached the summit of its power. It was by transporting the crusaders, by supplying the necessaries of life and of war, and by making a prudent use of all circumstances, that Venice acquired wealth, valuable commercial privileges, and finally, important settlements in the Holy Land, as well as on many coasts of the Mediterranean and Black Seas. From the time of Frederick I. Venice was one of the most powerful supports of the Guelphs and the independence of Upper Italy. Frederick II. spared its power. The most rigid aristocracy had, in the meantime, become predominant in Venice, instead of the power of the doge, moderated by democracy. The assemblies of the people ceased, and the power came by means of the Serratura del consiglio (1297), into the hereditary and exclusive possession of the families of the senators. Genoa, the rival of Venice, had arrived at opulence and power

　

　

2i54 GENERAL HISTORY. by similar means; it was even before Venice renowned for its commerce. Already at the time of Charles the Great, it ruled over Corsica. It had, at an early date, a lucrative intercourse with the East. Like Venice, it derived from -the Crusades immense advantages, treasures, settlements, and a vast dominion, One of the suburbs of Constantinople belonged to Genoa. Crimea was full of its colonies. Its dominion was -extended in Italy itself, and over the southern coast of France, and a part of Sardinia and Sicily. In the wars of the emperors it often adhered to their party, which drew upon it the hatred of the cities devoted to the Guelphs. Towards the close of this period (1250), the one hundred and thirty year's war had already commenced against Venice, which was terminated with a decisive diminution of Genoa's power. Pisa, one of the most flourishing cities of Tuscany, belonged likewise to the party of the Ghibellines, yet -no less the enemy of Genoa. After terrible wars it succumbed completely to the Genoese (1290). Florence, on the contrary, the -head of the Tuscian Guelphs, laid the foundation to that grandeur, in -which we shall-discover it in the following period. Sienna, Lucca, and many other cities were likewise free and powerful; until the authority of foreign kings was superseded either by fatal party-strife, or by the tyranny of -native princes. WVe will return to our emperor. He was at that time afflicted by -the rebellion of his eldest son. Henry, who governed Germany in his father's absence as Roman king, concluded, mostly from enmity towards his younger brother, Conrad, with several princes of Germany and Italy, a rebellious alliance against his father, submitted, revolted again, and, after having been solemnilydeprived of the succession to the empire, atoned for -his crimes in a prison, at Messina, where he died in a few years (1242). Conrad, Frederick's second son, was now chosen king of the Romans. In a diet at Mentz (1235), the final adjustment of the long quarrel between the Welphs and the Hohenstaufen was effected. Otho the Child, grandson of Henry the Lion, conferred his allodial possessions of Brunswick and Luneburg upon the emperor and empire for a fief, and received them again as a dutchy hereditary for both sexes. The Lombardic war was soon renewed more violently than before. The emperor proceeded to take vengeance upon the

　

　

GERMANY. 255 cities (1256), and gained, at Corte Nuova, a great Victory over the Milanese. Many cities submitted; the stronger, since now the hour of decision appeared, continued to fight with the couragt of desperation. Frederick, victor already in his mind, was astonished at the intrepidity of the citizen warriors. And sines he regarded himnself as the legitimate head of the empire, and the citizens as rebels, that which should have gained his respect, only increased his animosity. It was raised to the highest point, when Gregory IX. set himself up for the defender-of -the cities, and forced the pressed emperor to resort to the:most desperate means of defence. For, when Frederick bestowed Sardinia, which he had taken from the Saracens, upon his natural son. Enzius, rejecting the pretensions of the pope to this island, the latter proclaimed against him a triple, terrible anathema (1239); he did not hesitate even to preach a general Crusade against the secular head of Christendom, and the protector of the Roman church. At the same time the imperial crown was offered for sale, as a vacant possession, to any one who desired it, and Frederick, as an enemy and traitor of the divine Saviour, was delivered over to the abhorrence of the faithful. It is inevitable, if minds have been irritated by such mortal hostility, if vengeance has been provoked by revolting -outrages, that also from the opposite side, from the mostly rough, passionate instruments of war, the retaliation of similar violence should ensue. Many atrocities were committed -by Frederick's warriors; the sacred with the profane, the innocent with the guilty, and often the friend with the enemy, were crushed beneath the same footsteps of the raging servants of war; the fury of some leaders was accompanied with unexampled cruelty, the measure of suffering, as well as that of crime, was filled to the brim. Of all these furious men, Ezzelinoa the emperor's son-in-law, was the most terrible. He razed many cities and castles to the ground. He caused 12,000 citizens of Padua, which had revolted, to be butchered. Frederick himself, in this contest with his -mortal eneny, passed the bounds of moderation and decency. He answered the abusive writings of the pope with similar invectives. The Christian world perceived with horror that he, in whom they respected the dignity of the vicar of God, was called a great dragon, another Balaanr, a prince of darkness, and the Anti

　

　

g256 GENERAL HISTORY. Christ himself. They perceived with sorrow the mistreatment that the priests met with, who adhered to the pope, as well as the desecration of the vessels and holy relics of the churches. Gregory, humbled by defeats, and by the desertion of friends, convoked an ecclesiastical assembly at Rome. But a large number of'bishops, who hastened thither across the sea, were taken prisoners by Enzius. This blow-caused the death of the pope at the age of ninety-nine years (1241). His successor, Celestinus IV., died soon; whereupon Innocent IV. of the house of Lavagna, at Genoa, ascended the papal chair. He had been previously the friend of the emperor, and many congratulated Frederick upon his elevation. But he, knowing relations as well as men, exclaimed: "Commiserate me rather, the friend has now become an enemy." His prediction was realized. Innocent sputtered out the anathemas anew, hastened to Lyons whither he convoked the fathers of the church (1245). Here a terrible anathema was fulminated against Frederick by the ecclesiastical assembly, his crowns taken from him, and the German princes ordered to elect a new sovereign without delay. Many adherents now forsook Frederick, his enemies were inspired with new courage. In Germany, Henry Raspo, landgrave, in Thuringia, was elected king (1246). After a short period of fortune he was disgracefully defeated by Conrad, the emperor's son, and mortally wounded (1248). William, count of Holland, who was chosen in his place by the papal party had likewise- little success. Yet Germany was distracted by sad dissension. In Italy Frederick had fought with less success. His son, Enzius, fell into the power of the citizens of Bologna, and died after a long confinement in prison. In vain the emperor tried to reconcile the pope, in vain to gain the sovereigns of Europe for the cause of the throne. Oppressed by fate, foreboding the approaching fall of his house, but with a spirit unbent, the great Frederick died in the fifty-seventh year of his active and stormy life (1250). Great changes, attended with numerous important results, in the interior of Germany in general as well as in many particular relations, distinguish this remarkable reign. The long absence of the emperor, and his multifarious embarrassments gave to the advancing system of territorial superiority an essell

　

　

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GERMANY. 257 Tali enlargement and consolidation. The power of the emperor was decisively broken. The division of Germany, the number and extent of its particular territories, was now but little dependent upon a general system of imperial government, or upon historical separations of the German races, but upon the contingencies of family-destinies. The house of Wittelsbach, invested by Frederick I. with Bavaria, arrived under Louis I., to a great augmentation of power by various acquisition, purchase, inheritance, escheat, negotiation and war; but especially by a prudent change of friendship for those who happened at any time to be more powerful. Thus it had gained much by the favor of the Welph emperor Otho IV.; after the battle of Bovines it joined the party of the victor, and received as a reward the beautiful palsgraviate on the Rhine, which was taken from the proscribed Henry, Otho's brother. The two grandsons of Louis divided later (1255) the country belonging to this house. Upper Bavaria and the Palatinate on the Rhine were given to the elder, Louis II., the large country of Lower Bavaria was given to the younger, Henry. The childless death (1248) of the anti-king, Henry Raspo, landgrave of Thuringia and Hesse, occasioned a quarrel about his rich inheritance. It was not until 1265, that it was adjusted, by a division between the principal competitors, Henry of Brabant, and Henry of Misnia, nephew of the anti-king; Hesse fell to the first, Thuringia to the second. The two houses continue to flourish, the former bearing perpetually the name of the acquired country, the latter, elevated by the subsequent acquisition of Saxony, in much division of power. Greater commotion followed the extinction of the house of Babenburg. The warlike Frederick had fallen in a battle against Bela IV. of Hungary (1246). He was the last of his heroic race. The emperor, in part as the head of the empire, in part for his grandson Frederick, son of the Roman king, Henry and Margaret, a Babenberg princess, took possession of Austria. The kings of Hungary and Bohemia, and the Bavarian duke, rejoicing at this opportunity, strove likewise to obtain such a precious booty. The pope favored them, as the enemy of the Hohenstaufen. There was then much bloodshed, much intriguing for this beautiful country. Finally, Ottocar, the Bohemian VOL. II -2 17

　

　

258 GENERAL HISTORY prince, who joined the pretensions of Margaret, whom he had married, with the right of arms, was established:in its possession. This pirince, after the death of the duke Ulric (1269), acquired also Carinthia and Carniola, and ruled —after having divorced Margaret-all these' countries as an independent sovereign, and was confirmed in the possession of Austria and Styria by the investiture of king Richard of Cornwall. The direct line of the- house- of the counts of Breisgau, who derived their name from the castle of Zthringen, and who bore the ducal title, from having been formerly invested with the ducal dignity in Carinthia, had been extinct since 1218. This house had shone for a long time, and in the great commotions of Germany, had been more than once called to the throne, and had received from the kings themselves many honours, and the government of a large part of ilelvetia and Burgundy. The Zahringians sought their glory chiefly in a pacific, benevolent administration, and in the foundation of cities, which in part arose to flourishing commonwealths. Thus Freiburg in Breisgau was founded by Berthold II., Freiburg in Uechtland by Berthold [V., and Berne by Berthold V.; all richly endowed with possessions and privileges. In the wars with the powerful Hohenstaufen, whose opponents the Zahringians became by their relations, their house suffered great calamities; but it arose anew under the same Berthold V., who was the last of this illustrious race. The counts of Aurach and of Kyburg, and the margraves of Baden, collateral relatives, shared:the inheritance. The Helvetic cities obtainied -howeveei'immediiateness, and- several states in the -countfty W;re confided to the administration of the bailiffs of the emperor or empire. THE INTERREGNUM.-EXTINCTION OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN. THE death of Frederick II. was succeeded by disastrous times. The4 glorious house of the Hohenstaufen succumbed to its destiny in a short space of time. Vast countries were shaken by its fall. Conrad IV.,;the inheritor of his father's many virtues, was greeted when he ascended the throne, with the benedictions of the good, and with the curses of the pope. Innocent IV. excited incessantly enemies against him in Germany and Italy, gave away his crowns, agitated the state and the Church. Conrad defeated in Italy the hirelings of the pope and his personal

　

　

GERMANY.' 250 enemies, but-died soon-probably poisoned by his natural brother Manfred (1254). This abandoned prince made himself master of the kingdoms of Na ples and Sicily, not regarding a the right of his nephew Conradin, who was in his minority. The last was educated privately upon his German estates by his afflicted mother, whilst the enemy of the Hohenstaufen, William of Holland, was acknowledged king by most of the German princes, but in Lombardy the declining power of the Ghibellines was decisively broken by the terrible fall of Ezzelino. King William, however, soon lost his life in a war against the Frisons (1256). Richard, earl of Cornwall, brother of Henry III., king of England, was then chosen king of the Germans by a part of the electors, for vile gold, and the others elected Alphonso X. of Castile, surnamed the Wise (1257). The latter, contenting himself with the. title, never came to Germany; but Richard appeared at times, to appease the German princes by largesses, and to raise German troops for his brother. The popes had not yet declared for him, or for Alphonso, when Richard's death (1372) closed his reign, which was so agreeable to the German princes. Manfred continued to reign in Naples and Sicily, and confirmed his throne byimarrying in the house of Arragon. In vain the pope offered these magnificent kingdoms to several foreign princes; till finally the count of Provence, Charles of Anjou, brother of St. Louis, king of France,: listened to the invitations of Clement IV. This prince at the head of a strong army marched against Manfred, defeated and killed him in the battle of Benevento (1266), and placed himself upon the throne of the Hohenstaufen, established by the Normans. Soon afterwards the young Conradin appeared, demanding the inheritance of his- fathers. ~-He was accompanied by Frede. rick of Baden, a young friend, who bore the name of Austria, derived through Gertrude, his mother, who was of the house of Babenberg. The Ghibellines hastened with joy to meet the descendant of their emperor;-his swelling army, mocking the thunders of the Church, advanced proudly. But an unfortunate day annihilated the fair prospect. In the plains of Tagliocozzo (1268), Conradin's army, outdone in stratagem, suffered a sad defeat; he himself fell into the power of his unfeeling enemy

　

　

260 GENERAL HISTORY. Charles trembled before the captive prince, who was beloved by the people. He therefore resolved upon his destruction. The pope demanded his death also, in order that the curses of the Church might be fulfilled. But the forms of law were to veil the crime. Judges were therefore appointed to judge the grandson of their kings. They condemned him to death, because he had demanded his patrimony. In the mourning capital of his fathers' kingdom, the last tender branch of the imperial race ascended the scaffold of death with an intrepid mind and a lofty look; he was followed by his faithful friend, Frederick of Baden, and several noble lords from Italy and Germany. The head of the royal youth fell under the axe of the executioner. This was an agreeable spectacle for Charles of Anjotu Thus ended the house of the Hohenstaufen. But horror at such a crime seized the minds of the people, and it was not unrevenged. Fourteen years after the blood of Conradin had flowed, on the second day of Easter, in the year 1282, in Sicily, the physician, John of Procida gave, in consequence of a marvellous conspiracy, the signal for the general massacre of the French. The " Sicilian Vespers" showed all the terribleness of a popular tribunal. Peter of Arragon, the husband of Manfred's daughter, Constance, was called to sustain the revolt. The dying Conradin had appointed him his heir. A bloody war commenced. Charles died from grief over his misfortune (1285). Sicily was lost for the house of Anjou. The inheritance of the Hohenstaufen in Germany was multifariously divided. Several neighbours or collateral relatives obtained small portions of it. But most of the cities, as well as the prelates and knights, who were before under the dukes of Suabia and Franconia, as officers of the crown, made themselves immediate, and maintained their freedom by alliances. In the meantime, after an interregnum of eighteen months, Rudolph, count of Habsburg, had ascended the German throne (1273). We shall reserve his reign for the following period. For the present we shall yet take a summary retrospect of the German constitution, such as it was in this period. CONSTITUTION OF GERMANY. THE causes which made Germany-originally, that is to say by the treaty of Verdun, as France and Italy, merely a great

　

　

GERMANY. 261 whole, exhibiting itself as an empire by a territorial line-an aggregate of many principalities and seignories under the apparent, rather than the real, supremacy of a king, viz: the progressive developement and the unchecked corruption of the feudal systemn, th'e right of election established, and the aspirations of the princes encouraged, by the extinction of royal houses, prodigality In the concession of the imperial possessions, the condescension, the misfortune of various kings, and especially the disastrous union with Italy and the Empire, the source of the wars with the pope-all this is contained in the preceding history. We will yet only remark, that the subjection of many foreign princes, especially those of the Wends, under the supremacy of the Empire, favored the pretensions of the native magnates. The subjected princes had previously possessed sovereign power; it would have been therefore too much to require of them, that they should descend to the rank of mere officers of the Empire. But it was necessary that what was granted to them, should soon be extended to native princes; they gained in rights, as already earlier the holders of given fiefs had gained by being placed upon a level with the possessors of ceded fiefs. At the close of this period the system of the territorial superiority of the States was already firmly established. Of these States the dukes of Saxony, Bavaria, Franconia, Suabia, and Lorraine were the most powerful. Thuringia, a particular dutchy under the Carlovingians, was mostly united with Saxony. Carinthia, Austria, Styria, &c., arose later by elevations of rank or by divisions. Under the grand dukes were the counts-as gaugraves, margraves, landgraves, and burgraves;-their functions, however, were rather military than civil. The margraves, from the nature of their office, had greater and more important powers than the common gaugraves; they were therefore almost equal in rank to the dukes. The palsgraves possessed a still more elevated rank, as the immediate judges of king, or those who held their tribunals in the king's name, at his court, or in the imperial domains-in the royal residences. Their office, which became likewise hereditary, but was gradually confounded with the ducal dignity, has therefore in reality ceased to exist. Only the palsgraves on the Rhine, where most of the imperial domains and those that were the longest preserved were situated, continued in their original quality; till they alse

　

　

262 GENERAL HISTORY. converted gradually their representative power into actual dominion. Of the great dutchies, some ceased gradually to exist, others were essentially diminished or dismembered. This was occasioned principally by the fall of Henry the Lion, and by the extinction of the race of the iHohenstaufen. These catastrophies were the more immediate cause of the political division of Germany, which, in the main has continued to exist until modern times. Henceforth the petty princes and counts, as well as the bishops and prelates, were able to raise their heads more proudly, and imitate their superiors in the ostentation of their courts, and in arbitrary government.. In general- every principality, great or small, became soon a resemblance of the whole empire. As the emperor was restricted by his ministerials and vassals of the empire, so were the states of the empire by theirs. What did not belong to them from the title of private right or from familypossession, was detached and rendered independent, and even in their domains, or those that were regarded as such, the ministerials and vassals seized upon considerable power, which, although derived from mere usurpation, and in its principle by no means favorable to popular rights, but only to feudal aristocracy, operated, nevertheless, very beneficially, as a check upon the arbitrary power of one, and became the basis of a better constitution, and the establishment of dietines in the different provinces of the empire. The power of the princes, as sovereigns of the country, continued to be always kept within narrow bounds. They derived their incomes mostly from the sources of private right. The prerogatives of the princes were accurately determined by custom or laws, and susceptible of no arbitraryextension. Common taxes,: (i e. such as were not derived from particular titles, as tolls, fines, &c.,) were not established until later, and only with. the. consent of those who were liable to be taxed., Nevertheless, the subsidies payable in the month of May, and in Autumn, or.taxes for the common defence, coming from the times of the ban and arriere ban, were illegally maintained in some provinces. — The cities form a highly remarkable, and at -the same time, a pleasing trait in the German constitution.;

　

　

GERMA A. 263 THE GERMAN CITIES. THE first foundations of German cities were laid by the Romans, who established along the Rhine and Danube, as well as on some points of the interior of the country, standing camps, or also mere castles, which were gradually enlarged to cities, and became the centres of small circles of civilization. Cities arose in the middle and north of Germany much later, not until after the commencement of the tenth century. These establishments in their origin were imperfect and rude. Most of the inhabitantsof the new-built cities-as well as of the castles or citadels, from which they originated-were unfree ministerials, warriors, or artisans. There were also some freemen engaged in agriculture, commerce, and the other civil occupations, but their number was far less, and-although personally free-they were obliged to pay the lord of the castle money for their protection, or to render him services. The free warriors, the more eminent ministerials-since this relation had ceased to be ignoble-then all freemen and nobles, who dwelt at the very time of the foundation of the city within its walls, or who settled there later for protection or other advantages, formed with their posterity a class distinct from the unfree or servile inhabitants, and are the ancestors of the noble, or, what were afterwards called, the patrician families. The class of unfree persons obtained freedom later, when, by applying industriously to the different civil pursuits, they had arrived at ease, and acquired the means to purchase, or gain by open force, their freedom: but yet the line of separation between them and the anciently free or noble families continued to subsist, although drawn less perceptibly, and, in particular instances, multifariously mixed. Henry I., and after him all the better kings, granted to the cities, especially to those situated upon the immediate soil of the empire, or upon the lands of their own houses, many immunities and rights, general or particular, in order that they might induce their subjects to dwell in them, and soon also in order that they might make their independence a barrier'against the power of the nobles. The nobles themselves-yet later and in a far less. degree-did the like, partly from voluntary imitation, sometimes by the force of circumstances, but mostly from pecuniary interest, for money, or from the same policy as the kings, that is, to

　

　

264 GENERAL HISTORY. strengthen themselves against the arrogance of their subordinate nobles by the more certain aid of the citizens. The liberty of citizens was regulated by general laws of the empire. The pursuit of the arts, commerce, wealth, self-esteem, ant. civilization, were increased in proportion to the confirmation and extension of their freedom. The desire for greater freedom, the power to gain it, the art of maintaining and enjoying it, were elevated in the same way: the germs of all that is good, and all that is noble, were reciprocally developed. The internal relations, the government, and all general affairs, were gradually regulated-not everywhere in a pacific manner, but with infinitely less commotion than in the Italian republics;- the whole municipal organization was fixed, here by custom, there by express conventions and laws. At the same time many cities attained considerable territories, partly by pacific acquisition, and often by terror and force, which they, according to their position, governed sometimes with a power similar to that of a landlord, sometimes with a power similar to that of a prince. The progress of cities was also advantageous to agriculture, which had to furnish the citizens with the necessaries of life, and the raw materials for the different trades. The long neglected, desolated soil was adorned, in the environs of cities, with a variety of improved productions. But all these improvements advanced slowly, especially in Lower Germany, so that there, at the close of the thirteenth century, not much mention is made, in the records, of burgomasters and counsellors, but simply of castellans and imperial praefects. The commerce of cities, after freedom, the most important principle of their life, did not reach its greatest elevation until the following period. But, in the meantime, the different trades had made important progress already towards the close of the present period. The various artisans had formed themselves earlier into societies under different denominations, the first and laudable object of which was, to maintain order, to prevent fraud, and, in general, to improve the trades and facilitate intercourse. But they soon degenerated into particular associations bf narrow-minded monopolists. But in spite of these excrescences such guilds did much good, and were a remarkable emanation of that spirit predominant in the Middle Ages, which, notwithstanding the corruption or

　

　

GERMANY 265 dissolution of social or national ties, formed everywhere smaller communities, by uniting individuals participating in any common interest, and by this means called forth political life under various forms, and an activity of moral power important by its consequences. But the most important of these associations was the Hanse, memorable by many historical events. Commercial societies, under the appellation of Hanse, were formed at an early date for the security or extension of commerce. One of these leagues has obtained an important place in the history of the World. In the thirteenth century (the want of distinct accounts does not permit the date to be given with more precision) a commercial alliance arose upon feeble bases, at first among the Venedic cities, then among the cities of northern Germany, which joined them, that united gradually nearly all the important cities from the mouth of the Scheld as far as Esthland ilto a commonwealth, not merely commercial, but also political, and carried on an extensive commerce according to a regular plan, on the one side with Asia over Russia, on the other with the south of Europe, over Flanders, repulsed with vigour the aggressions of rivals or opponents, and prescribed to powerful kings, especially to the rulers of the Scandinavian kingdoms, the law of peace. CONSTITUTION OF ITALY. WE have already portrayed the relations of Italy, which was intimately connected with Germany, in their general outlines, in the preceding political history. We have seen the disturbances by the power of its magnates, we have seen its subjection to the German kings in the time of the Othos. The aversion of the Italians to foreign dominion, and afterwards the quarrels of the emperor with the pope, never permitted the authority of the first to become established. Some princes, each ruling arbitrarily in his own,territory, but then the cities making vigorous efforts for freedom, shared this beautiful country. The emperor, after a long contest, attended with various success, retained only the name of dominion. After the terrible fall of Ezzelino de Romano (1259), when the Ghibellines were decisively humbled, the system of republi can freedom was consolidated. It was effected amidst great commotion, sufferings and crimes, but it gave birth to powers, and called forth talents and virtues. VOL. II.-2 I

　

　

t66 GENERAL HISTORY. HISTORY OF FRANCE. THE FIRST CAPETIANS. HL'GH CAPET, son of Hugh the Great, great-grandson of Robert the Strong, whose brother, Eudes of Paris, obtained the crown after the deposition of Charles the Fat, seized-after the death of Louis V., surnamed the Idle —the crown by force (987), since he dispersed with arms the assembly of the States at Compiegne, who intended to give it to Charles of Lorraine, uncle of the deceased king. Hugh possessed considerable power in his own house. He was count of Paris and Orleans, duke of the Isle of France, and lord of rich estates in Piccardy and Champagne. But beyond the boundaries of these possessions his royal word was little regarded; the great vassals of the kingdom considered him only as their equal, who perhaps might preside in their common deliberations; and the petty, immediate proprietors of lands strove also after independence, and even in the king's domains the arrogance of his vassals was extreme. The feudal system, generally established and carried to excess, and the right of the strongest exercised without reserve, had so much debased the mass of the nation-destitute of will and unity-that it can claim no place in history. The people bore with perfect apathy, whatever came from the principal men. The history of France under the first Capetians, and indeed during nearly all this period, is merely the history of the royal house over against the grandees. Hugh Capet died after a reign of ten years (997). His son Robert, who was declared his successor already in his father's lifetime, ascended the throne without opposition. The relations of the kingdom were not importantly changed under him. The excommunication which the pope hurled against him for having married Bertha, his relative in the fourth degree, was probably vexatious, but without important consequences. Robert's second son, Henry, (after the death of his eldest), was declared coregent and successor, and his- youngest, Robert, received the dutchy of Burgundy. From this Robert descended the ancient house of the Burgundian princes, which flourished till 1361.

　

　

FRANC E 263 The reign of Henry I., (1031) as that of his predecessor was disturbed by many rebellions of the nobles, and by the boundless fury of internal wars. The kingdom sunk into the deepest barbarism and misery. The history of Henry's son and successor (1060), Philip I. is equally sad. The kingdom was again distracted on account of the royal marriage-bed. It was under the same Philip, that England was conquered by William, duke of Normandy, surnamed the Conqueror (1066). The new relations which were thereby established, were prejudicial to the kingdom, as well as to the. political power of France. A vassal was now more powerful.than the king, and a considerable part of the kingdom was bound to serve an emulating throne. Philip experienced already the sinister. consequences of this in his difficult war with England,..His son Louis VI., surnamed the Thick, granted-mostly from the advice of Abbot Suger-liberty to the serfs of his domains, to the cities communal rights, and induced by his example the great to do-the same. He humbled also by the force of arms the insolence of the nobles. Louis VII. (1137) neglected -the continuance of the work commenced, which promised much, and exhausted thepower of the kingdom by an unfortunate Crusade. Upon this expedition his wife Elenore, hereditary princess of Guienne, had been strongly suspected of infidelity. He divorced her, and restored her splendid dowry. She then married Henry Plantagenet of Anjou, duke of Normandy and Maine, who afterwards ascended the throne of England. By this marriage the large Guienne and Poitou were added to this hostile power. Philip II., whom flattery surnamed Augustus, or also Dieudonnd (1180), undertook a Crusade likewise; but he soon hastened back to his kingdom. The.sons of Henry II. in England, Richard Lion-heart, and John Lack-land, gave him an opportunity the former by his -captivity, the latter by his crimes, to conquer many English! provinces in France..- This augmentation; of his domains rendered him more powerful than the great vassals of the kingdom, and the brilliant victory which the king gained over the. combined forces of England,-Flanders,. and Germany, at Bovines (1214), was, according to its results, rather a victory

　

　

268 GENERAL HISTORY. over his own vassals. Less opposition was made against this monarch, who was personally imposing; and offence could not be taken to the prince, who fought gloriously, if, by maintaining a standing body of troops, he sustained the superiority of France over foreign powers, and at the same time the throne against internal enemies. Philip Augustus nearly doubled the royal domains. Besides Touraine, Maine, Anjou, Normandy, and a large part of Poitou, which he took from the English, he acquired by escheats, inheritance, or confiscation on account of rebellion, or by purchase, the counties of Artois (from his wife), Vermandois, Alenqon. Auvergne, Evreux, and Valois. His son, Louis VIII., continued to make acquisitions, but he tarnished his glory by injustice and fanatical persecution. Innocent III. had established the Inquisition against the unfortunate Albigenses in Languedoc, whose doctrine, as directed against the wealth and earthly power of the Church, consequently assailing the material interests of the hierarchy, was more exasperating than any deviation in mere dogmas; but one of the inquisitors, Peter of Chatelnau, was assassinated (1207). The count of Toulouse was suspected of being the instigator. He was immediately excommunicated by the pope, his subjects absolved from allegiance, and his rapacious neighbours summoned toarms. After the helpless count had submitted to the most ignominious public penance, he was obliged to participate in the Crusade which had been preached against his unfortunate people. Bishops and secular lords marched at the head of the Crusaders: the most ferocious of all was Simon of Montfort, who extended his rapacious hand insatiately after the dominions of the count, and brought, by fortunate military exploits, the greatest part of the country into his possession. He was finally killed by the blow of a stone. Raymond of Toulouse died also, in the deepest misery: the anathema lay equally upon his son The son of Montfort sold his conquest and claims to Louis VII1. of France, who continued this disgraceful war. After his death Blanche of Castile, mother of St. Louis IX., pursued this war in the name of the king, her son, who was yet in his minority, with such energy that the young Raymond, reduced to despair, resolved to conclude a treaty (1229), by which all the country to the west of the Rhone was resigned to Louis IX., but the

　

　

FRANCE. 26D country to the east was destined for Raymond's daughter Jane, and her husband Alfonso, the king's brother, so that, in case of their dying without heirs, this would likewise fall to the crown. The county of Venaissin was given to the pope. Besides the rich country of the count of Toulouse, Louis IX. acquired, under various titles, many other territories. In particular the county of Provence was brought into the possession of the royal family by the marriage of Charles of Anjou, the king's brother, with the inheritress, Beatrice; in the same manner as Bourbon by the marriage of another Beatrice with Louis' youngest son, Robert of Clermont. By a treaty concluded with the king of England (1259), this monarch, renouncing all his other possessions in France, was declared duke of Guienne, and peer of France. St. Louis governed with wisdom and energy the kingdom which he had so fortunately enlarged. He was an excellent king, but his affected piety lead him astray sometimes. He received appeals from the seignorial judges, and since he obtained confidence by personal rectitude and penetration, as well as by the sage regulation of his tribunals, since his laws (establishments) were respected as oracles, appeals were multiplied, as well as the cases reserved for the royal decision. We shall speak hereafter of this king's two unfortunate Crusades. Under Philip III. the Bold, his son (1270), the marriage of the hereditary prince, Philip, with Jane, queen of Navarre and countess of Champagne, occasioned the temporary union of the former, and the permanent union of the latter country with the crown., Philip III. left the kingdom in a very flourishing state to his highly.remarkable son Philip IV., the Fair (1285). PHILIP THE FAIR. THIs prince advanced upon the opened path with as much prudence as energy and fortune. He respected, however, neither natural nor customary rights, and was too often crafty and cruel. All the means which the wiser of his predecessors had used to cenfirm their internal power, were employed and improved by him. But the most important of all his measures was his summoning of deputies from the commons to the general assemblies, and thus resuscitating to political life the third estate: this was

　

　

27.0 GENE RA.L HISTORY. first 6dne by him; and it forms indeed an epoch in the history of France. He was a benefactor of the French nation, although from selfish motives. The deputies of the commons voted for the taxes, which the king needed to -execute his ambitious plans, and especially to maintain a standing army,, the main support of his authority over the proud nobles. The king rose also against the pretensions of the hierarchy with success. A violent and:scandalous contention was excited by several pretensions of the ambitious Boniface VIII., in the cause of which the pope had the insolence to give -the kingdom of Philip to Albert of Austria, the German-emperor, but the king inflicted by a deputed military officer, Nogaret, in connexion with a Roman noble, Sciarra Colonna, the most ignominious mistreatment upon the pope. Boniface died of grief at such humiliating treatment, whereupon Philip induced his successor, Clement V., a Frenchman by birth, to fix his residence at Avignon, and by this means, as lord of the surrounding territory, became also lord of the pope. A horrible act of violence was the fruit of this friendship between the king and the pope: the condemnation of the Knights- Templars (1309-1312). The members of this illustrious order, powerful by influence and wealth, which had formerly rendered to Christendom so many services, were suddenly imprisoned, in the whole kingdom, by the secret orders of the king, and carried before the criminal tribunals. The accusations, for the most part absurd, and even extravagant, which were brought against them, contain nothing sufficient to explain the boundless fury with which they were persecuted, at least by their secular enemies. Nor is rapacity sufficient to explain this atrocity. Secret interests of a deeply penetrating nature, relations felt with great delicacy must have prevailed, in order that this extreme barbarity should have been considered necessary. and yet the motives of it carefully concealed. In one day, fifty-nine Knights Templars were burnt to death by a slow fire. Of this number were the grand-master, James of Molay, and Gui, brother of the Dauphin of Auvergne. The two last had never confessed their guilt. The rest revoked in the hour of death their previous confessions, which were extorted by the rack. The Templars suffered many other cruelties, their whole order was suppressed in all countries of Christendom b3

　

　

ENGLAND. 271 an edict of the pope. The knights themselves, however, out o, France, experienced no mistreatment. But their possessions were plundered. Those in France were shared by the king and the pope. Some of these possessions —and in Germany the greater part-were given to the knights of St. John or of Rhodes; in Spain to the knights of Calatrava, and in Portuga. to those of Christ. In the space of a year after- this: horrible deed, the pope and the king died (1314). The people discerned in this event a judgment of God. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. EGBERT.-ALFRED JI. AFTER the seven Anglo-Saxon kingdoms had been engaged in almost incessant quarrels with one another since their foundation, the Heptarchy was finally, almost four hundred years after its establishment, forever united by the valiant and fortunate Egbert, king of Wessex, At the court of Charles M., whither he had fled from the persecutions of king Brithric, his relative, Egbert cultivated his excellent talents, and, after Brithric's death, took possession of the throne of Wessex, which was lawfully his (800). The aggression of Bernulf, king of Mercia, gave him an opportu nity for a far greater intestine war, in the victorious course of which, he subjected in succession all the kingdoms of the Heptar ehy, and became thus the immediate founder of the English kingdom (827.) This kingdom might have soon become powerful, and enjoyca a high degree of prosperity, had not a potent enemy appeared from abroad, which prepared for it a series of bloody disasters and desolating revolutions for two centuries. The Danes and Normans were this enemy. Already, before the reign of Egbert, the coasts of England were infested by their depredations. After his death (836), under the feeble reigns of his son and grandsons,they established themselves after repeated predatory expeditions in Northumberland and Mercia. Their

　

　

272 GENERAL HISTORY. power was constantly strengthened by the arrival of new adventurers. After the death of Ethelred, one of Egbert's grandsons (871), the nation proclaimed his youngest brother, Alfred, king, expect ing the salvation of the kingdom from his great abilities. The expectation was fulfilled. Alfred succumbed, it is true at the commencement, in the unequal contest. Then he con cealed himself in a solitary castle, surrounded by moorlands, waiting for better times. But when some fortunate skirmishes had elevated the courage of the English, he appeared from his concealment, and gained, with equal cunning and bravery, a complete victory over the secure enemy (878). Filled with terror and admiration, the Danes submitted to him, adopted Christianity, and obtained residences in East-Anglia and Northumberland. A regular arming of the people and the building of a fleet secured the fruits of this triumph. Wales, also, needing protection, placed itself with confidence under his supremacy. But this long war had severed the ties of civil order, barbarized the national character, and filled the measure of misery and distress. With wisdom and severity Alfred restored internal security, the observance of the laws, and the maintenance of justice. The division of the whole kingdom into counties, hundreds, and tithings, then the institution of juries —at least the laying of the foundation of them, by the assemblies of the freeholders of each district-were connected with that reform. The long-neglected fields were again cultivated; the workshops were peopled anew; cities, villages and churches, arose from their ashes, and a foreign commerce was established by the encouragement of navigation and the arts, the extension of which, considering the relations of the time, is astonishing. Popular instruction and science were equally favored. But he gave his people, what is far superior to tranquillity, prosperity and science. He desired freedom and justice more than aught else. He designed that not only order-for that may exist even in the stall of slaves —but equitable order, i. e., -order founded upon law and equality, should prevail in England: no arbitrary, no personal authority was to restrict freedom. Hence he gave to the Danes and Saxons the same law, and expressed in his last will this fine sentiment: " The English should be as free as their thoughts."

　

　

ENGLAND. 273 TrIE..DOMINION OF THE DAN.ES AND.NORM-ANS. AFTFR Alfred's death (900) the misfortunes of' England were renewed under a series of feeble and unfortunate kings, from nls house, it is true, but deficient in his talents or virtue. The internal confusion of the country encouraged the Danes to make another aggression. The kingdom under each of the following reigns was a prey to ravages, devastations, and misery. Sueno, the king of the Danes, wrested finally from Ethelred (979-1016), the eighth king after Alfred, the greater part of the kingdom. Sueno's son, Canute the Great, (1014) continued the war with animosity. Edmund Ironside, the valiant son of the cowardly Ethelred, acquired, however, great glory in the unequal contest. Canute divided the kingdom with him (1016). But Ironside died soon after under the hand of an assassin. Canute, now sole ruler of England, at the same time king of Denmark and Norway, " emperor" or "king of kings" as he was pleased to style himself, governed with energy and wisdom, and favored even civilization. After his death (1036), Hardicanute and Harold Harefoot, his sons, fought for the possession of England. Harold, by the assistance of Godwin, earl of Wessex and Kent, oppressed it cruelly. Afterwards, Edward the Confessor, son of Ethelred, recovered the crown of his father. But the powerful Godwin, whose daughter Edward was obliged to marry, kept him in oppressive dependence. When Edward died (1066), Harold, Godwin's son, seized the crown. Edward had promised it to William of Normandy. He was the natural son and heir of duke Robert, grandson of that Richard, at whose court Edward's father had once taken refuge. But the nation did not wish for him. A Wittenagemot liad recognised earl Harold. William could reach the throne only by arms. He, therefore, crossed over to England with sixty thousand men, the flower of the Normain warriors, reinforced by volunteers from different countries. Three thousand'vessels carried his forces. Harold hastened to the battle, which William offered: him at Hastings (1066, 14 Oct.), lost it with his life, and left thus to the conqueror the blood-drenched kingdom. For after this deadly battle the English did not venture to make any furthei resistence. The nation, belonging to the conqueror by the right of war, suffered now a deplorable oppression VoLr. II-2 K 18

　

　

274 GENERAL HISTOR Y. William substituted by coercive measures the dependence of the feudal system for the ancient allodial freedom, an army for the royal service instead of the national militia. The English soil was divided into sixty thousand noble fiefs. The king retained fourteen hundred as his property. Only a few regions of the flat country and some cities preserved with difficulty their free possessions. The old allodial proprietors-formerly obedient only to the Wittenagemot-were obliged now to serve as vassals in the wars of the king. William claimed forests and waters as regalia. This alteration of the constitution, as well as the means by which it was effected; and the confusion of all relations, which was the consequence of both, filled the English with grief and indignation. Repeated manifestations of this provoked the severity of William. The English felt their offended master's rod of discipline, the ever vigilant inspection of a suspicious' tyrant. They rejoiced when the despot died (1087). But their lot was no better afterwards. William II., Rufus, combined injustice and selfishness with the severity of his father. He excluded from the succession to the throne his elder brother, Robert, and wished to rob him of his dutchy also. Robert offered to sell Normandy and Maine to king William for 10,000 marks of silver, in order that he might defray the expenses of the Crusade, which he undertook. William made this Jewish bargain, but he died by an accident in hunting, before he took possession of this rich country. Henry I. now usurped the crown without regard to the right of his elder brother Robert, and appeased the nation by granting a precious law of liberty (Charta Libertatum). In a reiterated war against his severely offended brother Robert, he conquered him completely, got possession of his person and country. The unfortunate Robert died in prison after a confinement of twentyeight years. Henry appointed Matilda, his daughter, the wife of Godfrey Plantagenet, count of Anjou, for his inheritress. But after his death (1135), Stephen of Blois seized the crown. Matilda and her son- Henry asserted, however, their rights by arms. This war lasted eighteen years. Finally, the combatants, wearied with war, concluded a treaty (1153), by which Stephen was to remain king, but to be succeeded by Matilda's son.

　

　

ENGLAND. 275 THE HOUSE OF PLANTAGENET. STEPHEro died in the following year (1134), whereupon the house of Plantagenet,destined for great splendor and great misfortune. ascended the throne with Henry II. Henry possessed as a patrimony, Anjou, Touraine, Maine, and according to his mother's right, the precious Normandy, together with the supremacy over Bretagne: with these possessions he united the large Guienne, Poitou, Saintonge, Auvergne, Perigord, Angoumois, Limousin, all of which he received from his wife, Eleanore, hereditary princess of Guienne. He was now masterof the third part of France. The danger with which the royal house seemed menaced by such a powerful vassal, appeared doubly formidable when he ascended the throne of England. It was in reality less, because in a war against the English king, that of France was strong by the national pride and national hatred of the French, whilst in a contest against a mere vassal of the country, the general interest of the aristocracy prevented the nobles from rendering assistance. Great revolutions, long and difficult wars, however, awaited now the French kingdom at all events. The conquest of Ireland by Henry II. was an important augmentation of England's power. Dermod, king of Leinster, expelled by O'Connor, king of Connaught, fled to England, in the year 1167, to solicit assistance. He was aided by some barons with the consent of Henry II.; he reconquered' and enlarged his kingdom. But the English never left the island, and maintained its possession after Dermod's death. One part was immediately united with the crown, the other was retained hy tributary chiefs. The English dominion, however, was not firmly established. The Irish made many attempts to recover their liberty. The government of Henry at home was wise and energetic. But an unfortunate quarrel with the Church, and deplorable hostility in his own house prevented the prosperity of his works. In conformity with the prevalent spirit of the times, Thomas Becket, archbishop of Canterbury and primate of Englandpreviously the favorite of the king, and indebted solely to his favor for all his grandeur-endeavoured to consolidate and elevate the power of the Church. He wished to liberate entirely

　

　

276 GENE'RAL HISTORY. the members of the clergy and the possessions of the Church from secular jurisdiction, and from the power of the king. The king, on the contrary, zealous for the rights of the crown reduced-by the constitutions, which were issued (1164) at Clarendon, by a parliament devoted to him-the pretensions of the clergy again to their proper limits. But the primate although he had himself signed the constitutions arose, at the instigation of the pope, loudly and violently against them, and left the kingdom, pursued by the anger of the king. The anathema was now hurled against the adherents of the constitutions of Clarendon, especially against the ministers of the king, and the head of the monarch himself threatened with this thunder. A reconciliation, after several negotiations, was now brought about, but it was not lasting. New pretensions of Beclkt-topposition to the coronation of the hereditary prince, hostilities against the king himself and his friends, provoked the anger of Henry. An angry word, which once escaped him in a sudden passion, was interpreted by some lords of the court as a summons to vengeance. They hastened in a moment to Canterbury, and killed the primate at the foot of the altar (29 Dec. 1170). Immediately the ecclesiastical war against the king broke out more violently than before. The thunders of the Church spared his person it is true, but the interdict was imposed upon his kingdom, and the people filled with abhorrence against the supposed murderer of the saint. The pope did not release the kingdom from the interdict, until the king paid a large sum of money as an atonement, and granted all the liberties demanded by the Church: but the people, and in their opinion, the martyr himself, were first reconciled by Henry's pilgrimage to the grave of Becket (1174), and by the flagellation which the royal penitent received there from the monks. Henry had still more to endure from the passion of his wife and the undutifulness of his sons. The jealousy of his wife, whe was herself unfaithful, went so far that she killed the mistress of Henry, Rosamnond Clifford, with her own hand, and incited incessantly her sons to rebel against their father. The eldest, Henry, when his affectionate father had caused him to be crowned (1170), demanded immediately the kingdom, or at least a part of it. His father-in-law, the king of France, gave him assistance, when he fled from the anger of his father. His younger brothers.

　

　

ENGLAND. 277 Rticnard and Godfrey,, followed him to France. The king of Scotland, and several nobles in England itself, joined the rebel likewise. Their father obtained, however, the most completealthough indeed sad-victory over his sons (1174). They submitted and were pardoned. But they raised this criminal war for the second and third time. They were instigated by the cunning enemy, king Philip Augustus of France. The eldest son, Henry, had died in the meantime. Tn the last war his previous fortune abandoned the'aged Henry. The increasing defection of his adherents compelled him to make a treaty, in which he granted the severest demands. He now first perceived that John, his favorite, was also leagued with Richard; his grief at this broke his heart (1189). Richard and John, who -succeeded him one after another, both loaded with the curse of their father, reigned without glory and without fortune. Richard, however, surnamed Lion-heart, on account of his great courage, acquired upon the Crusade, which he undertook soon after his accession to the throne, the glory of personal valour and chivalrous exploits. But his strength. lavished in a distant war, was lost for his country. Upon his return he was taken prisoner by duke Leopold of Austria whom he had offended in Palestine, then delivered to the emperor Henry VI., who did not liberate him until he had received a large ransom (1194). He afterwards made war against Philip Augustus, his father-in-law, and against John, his unworthy brother, both of whom had taken advantage of Richard's captivity to satisfy their rapacity. A short peace produced little change in the old state of things. Richard lost his life in a third war against the viscount of Limoges (1 199). Then John (Lack-land, as historians call him) obtained the crown, against the nearer right of Arthur, the son of Godfrey who was John's elder brother. This occasioned a war, in which John took his nephew prisoner (1202) and put him to death in a cruel manner. But Constantina of Bretagne, the mother of Arthur, carried now a complaint against, the murderer before the tribunal of the supreme feudal lord, Philip Augustus of France. lie, with the agreement of the peers, pronounced him guilty of felony and murder; and consequently all his possessions and fiefs in France were forfeited. John permitted Philip to take all his fine countries

　

　

278 GENERAL HISTORY. almost without opposition, with the exception of Guienne and Poitou, and to annex to France especially Normandy, which had been in the family of Rollo three hundred years. The king of France obtained in the truce of Thouars (1206) lawful possession of his rich booty. A quarrel with pope Innocent III. was occasioned about the election of an archbishop of Canterbury. England was visited with an interdict, and soon an anathema was pronounced against the king (1209); and finally the decree of deposition was issued from Rome (1212). This was to be executed by the king of France. Upon this intelligence John lost all courage. He then resigned himself and his kingdom to the papal legate, not only as a vassal, but at discretion. Innocent immediately commanded the king of France to desist from the attack upon England, which belonged to the Church. But Philip disregarded his injunctions. He gained the great victory of Bovines (1214); John saw himself compelled to appease his exasperated subjects by granting the great charter (Magna Charta). This precious instrument secured to the English people and their States, if not all, at least the most important of those rights, that constitute the essence of liberty and guaranty its maintenance. "Without a lawful judgment no freeman can be imprisoned, banished, or deprived of his possessions; no one can be judged otherwise than according to the laws and by his equals. Justice is to be pronounced independently of the king, by honorable judges, expressly appointed. Without the consent of Parliament the king can neither impose taxes nor increase the existing burdens. Every one is at liberty to emigrate and return. The municipal rights shall remain valid, and a uniformity of weights and measures shall be established throughout the kingdom." Besides, feudal dependence was mitigated, and many prerogatives were promised to the clergy, who had urged most zealously the grant of this charter. But the king broke the charter, which he pretended had been extorted from him, and in this he was justified and supported by the pope. Then the English barons and the people took up arms and drove away their perfidious prince. He died upon his flight to Scotland (1216). His death reconciled the nation. Henry III., the son of John

　

　

ENGLAND.: 279 who was nine years old, obtained the crown by the support of the earl of Pembroke. This patriotic nobleman caused the young king to renew and sanction the great charter, with some alterations and additions-especially the Charta de Forestis. But after Pemoroxe's death (1219), Henry broke the charter, oppressed the nation, and let the pope do so likewise. Finally the barons revolted (1258) under the conduct of Simon of Montfort, earl of Leicester, the father-in-law of the king. In the battle of Lewes, Henry and his brother, the German king Richard, were taken (1264), and Edward, the king's son, placed himself voluntarily in the power of the enemy. But a Parliament, composed of the lords, and two knights from each county, and deputies from the cities and boroughs, which Leicester convoked (1265), did not correspond with his expectation. The prince was set at liberty. Edward gained soon near Evesham (4 Aug. 1265) a decisive victory against the barons. Leicester was slain, the king's power restored, but the charter remained. By the courage and wisdom of his son, the feeble Henry enjoyed some years of repose. When Edward, submitting to the spirit of chivalry, undertook a Crusade (the last of all), new storms arose. The king died at the time of their eruption (1272). After his return Edward (I., or if the kings of the Anglo-Saxon dynasty are enumerated, also IV.), restored order successfully, and maintained it by wise institutions and laws. But one of the greatest benefits of his reign for England was, that under him the lower house of Parliament or the House of Commons, received its true origin, or its existence founded upon law. What the earl of Leicester had previously done in favor of the commons, was an isolated act of power without a legal foundation. Edward repeated the convocation of the deputies of the third estate regularly, after the year 1283-only, in truth, for the taxes, which he needed for his many wars and institutions, and which he could not raise arbitrarily. He would have been glad to have abolished this restriction; but the lords and the people compelled him to sanction the important law (1297), "that no impost can be made without Parliament." In external transactions, Edward was fortunate and victorious. He fought for many years against France, and finally maintained himself in the possession of Guienne by the peace of 1303.

　

　

280 GENERAL HISTORY. Edward accomplished also the final subjection of Wales. He saw an opportunity to make war with advantage against Lewellyn, prince of Wales (1276-1281). This prince and after him his brother David were killed. Now all Wales submitted and adopted the English laws. But the: king considered the cruel massacre of the bards necessary, in order to stifle the spirit of liberty, which was excited among the people by their heroic songs. To compensate for the atrocities committed in this country, the title, "Prince of Wales," was given to the crown-prince of England. The subjection of Scotland was equally brilliant and equally violent. Many English kings had claimed the supremacy over Scotland or a part of it. Yet the spirit of liberty among the Scotch and their national pride were not suppressed. They seized every opportunity to recover their independence. After the death (1289) of king Alexander III., John Baliol and Robert Bruce fought for the crown. Edward, being invited to adjust the contention, appeared as the sovereign and protector, and even as the proprietor of Scotland, and decided in favor of John Baliol, who took the oath of allegiance to him. The oath was broken, and war waged against England with French assistance. But Edward overcame his opponent (1296), as well as several other Scottish chiefs, and confirmed his victory by many cruelties. He intended to reduce Scotland completely to an Englisn province, at the time of his death (1207). HISTORY OF SPAIN. IN the mountains, where once the Cantabrians and Asturians defended themselves long against the conquerors of the world with heroic valor, the bravest and noblest of the Gothic nation sought, after the fall of the Westgothic kingdom, a refuge against the torrent of the Arabian power; and here was the cradle of the Christian Spanish dominion, which was destined to flourish with renewed splendor. - The summits of the mountains Ausena and Penna Horadada, where the royal Don Pelayo and duke Peter of Cantabria defied the Saracens (718), were the first modest seat of this dominion.

　

　

bPAIN. 281 The borough of Sijon was the residence. Don Froila, after for. tunate advances, took in Oviedo, a somewhat more worthy seat. Still, more than one hundred and fifty years elapsed, before Ordogna 1I. (913) established his royal throne in Leon, from whence, with increasing enthusiasm, heroes proceeded, in order to spread the honour of the Gothic name and the triumph of Christianity in a constantly enlarging circle. Thus all Galicia was conquered in the west, then the battle-cry and the shouts of victory resounded in the upper valleys of the Ebro and Duero, and the acquired country was protected by numerous castles. Thus originated the country of Burgos, called also Castile, from those castles; whilst in the east the kingdoms of Navarre, and the county of Barcellona (about 888) were formed out of the conquests of Charles i.V, under Frankish lords, and the little Arragon rose to independence by the dismemberment of the kingdom of Navarre, and became afterwards powerful by uniting with Barcellona (1137). Here and there the Christian dominion advanced amidst incessant wars, and often brilliant victories. Here Valencia, Murcia and the Baleares were conquered, there New Castile, Estremadura and the greater part of Andalusia, finally, the finest countries of the ancient Lusitania were united into a new kingdom, Portugal. But the construction of this dominion was continued for centuries, and still it was incomplete. Its division into several kingdoms prevented its consolidation. The continual jealousy, the many bloody wars between the Christian princes, encouraged and fortified their common enemy for resistance, The Arabian power, it is true, after the fall of the house of Ommiyah, under Hescham IV. (1038), was divided into'a large number of seigniories; but the infidels obtained repeatedly powerful assistance from Africa, sometimes threatening prepondera-ce by renovating revolutions. Thus especially, when Jussuf, prince of the fanatic Morabeths, aided the king of Seville against Alfonso VI., and subjected the whole Arabian power in Spain to.himself (1086); and later, when the Almobades overthrew the throne of the Moraheths (1120), and when that of the Almohades was prostrated by the Merinites (1269), These renovrating revolutions, these changes of dynasties, were continually felt by the Christians in more violent contests. Besides, that which nerved the arm of the Spaniards —zeal of faith-gave -the Moors no less VOL. II.-2 L

　

　

282 GENERAL HISTORY. strength. They fought like lions, retreated only step by step, and the kingdom of Grenada was still, at the close of this period, after all the disasters they had suffered-although under the supremacy of Castile-the well defended possession of the Arabs. About the year 1000, king Sancho III., Major, ruled in Navarre, who, by the right of his wife, Nunnia, reigned also over Castile. He divided (1035) his large estates among his sons. To the eldest, Garcias, he gave Navarre; to the second, Ferdinand, Castile; to a third, Gonzalez, Soprarve; to the youngest, Ramiro, Arragon,which was first erected by that means into a particular kingdom. Alfonso VI., king of Castile, increased his kingdom by the capture of the ancient capital of the Westgoths, the large, populous Toledo, well fortified by nature and art (1085), which became immediately the royal residence. Knights firom all countries of Christendom had participated in this conquest. It was a severe blow to the Saracenic power. It was under the same Alfonso IV., that the great Campeador Rodrigo Diaz de Bivar, surnamed the Cid, performed his heroic exploits (t1099). In the contest for Toledo, Henry, a young knight of High Burgundy, had distinguished himself by military virtue.Alfonso 1V. gave him the government of the country between the mouths of the Duero and Tagus (1095). Henry increased it by conquests against the infidels. His province received the name of Portugal, from the city of Porto. Alfonso I., his son, fought with still greater success than he (1128-1185), and conquered the large, fertile province ofAlentejo. His victorious army proclaimed him king (1139). He consolidated the kingdom by wise institutions and laws. Alfonso IX., king of Castile, gained such a decisive victory (1212), near Muradal, in the kingdom of Jaen, over Mohammed, the powerful ruler of Morocco, that from this time the Arabian power never flourished. His grandson, Ferdinand III. (who united Leon and Castile permanently), conquered Cordova, Abdor Rhaman's chosen city, formerly the throne of the Spanish caliphs, and Seville, which became afterwards the centre of magnificence, and Cadiz, mistress of the sea. The Moors were limited to Grenada and Murcia, and acknowledged the Castilian supremacy (1241-1250).

　

　

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SPAIN 283 The son of Ferdinand III., Alfonso X., who was surnamed the Wise (1257-1284), was elected king of the Germans. But the mere title was the sole fruit of this election. Arragon was likewise benefited by the victory of Muradal. Jayme I. (James), surnamed the Conqueror (1213), made himself master of Valencia, Murcia, and the Baleares. His descendants acquired, by success of arms, Sicily (1282), and Sardinia (about 1326); but the power of the house of Arragon was enfeebled by the repeated division of countries. The principle of female succession was the ruin of the kingdom of Navarre. Foreign houses obtained the throne, or formed dangerous pretensions. In the year 1234, Thibault I., count of Champagne, son of a princess of Navarre, ascended the throne. The hereditary princess of his house, Jane (1274), brought Navarre to the king of France, Philip IV. A granddaughter of Philip, called likewise Jane, gave her hand, and with it the crown, to count Philip of Evreux (1328). The division of Spain into several kingdoms, was favorable to the progress of liberty. The discontented, the injured subject of one king, could find protection and assistance with another. Yet the spirit of the time, as well as the want of constitutional guaranties for national liberty, produced its gradual suppression, here by the king, there by the nobles. The crown was made hereditary in Castile and Leon (by the law de Sennorio uno); and primogeniture was also introduced, which took place in'Arragon in 1275, but in Portugal already in 1143. An intimate alliance subsisted In Spain between the throne and the altar, which was derived from the time of the ancient Westgoths, and confirmed by religious wars. The clergy, however, as such, had for a long time no real political prerogatives, and were not legally invested until later times with important powers in the government. But their influence as a moral power was great; it was supported by wealth. In Castile, especially, the grand-masters of the spiritual orders ofknights were powerful. In all the Spanish kingdoms the nobility was predominant in the Cortes or diets of the kingdom, where deliberations were held upon general affairs, as well as elsewhere, by particular rights and independent power. "We, who are as good as you, make Lou our king and master, provided that you protect our rights

　

　

'284 GENERAL HISTORY. and privileges, otherwise, by no means! "-this was the tenor of Ahe oath of allegiance taken by the nobles of Arragon. If The i;ng violated the laws they could, according to their constitution, renounce obedience, and take up arms against him. A permanent council of state restricted the authority of the king still more, and the Justiza, a powerful guardian of the privileges and rights of the nobles, inspected rigorously the adts of his government. The Castilian nobles were somewhat less arrogant; but here, although the king could convoke the Cortes, he was unable to dissolve this assembly by his own authority. Besides, the Cortes had a standing committee. The Spanish cities were elevated at an early date. The country people-mostly subject by the right of war-were unfree or tributary, and in general oppressed by the power of the noble proprietors. But the cities, powerful and wealthy by commerce and the arts, acquired great privileges, especially in Arragon, where they were represented in the twelfth century in the Cortes, and many citizens (in Saragossa all) were declared hidalgos or nobles. In Castile, on the contrary,-where cominerce flourished far less-the cities were not elevated until the close of this period. HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN KINGDOMS. THE population of the Scandinavian countries is principally of German origin. Beyond these countries, in a territory, of which the limits are not determined, lived the Finns, who appear to have been gradually driven back by the superior power of the Germans. Th.tse northern races lived for many centuries separated, in a state of barbarism and natural liberty, which was almost without any restraint. Solitary gods and heroes, no purely historical figures, appear to us in the night of that long time. The first distinct view we have of the north is in the days of Charles AM, when by various intestine revolutions and foreign influences, the powers that were previously either slumbering, or exhausted by internal dissensions, were concentrated and directed abroad.

　

　

NORTHERN KINGDOMS. -285 At that time Godfrey, king of Jutland, appears as a powerful prince, although he succumbed to the immense power of Charles Far more powerful and the proper founder of the kingdom of Denmark, was Gorm the Old, king (afterwards supreme king or king of kings) in Lethra or Zeeland, who reduced the chieftains of Jutland and Sleswick, of the islands, and even those of Scania to subjection (about 863). We discern faintly, in times still more remote and obscure, after the extinction of the main branch of the house of the Inglings, as supreme king, at Upsal, Iwar Vidfathmi (about 630) with several successors, who are said to have ruled in part, also, over Denmark. But the union of the Swedish: tribes was as yet lax, and a hostile separation existed long between the proper Swedes and the Goths. In Norway, Harald, who bears the name of Haarfager, from his beautiful growth of hair (875), founded, finally, one kingdom by subjecting the petty chiefs between the mountains and the sea, which he enlarged by the Shetland and Orkney islands and the Hebrides. But the royal power alone-besides very limited in the northern kingdoms-was unable to subdue barbarism: a spiritual impulse was necessary for higher culture. In Denmark, Harald II. adopted Christianity (about 972), and, with more decided success, his grandson, Canute the Great (1014). In Sweden, although the seed had been scattered about 830, by the zeal of Ansgar, it was not completely victorious until the time of king Olaf Skoutkonung (Bosom-king) (1001). In Norway finally this took place about the same time under Olaf I. Trygwason, grandson of Haarfager; still more completely under Olaf II. the Saint (1020). Canute M., the conqueror of Norway and England, king of the Danish countries, and of Sleswick, which he took from the German empire, was the terror of his cotemporaries by the force of his arms, but the benefactor of posterity by wisely promoting agriculture and pacific customs (t1036). His sons divided his kingdoms among themselves, and reigned unfortunately. The son of Canute's sister, Suen Magnus Estritson (1047), founded, however, the royal house that ruled over Denmark until the middle of the fifteenth century. The history of this house is full of disasters and crimes. Waldemar I. (1157), surnamed not unj.ustly the Great, put an

　

　

286 CIENERAL HISTORY. end to this distraction, and confirmed, by conquests in Mecklen burg and Pomerania, the kingdom, which he had tranquilized. His son, Canute VI. (1182), advanced further, along the coasts of the Baltic sea, and ruled as far as the Vistula. But Walde. mar II., Canute's brother, lost all the latter had gained, and filled the measure of evils by dividing the kingdom among his three sons (1241). For the spirit of discord prevailed again and terribly among these brothers and their descendants. For a whole century the people atoned with innumerable sufferings for the imprudence of Waldemar. Norway and Sweden were frequently subject to similar misfortunes. Magnus III., Barefoot (1103), brought, by the division of his countries among his sons, all the horrors of civil war and unbridled passion upon his people, misery and disgrace and crimes without number upon his house. The ancient dynasty became extinct by the death of Hakon VII. (1319). In Sweden the last branch of the Ynglingian house died with Edmund the Old (1059). The throne was then occupied seventy four years by the house of Stenkil. After the extinction of the last (1134) the kings were chosen alternately from the houses of Swerk and Bonde (the former a Gothic, the latter a Swedish family). It was almost impossible that such an arrangement should not have lead to discord and crimes. The reader is seized with horror at the series of atrocities, produced by despicable ambition, which disgrace the history of Sweden in the time of those houses, and still after their fall under the dominion of the Folkungs, elevated by Waldemar I. (1250), and deplores sometimes the ignominy, sonmetimes the misery of his family.'The system of allodial freedom was maintained longer, more completely than elsewhere, in these countries, which were never conquered by foreign arms. All the Odelsborne, or Odelsmiinner, i. e. the free proprietors, constituted the nation. They have always remained its fundamental mass, although the nobility, i. e. the great proprietors, or the families of the chiefs (as those of the Filkiskings and Wikings), soon also the clergy, who were elevated in the same ways as everywhere else, oppressed early the common freemen, and restricted the king, and indeed a feudal nobility was introduced. Yet many noblemen remained free, and there were no ceded fiefs. But the common freemen, although they were frequently restricted by the usurpation of the nobility

　

　

NORTHERN KINGDOMS. 287 and clergy-especially in reference to taxes and imposts-'-did not lose their civil rights aAd the right of being represented in the diets. They constituted later even two estates, the citizens and farmers. The last were more regarded than the first. There were slaves also in the north, as everywhere among the ancient Germans; but they did not belong to the nation. In the year 1283, king Erich Glipping gave the Danes a solemn guarantee (Handfestning) of the maintenance of the constitution and the rights of the different states. The relations in Sweden and Norway remained less definite. The Russian empire, as such, is also of Norman origin, although the principal races of its population are Sclavi and Finns; those in the south and west, these in the deeper north and east. Tschudic (Scythian?), Tartarian and other tribes inhabited also this immense country. As yet there was no common name for the far-extended home of so many races, as yet no history for their barbarian tumult, which is uniform or concealed in the night of time. The Russian state was formed after the middle of the ninth century by immigrating Waregers. Among the Sclavi who had advanced towards the north, those were particularly distinguished, who resided about the lake of Ilmen. The city of Novogorod, on the Volchov, commenced to flourish already, and afforded protection to liberty and commerce. But the want of a good organization in the interior, and the incessant invasions of the Normans, prevented its prosperity. The tribes resolved to choose themselves princes (knaeses) among the Waregers. They sent therefore to the Russian Waregers, and succeeded in obtaining the three heroic brothers, Ruric, Sinaus, and Truwor, for their knwses. They came, accompanied with military forces, established themselves in the country from lake Peipus as far as the White lake (Bielosero), and soon extended their power by voluntary subjection, and by war. After the premature death of his two brothers, Ruric maintained the sole dominion; it remained in his family seven centuries. The progress of the Wareger dominion was rapid. Kiew, on the Dnieper, the principal place of the southern Sclavi, submitted to Oskold, and Dir fell afterwards to Oleg (879), Ruric's relative, and was the'seat of the following grand princes. The Chazars, formerly the rulers or enemies of the Sclavi, retired. soon the Russian nower was formidable to Constantinople.

　

　

288 GENERAL HISTORY. Ighor, Ruric's son, ruled after- Oleg (913). He waged a violent war against the Byzantine Empire. But Olga, his widow (955), travelled peaceably to Constantinople, and was baptized.:But the introduction of Christianity, the most important step towards civilization (988), did not take place until the reign of her grandson, Wladimir. Wladimir's wife was Anna, the Greek emperor's daughter, sister of the Western Empress, Theophania. Hie had connexions with the potentates of Europe and Asia. The good which- Whldimir }had done his empire, was annihilated by division among his twelve sons (1015),,whence-as from a similar cause in so many kingdoms —originated a long series of disasters and crimes. To distraction there was no measure, to further divisions no limit. More than fifty principalities were enumerated: in Russia. But even this distraction was not without fortunate results. Whilst the princes were engaged in quarrels that weakened all of them, the cities were enabled to rise to greater power and liberty. Novogorod preceded the others; we- see it in the twelfth century, as a considerable republic, in possession of an extensive commerce, and in alliance with the great Hansa. It was emulated gloriously by Pleskow. Kiew, the residence of the grand princes, continued to obey. About the middle of the twelfth century, George Dolgorukoi formed a new principality in White Russia, the principal place of which was Wladimir, and became afterwards Moscow. He himself had laid the foundation of the last (1147). But the internal disunion of Russia facilitated the enterprises of its enemies. The empire was invaded by divers wild hordes of Asia. The Swedes and Germans maintained the dominion of the shores of the Baltic. Under the grand prince lurie II., the Mongols made an irruption into Russia, were decisively victorious on the Kalka (1224), and subjected the southern part of the empire. They appeared for the second time, and still more powerful under Batu-Chan, and completed the conquest (1237-40). All Russia was a Mongolian province, and remained so more than two centuries (till 1477).' The grandprinces-ofRussia continued to reign, it is true, but under the supremacy of the Chans, and paid tribute. Some attempts to throw off this yoke were revenged in a san. guinary manner, the mass of the nation was degraded to slaves and its character to servility.

　

　

NORTHERN KINGDOMS. 289 Formerly, before the Mongolian conquest, a less despotic constitution prevailed in Russia. The grand princes were restricted by the,Bojars; the peasants were -for the most part personally free, although. not without:severe burdens for their lands, and even republican -freed6im flourished:m some cities, especially in'Novogorod. THE WENDS AND SCLAVI. WE have:spoken of the Wends: about Germany, also of the Bohemians- and Moravians, *in the history of Germany. The Poles-likewise were frequently: mentioned. We have yet some remarks to make in regard to the last. -We shall leave to the friends of marvellous legends the interpretation. of the tradition of Lech's, arrival in Poland (550), also the:history of his descendants, and of the first king or duke, Piast, called from the plough to the throne, whose dynasty lasted five centuries- (840-1370), as well as- the equally obscure accounts of the Bohemian Tschech, of Libussa and Priemislaus. who likewise came from the plough to. dominion. The foundation of the Polish state, as well as the Bohemian, was laid in unknown times, and by unknown founders, but certainly by Sclavonic races. Bohemia was henceforth rich in vassals, and even a part of the German empire. Poland acknowledged also sometimes its supremacy, yet with reluctance, and often asserted its independence. Among the princes of Poland, Miecislaw (Mjesko), is memorable for being the first who received baptism (963), and thus rendering Christianity triumphant in his kingdom. The emperor, Otho M., by founding the bishopric of Posen, secured the dominion of -the Romish rite, and fortified the supremacy of the German empire.:' It was not' until the close'of this period, that Wenceslausi II. (1-305) united most of the- Polish provinces into one kingdom.;-. Wladislaus Lokietek (the dwarf) established the unions of Grea-t -and —Little -:Poa-nd upon a durable foundation (1309). The principality- -.after 1235, the grand dutchy —of Lithuania was independent of Poland.: Its inhabiftants were'Letti, not Sceavi. It-was:longof little: impoitance. The Lithuanian rulers first found an opportunity to enlarge their country by easy conquests when Russia was trodden down by the Mongols. VOL. II.-M 19

　

　

290 GENERAL HISTORY. Some merchants of Bremen, driven by a storm upon the coast of Livonia, settled at Uexkul (1158), and founded a bishopric. Soon the order of Sword-Brothers was founded (1201) by bishop 4lbert to maintain the dominion and confirmation of Christianity. This order subjected Livonia, Esthonia Courland and Semigallia, and imposed the yoke of slavery upon the inhabitants. The German knights acquired still greater power in Prussia. Duke Conrad of Masovia requested the assistance of the German knights against the heathen Prussians (1230), ceded to them the country of Culm, and acknowledged them as masters of all the countries which they should take from the heathens. These warrior-monks fought more than half a century for their and the Gospel's dominion. Finally, the Prussian nation, exhausted by loss of blood, sunk at their feet, whereupon the fury of battles was converted into a paternal concern for the country and the people, and Prussia obtained even a liberal constitution. For not only the order, but also the nobles and the deputies of the cities participated in the management of general affairs, which, however, was not regularly established and organized until the following period. In the year 1237, the order of the Sword-Brothers united with that of the German knights, which increased considerably the power of both. THE NATIONS OF THE LOWER DANUBE. BEYOND the limits of the Hungarian kingdom, which gradually approximated to the other European states in laws, manners and institutions, as far as those of the Greek territory, and beyond the Black Sea, as far as the Don, the spectacle of Asiatic barbarism, the wild thronging of wandering, pasturing and desolating hordes, remained. Why should we speak farther of the Bulgarians, Chazars, Petscheneges, Wallachians and Comans?They have not acted upon the wheel of great revolutions other. wise than by ravaging or desolating countries temporarily, by preventing or retarding civilization in the provinces which were transiently visited by them, or in those which were occupied by them for a considerable length of time. The Bulgarians ruled, it is true, for many centuries, not only over Lower-Mcesia, which is still called after them, Bulgaria, between the Lower Danube and mount Haemas, but, according

　

　

NATIONS ON THE DANUBE. 291 to the change of the fortune of war, also over Servia, Bosnia, and other provinces, even to the north of the Danube, and to the south of the Haemus mountains. But they also were subjected alternately by the Russians, the Greeks, and Hungarians, and never obtained firmly established or truly political power. Their kingdom —although somewhat humanized by the adoption of Christianity (according to the Greek rite)-remained in its essential form merely the possession of a horde, acquired by the force of arms, dependent upon momentary success of war, without national institutions, or the vital germ of nationality. We shall see them in the following period subjugated again by the Hungarians, then forever by the Ottomans. The Chazars, although at the commencement of this period in possession of a formidable power, which extended from the boundaries of Pannonia, as far as the Don, and far up into the Sarmatian countries, were overthrown in a short space of time. Already towards the close of the ninth century, they lost much territory by the successful arms of the still wilder Petscheneges or Pecinaci. At the commencement of the eleventh they were completely subjugated by the combined power of the Russians and Greeks. The Comans established themselves in part over the ruins of the Chazaric dominion. One wave more in the wild stream of the migration of nations, known only by their particular name, not by their character, customs, or influence. The shock of the Mongols shivered their power. They vanish ingloriously from history. The Nogaian Tartars took possession of the countries north of the Black Sea; the Dacian countries fell to the Wallachians, who had resided there previously, in subjection, as a free possession. At the commencement of the fourteenth century (1315) the Waiwode Rade founded here the Wallachian state, properly so called, and the Moldavian was founded about the same time bv the Waiwode Bogdan.

　

　

292 GENERAL HISTORY... BYZANTINE EMPIRE. SEPARATION OF THE GREEK AND LATIN CHURCH. N ICEPHoRUS, elevated. to the, throne by the enemies of Irene' reigned without glory and.without fortune.- Haroun -al Raschid forced him to pay tribute, and he was slain in battle by the Bulgarians (811).: Michael- L who deprived Nicephorus' son, Stauratius, of the crown, -a devout -friend of image-worship, as well as Michael II. the Stammerer (820-829), -an enemy of the same, reigned also without distinction:.- iAfter the death of Theophilus (son of. Michael- Il.) (829, —842), -Theodora,-his: widow, as tutoress of her son Mi"chael II.,- restored: the worship of images (842) forever by- the second Council -of Nice.- The incompetent, voluptuous Michael: died: by the hand of Basilius, his favorite,. whom he had raised from the dust.to the rank of Cmesar (867). The separation of the:Greek from -the Latin Church, commenced under Michael 111. The hatred between the Greeks and Latins is almost as ancient as their mutual acquaintance, at least as ancient as the subjugation of Greece by Rome. The feeling of the injustice which they had suffered, continued to live in the minds of the Greeks, aggravated by the consciousness of intellectual superiority, and seeking consolation or compensation in real or feigned contempt of the foreign rulers. The Latins on the contrary were full of the recollection of Roman triumphs, and regarded Rome as the queen of earth, selected by the decree of:fate.:The removal of the imperial residence to Constantinople, gave this city and all the countries- ofthe Greek tongue an- exalted:rank, and encouraged their pretensions - to superiority, at least-to equality; and indeed the precedence would seem to belong to the masters, rather than to the disciples, in matters of the Church and of science. In this state of things and this disposition of mind, the temporary concord was only apparent or fictitious, sometimes the work of transient accidents; aversion was permanent, separation — whether taking place earlier or later-almost inevitable. Slight diversities in the liturgy, and soon in dogmas, increased gradually the mutual hatred, and it was inflamed most by the

　

　

BIY'ZANTINE EMPIRE. 293 jealousy of the patriarchs of Old and New Rome. The first had obtained, since his separation from the Byzantine empire, and in part by that, a decided start in the course of the world towards grandeur; but the archbishop of Constantinople, binding his cause to that of the throne, basked in its rays, and disdained to ucknowledge his subordination. -A personal quarrel between the.wo patriarchs was the signal -for the rupture. The patriarch Ignatius, in Constantinople, was deposed by the despotic command of Michael III., and Photius was elevated in his place to the archiepiscopal chair. But pope Nicholas I. declared for Ignatius, and pronounced an anathema upon his intruded successor; whereupon the latter entered boldly the opened list, and combated the pope with ecclesiastical arms, as well as' with those of erudition. The proceeding of the Holy Ghost from the Father and the Son," which is said to have been asserted first in the seventh century, in the commencement by the Spanish synods, then by those of the Gallican church, was the innovation denounced by Photius, and he supposed that the mouth that pronounced the fatal "filioque," was no Christian mouth. Yet other accusations were connected with this principal charge. Some time afterwards Photiuls was overthrown by the murderer and successor of Michael, Basilius Macedo. Rome, in a Council at Constantinople (869), celebrated this triumph, and renewed the condemnation of Photius. But by a second revoution, after Ignatius' death, the condemned patriarch recovered nis place, and fortified himself in it by the friendship of pope John VIII., who in that. followed rather his personal sentiments than the principles of his chair.; But this was not lasting; for Photius was deposed for the second time, after Basilius' death, and died in the disgrace of. the emperor and the pope. This discordant relation between the chairs of Rome and Constantinople continued during the tenth century and the first half of the eleventh, without a formal reconciliation, and without an open continuation-of the strife. Finally, the ru - ture was decided by the insolence of the patriarch Cerularius. He wrote a bold pastoral letter to the churches of Apulia, which had just been brought to the Roman communion by the Normans, and summoned them to reject the papal authority. Rome answered with a solemn anathema (1054, 16th July), which the legates of the

　

　

294 GENERAL HISTORY. nope laid down in Constantinople itself upon the altar of St. Sophia's church, and which was never revoked. From this time forth the G1reek schism subsists. Reconciliations were often attempted, it is true, but only from political motives, when the Greek court wished for the aid of the West against the menacing arms of the Turks. The people and the clergy persisted in their hatred towards Rome. Reconciliation was therefore only transient and apparent. THE HOUSE OF BASILIUS.-THE COMNENI AND ANGELI. THE house of Basilius Macedo possessed the throne almost two centuries; this family was not altogether without merit, but upon the whole it lost the fruit of some powerful exertions, or some services, by misfortune against external enemies, and by family-quarrels. The name of Leo V., theLearned, then that of Constantine VII., Porphyrogenitus, celebrated as a writer, may be mentioned with interest. The series of Basilian princes was interrupted by Nicephorus Phocas (963) and John Zimisces (970), two excellent generals, under whose government the power of the empire was elevated by fortunate wars against almost all its enemies. Zimisces, especially, fought gloriously against the Arabs, and carried his arms victoriously beyond the Euphrates, which no Greek army had seen since the time of Heraclius. His conquests, however, were not maintained; only Cilicia, Antioch and Cyprus were restored to the empire. After Zimisces, Basilian princes ascended the throne. In their series appears also one woman, Zoe, the daughter of Constantine VIII. (1028). Four emperors ascended the throne in succession, elevated by her hand. After her death, her sister, Theodora, inherited the empire. But Michael VI., whom she appointed for her successor, was deposed by Isaac Comnenus (1057). The latter, after a reign of two years, went into a cloister, whereupon within twenty years six emperors of different origin ascended the throne. The last of them was Alexius I, Comnenus (1081), who founded a house, that subsisted for a long time. The century of the Comnenian dominion is distinguished by lie-active and passive-participation of the Greek empire in the Crusades, which, notwithstanding many dangers and calanlities, upon the whole retarded its fall by enfeebling its principa'

　

　

BYZANTINE EMPIRE. 29.5 enemy, as well as by occasional enlargements of its territory. The empire first received a decisive blow by the conquest of Cunstantinople by the Latins, which happened under the dominion of the following dynasty. Alexius Comnenus was an active and valiant prince, but also vain, perfidious and fanatical. He fought almost without intermission with the barbarous nations in the north, with the Normans in Italy and Illyria, with the Turks, and took advantage artfully of the first Crusade for enlarging the empire. But he incurred by his perfidy and artifice the contempt of the Latins, and disgraced his character by persecuting heretics. His son, Calo John (1118), surpassed his father in good qualities, and had none of his faults. His son, Manuel I. (1143), reigned also with success, although with less approbation. The second great Crusade was in his time, the failure of which the Latins attributed to his perfidiousness., Alexius II., son of the last (1180), was in his minority. Andronicus, a prince of the house, got himself proclaimed regent, then emperor, and assassinated the innocent Alexius (1183). But soon Isaac Angelus set himself up for anti-emperor, and Andronicus expiated his crime by a terrible death (1185). Isaac, the founder of a new dynasty, was dethroned by his own brother, Alexius III., blinded and imprisoned (1195). His son escaped, and called an army of crusaders to his assistance. They, led by valiant and prudent commanders, especially by the doge Dandolo, of Venice, margrave Boniface, of Montserrat, and count Baldwin of Flanders, advanced before Constantinople (1203,23 June), and produced by the terror that preceded them, a speedy counter-revolution (1203, 19 July). Alexius IIl. fled. The blind Isaac, delivered from prison, re-ascended the throne, which he shared with his deliverer, Alexius IV. But soon the jealousy of the two nations kindled a new war. The unfortunate Alexius IV., wavering between his obligations to his saviours and his duty to his people, lost the favor of both, and Alexius V., Ducas Murzuphulus, was raised to the throne by a sudden insurrection. The old Isaac died from fright, and his son was strangled (1204, 5 Feb). Now the Latins stormed the rebellious city, and took (12 Feb.) it amidst great bloodshed, and all the terrors of barbarian warfare. A great part of Constantinople was laid in ashes, and the

　

　

296 GENERAL HISTORY. plundering was general and merciless. The plunder-according to the estimation of Baldwin —exceeded all the riches of the NUest no less, perhaps, was destroyed; the private:fortunes of all trie wealthy inhabitants, the wealth of the state was annihilated Ior one generation. Count- Baldwin of Flanders-was'now raised to the throne of the Byzantine empire by the choice of his victorious companions. But the Venetians took for-their share the coasts of the Adriatic and the iEgean seas, with many islands and a- part- of Greece. The margrave of Montserrat obtained the remnant of Greece,na Macedonia. Many:others, even severai Grecian foras entained or -usurned lands and cities'nominallv as fie-fs of the OmoDre. out tnev were in reatltv almost ainoeenclent. But Theodore Lascaris erected the throne of the Greek -Empire in Nice, and ruled over most of the Asiatic provinces, and a prince of the Comnenian house, Alexius, raised on the distant shore of the sea, in Trebisonde, the banner of an independent petty dominion, which afterwards, on account of the dignity of its ruler, was honoured with the title of empire. Baldwin in Constantinople, and his successors (Henry, his brother, Peter of Courtenai, his brother-in-law, Robert- and Baldwin II., his sons), compensated for their apparent splendor with severe calamities, in part with a violent -death. This empire had no strong foundation. The Western power in the Greek Empire was erected in despite of the decided hatred -of the people, by the fa'tal feudal relations,:which- were -established there also, and which were so much paralyzed, disunited and opposed among themselves, that this empire could subsist only by the tame timidity of the subjugated, -and -that:its fall was certain as soon as a resolute attack upon it was- ventured. - This happened under Michael Pakeologus, who had usurped the Nicene kingdom by force, and who wished to' confirm his fluctuating right by a brilliant: exploit.: A small -band -of soldiers, sent by Michael over'the Hellespont merely to obtain information, discovered the defenceless condition of the -capitalj, and took it by an agreement with the —citizens (1261, 25' July)..Baldwin II. lost tnus the dominion, which had been indeed -long' maintained, but with- continual difficulty. -.-I'e fled to the West, and: died in the obscurity Of private life. Michael, the founder of the last Byzantine dynasty, labored

　

　

THE CALIPHATE. 297 zealously to reunite the parts of the ancient Empire, which had become foreign to one. another by long separation, into one whole. But this work was beyond his power. His desperate attempt to gain the friendship of the West, by reuniting the Greek with the Roman church, only increased the evil, since he associated the calamities of religious dissension with the troubles of civil discord.'And now, when the throne stood again in Constantinople, the remoter provinces of Asia felt a relaxation a the activity of the government. which was destructive to nem. Unaer Michael's son andc successor (1282). Andronicus II. the Sider. tne clouds round about became-still more lowering. An uninterrupted series of internal commotions, and the horrors of anarchy, and externally the increasing terror of the Turkish arms, characterize the unfortunate reign of this worthless prince. His own grandson, Andronicus III., or the Younger, revolted against him, and extorted the cession of the empire (1328).: The old Andronicus dragged out a miserable existence in a cloister. THE CALIPHATE. Ix tne.present period the empire of Mohammed falls to pieces, as a body politic, by the same causes that almost inevitably bring destruction to all great despotical empires It grows languid in its innermost life by the unworthiness: of: its: rulers, and by the apathetic submission of slavish herds;. and the colossal mass, void of the conservative soul, is dissolved.- But the intellectual creation of Mohammed,. his church, is not wrecked. The -enemies, the victors of his successors, bow to.the.prophets holy law, and, independent of the storms-of: ambition, Mohammed's faith continues to.reign over the, finest countries-of:two; and even three parts of the world.....-:'.. - Already at.the close of the -preceding periods -the Arabian empire was enfeebled kby the:separation of Spain and a part: of Africa.. The dismembermentl now pmrgressed- rapidly. The Arabian..power-whether:of the Empire:.or -of the: separated states-remained, however, formidable:to. the Christians. —, The evils which the West experienced from.-the Saracens, have been VOL. II.-2 N

　

　

298 GENERAL HISTORYalready mentioned. The calamities of the Greek Empire were still greater and more lasting. Haroun al Raschid, when the emperor Nicephorus refused the tribute which Irene had stipuated, ravaged Asia Minor, and mocked Constantinople by pitching his camp in the vicinity of the imperial city. Motossem, his son, renewed also the terrors of the Saracenic arms against the emperor Theophilus. This Haroun al Raschid (the Just) was the grandson of Al Mansur, with whom we closed the preceding period (t774), and the son of Al Modi, whose character was adorned with mildness and love for the sciences. His name was praised more than all those of his race, by cotemporaries and posterity, and remained, by connexion with favorite popular stories and poesy, in every one's mouth. He left to his three sons (808), his kingdom, in a tranquil and flourishing condition, respected or feared in distant countries. Civil war was the consequence of his division. The fortunate, therefore highly celebrated Mamun was victor (812), whose reign, however, is really worthy of praise, on account of his wisdom, energy, and especially his encouragement of science. Under him the Arabian civilization attained its highest elevation. But after him its decline commenced. For Al Motassem (833), his brother, who was indeed energetic, but too warlike and despotic, laid the foundation for the destruction of his throne by those very measures, which he had supposed would sustain it. In consequence of advancing civilization or the effeminacy of the Arabs, which accompanied it, their military strength, their triumphing enthusiasm, had vanished. Motassem thought to become formidable to internal rebels, as well as to foreign enemies, by a foreign servile band of warriors, and surrounded his throne with a strong body-guard of Turkish slaves, the captives taken by the Arabs in their frequent wars with the nations of the steppe on the Oxus and Iaxartes. Motassem's successors perceived soon these natural effects of his fatal system. Already his son Dschafar Al Motawakkel obtained the throne, merely by the will of the Turkish guards. With the assistance of the Turkish leaders, Motawakkel was killed by his own son (862), and when he was soon carried off by his subsequent torture of mind, Mostain and Motaz were proclaimed caliphs by different parties; Mostain, however, for whom the Turks declared, was soon assassinated (866).

　

　

THE CALIPHATE. 299 Motaz, who ascended the throne contrary to the will of the Turks, became soon the victim of their hatred. The Turks assassinated him (869). The same lot happened to his successor, Mostadi, the son of Whatek, after the space of a year (870). The death of both was horrible, by ignominious abuse and torture. When the nations saw the commander of the faithful thus maltreated, trodden in the dust, exposed to the fury of barbarians, they lost respect for their sovereign; and ambition pursued plans of rebellion and independence with a bolder spirit. The principal decline of the empire commences with the reign of the caliph Motaz. It is true that Motamed, and several of the succeeding caliphs, held the sceptre with a strong and able hand; but they produced, with all their energy, only short interruptions, slight alleviation of the evil. The Caliphate fell. New dynasties arose in all parts of the empire. Governors of the caliphs, or common adventurers, fortunate generals, were elevated to dominion-for some time under the apparent acknowledgment of the supremacy of the caliphs, but in reality independent. With these evils were associated religious disorders, the hostility of new sects, and the hereditary quarrel between the houses of Ali and Abbas. Such relations served often for the foundation, more often for the pretext and the confirmation of political disunion. In the meantime the house of Abbas continued to rule over Bagdad and its surrounding region-alternately enlarged and diminished-in spite of all its weakness and humiliation, dreaming on the dream of the dominion of the world, pleased with a pompous title and vain ostentation. The ambassadors of distant realms, and powerful princes, continued to lay down submissive words and gifts at the foot of the hallowed throne, and nations continued to respect the Imam al Hak (the legitimate high priest), although his power had ceased in political affairs. The dominion of the caliph over Bagdad, and whatever else belonged to the secular government of the falling Caliphate, was lost when Al Rhadi declared (935) the lord of Waset and Basra, Mohammed Eba Rayek, Emir al Omrah (Emir of Emirs), and invested him under this title with the supreme power in civil and military affairs. From this time the caliph was merely Imam, the temporal dominion was exclusively in the hands of the

　

　

300 GENERAL HISTORY. Emir al Omrah, and the Emirate occasioned bloody contention among the competitors for this dignity. After several Turks in succession had obtained this office by force, it was usurped by the Buide, Ahmed Moez ed Daula (arm of the empire, 945), and made hereditary in his family. The caliphs received now a fixed salary, the Buides, as supreme rulers, ruled without restriction. But the Seldiuke. Togrulbeg, called by the caliph iDaanan Kalm lBramriiIan to nls assistance against nls Insolent idversarv the Grand-emir defeated the general of Malek al ftahim, ana termlnatea tne power or tne Bulaes (1059). Now the Seldjukes were the supreme Emirs, until they were enfeebled by division among themselves, and the caliph-,-for-a short time, recovered a shadow of. power.- But Ahmed Naser el Eddin Allah, appointed the Kurde Selaheddin, after he had ascended the throne of the odious Fatimites, Emir al Omrah (1179), and renewed the old state of things. The fall of Saladin's house was also no advantage to the caliphs, and soon afterwards they were assailed by the rude power of the heathen Mongols, who, without respect for the dignity of the Imam, destroyed his venerable throne. Hulagu, grandson of Gengis-Khan, led his wild bands against Bagdad, the holy city (1258). He took it, plundered it for forty days, killed two hundred thousand inhabitants, among them Mostasem Billah, the fifty-sixth successor of the prophet. His body was trodden under the feet of horses. Thus terminated the dominion of the Abbassides, in the 1258th year of our era, and in the 656th of the Hegira. Ahmed' Monstanser, an Abbasside, escaped, however, the sword of death, and fled to Egypt, where —-the sultan Bibars I., acknowledged him as caliph -(1:263); after - him, eighteen of his descendants were invested with- this dignity,: sacred to -nations, which was afterwards transferred to the Ottoman. conquerors. But these Egyptian caliphs were without pqlitical consequence for the principal-countries of the Mohammedan- world. The fall-of the throne of Bagdadd ended- the splendor of the:. Arabian empire, and was the death-blow to, Asiatic civilization; -'.. AFRICAN DYNASTIES.-:ALREADY under Al-Mansur,;who persecuted: cruelly the race of -Ali, the. standard of independence was- raised in the extreme

　

　

THE CALiFHATE. 301 west of the African province, by the. fugitive Edris, a Fatimite. His son,:bearing, the same name, built the-city of Fez, (788) the seat of a far-extending dominion.:.. Not much lIater,-under Haroun al Raschid, Ibrahim, his lieuten ant, the son of Aglab, founded (805):in Cairoan, a particula. kingdom, embracing the ancient territory of Carthage, and the capital of which was Tunis. This' kingdom was- attacked (908) by Mahadi-Obeidollah, a descendant of Ali and Fatime, as it was supposed, and on that account dear to the people. His arms were victorious over the houses of; Aglab: and Edris, and he took Fez. Mahadi's descendants elevated themselves to brilliant: fortune. Moez-LeddinAllah, his grandson (969), traversed the sand of the desert to Egypt, conquered it, and founded at Cahira (Cairo), which he built in the region of the ancient Memphis, the seat of a dominion, that existed two hundred years (972). The princes of his house-called by preference the Fatimites-bore:the title of!caliphs, and were doubly hostile-because religiously as well as politically-to the Abbassides at Bagdad. They conquered Syri-a and Palestine; but they left to the indigenous princes the countries in the west, upon -the extensive coast of Africa. The inhabitants of this mostly delightful country had become so intimately connected with the Arabs, received the manners, religion and language of their conquerors, no less than their blood, so generally, that, whatever revolutions took place, they produced only a change of dynasties, never a change of social relations. Almost every trace of ancient times, of the Christian, no less than the classical time of the Romans, disappeared. Jussuf Ebn Zeiri, whom Moez had left as governor, made his power:hereditary, with the preservation of the appearance of dependence upon the~ Fatimites. Soon the appearance ceased also. The Zeirites revered Omar and the Sunna. In the time of their grandeur, the Zeirites ruled from Fez,'as far as the boundary of Egypt. But they were overthrown by the Sicilian power under K. Roger, and especially by internal enemies, the Morabeths. The Morabeths (Zealots for the faith),; a mixed race of -Berbers and Arabs, proceeded from the countries bordering on the: desert in the middle of the eleventh century (1056), at the call of the prophet Abdallah. Abubeker, son of Omai, was their chief; he

　

　

302 GENERAL HISTORY. called himself Emir al Moslemin. His successor, Jussuf ien Teschsin (1069), built Morocco upon a soil abounding in springs, and protected all around by a vast desert. It became the seat of the kingdom. Jussuf crossed also the strait to Spain, and united the conflicting Emirates there under his sceptre. This powerful kingdom of the Morabeths (called also Almoravides) was destroyed by zeal for faith. Mahadi Mohammed, a descendant of Ali, as he pretended, was expelled from Morocco on account of religious innovation. Then he preached his doctrine to the tribes around, and led his followers victoriously against the Morabeths (1120). Abdol Mumen, his friend and successor, took Morocco, and terminated the dominion of the Morabeths (1146 t 1163). Soon all the countries as far as the boundary of Egypt submitted to the Almohades. Arabian Spain followed also the fortune of the new-inspired. One century after Abdol Mumen's death, the dominion of his family ceased (1269). In the extreme west an independent kingdom was founded (1213) by Abdol Hak, who at first was invested with authority by the Almohades. The sovereigns of this kingdom called themselves Merinides, who continued to rule far into the following period. Besides the Merinides, various other dynasties flourished. ASIATIC DYNASTIES. IN the throng of Asiatic dynasties, those are the most distinguished that were founded by native, i. e. Arabian, Syrian, or Persian princes. Already, under the caliph Al Mamun, the dominion of the Thaherides arose in Chorasan (820), but after fifty years it was overthrown by the robber-chief, Jacob Ebn Leith, the son of a copper-smith (Soffar) (872), whose descendants were called the Soffarides. Nasr and Ismael, great-grandsons of Saman, founded (892), in Mawaralnahar, i. e. the country between the Oxus and the laxartes, a power built upon the ruins of the Soffaridian dominion. Bokhara was the capital. Many nations of the steppes acknowledged the law of the Samanides. But luxury and relaxation undermined this throne erected by wild courage. It was overthrown by the Gaznevides (998). At the time of fhe Samanides, the Dilemites ruled in the

　

　

THE CALIPHATE. 303 southern provinces of the Caspian sea. Their kingdom was destroyed by the Buides. These Buides have their origin fromn the fisherman, Buja Ebn Shetsa. The thrones of the two elder brothers stood in Shiras and Ispahan, the youngest ruled in Kerman (933). The caliph of Bagdad acknowledged their power. A Buide was appointed by the trembling Emir Al Omrah, and ruled as such also over Bagdad. The descendants of these Buides remained powerful until the middle of the eleventh century. The Gaznevides terminated their power in Persia (1039), but the Seldjukes in Bagdad (1056). In Gauer, or Gohr, the south-western part of Balkh, native princes, called Ghurides-descendants of the Sassanides as they boasted-rose against the Turkish masters of Gazna, and Hussein conquered (about 1150) Gazna. Mohammed Ghori, his third successor, conquered Chorasan and Delhi (1205). But soon after this success, the throne of the Ghurides was prostrated by the sword of the Charessemides (1215). Among the kingdoms founded in the Syrian countries, our attention is particularly attracted by that of the Ismaelians. Hassan Ebn Sabak (1090) collected the adherents of Ismael, son of Giafar al Sadek (the Just), the sixth Imam, and greatgrandson of Abubeker, into one people, whose religious zeal and courage founded a kingdom that extended far beyond the high country of Northern Persia (called Ghebal, the mountains). The princes of this kingdom called themselves Scheiks-al-Ghebal (the princes-or the old men-of the mountains), and remained powerful until the time of the Mongols (1255). According to the common opinion, the Assassins, in Syria, are a race of the Ismaelians. In the times of the Crusades, we find upon the summits of Lebanon, a people extremely formidable by religious fanaticism, contempt of death, and blind obedience towards their lord, whose prince, as the Ismaelitish, was called the "4 Old man of the mountain." The name " Assassins" is merely an expression of abhorrence of the murders committed by them. For upon the command of their chief, the Assassins proceeded with deadly arms to fall upon their victim, wherever and whenever they should find him. Near or far from their kingdom, and even into the countries of Europe, they pursued their devoted victim, and murdered him before all the pFeple, murdered kings

　

　

304 GENERA-L H.ISTORY. and princes in the midst of their guards. There is evidently much exaggeration in such accounts, but in genera] almost every thing relating to this singular people is enigmatical. Some consider them the- same -as the'Druses, the followers of the deified Hakem, according to- which they would exist at the present day. The common -opinion is that -they were exterminated by Bibars, the sultan of the Mamelukes. - TURKISH. KINGDOMS. THE namni' of the.Turks sounds formidable for many centuries, and pow, lul until modern times. But there are three quite different, empires that are exhibited-to us under this name. An ancient empire, which appears already in the sixth century of our era, but disappears before: the time of Charles the Great; then: the multinominal Turkish empires, formed in the present period, out of the.'rins of the Arabian Caliphate; finally, that of the Ottoman Turks, founded in the following period. The first origin, the true pedigree, the whole primitive history of this people, is: obscure and enigmatical. But it suffices for us to know, that the Turks, as -the Huns and Mongols, have come from the great chain of mountains, the summits of which rise in the centre of Asia, and whence nations, as rivers, have flowed, and flow towards all the regions of the world. The Turks were doomed by fate to be the slaves of a powerful horde, the Scheuschang, (or the Geugens). They were condemned to work in the mines of the Altai, for the iron which made their tyrants powerful. Then a bold leader, Bertezena, arose among them (650), and excited them to make swords for themselves, and to obtain with them liberty or -dominion. The work of liberation was soon accomplished. — The Scheusehang, butchered- in several battles, vanish -from history; the Turks, proceeding from the Altai, inundate the: East and the West. - Especially, soon after Bertezena, a great- conqueror, Disabul, is mentioned as the khan of the Turkish hordes in the East.' The Chinese annalists lament, that the swords of these new enemies mowed down their armies as grass, that only submission or;tribute appeased their rage; and it appears that they subjugated -agreat part- of Siberia. In- the West they subdued — the celebrated: people! of Hayathalites, or White Huns, and terrified: the Persians. This first and powerful empire of the Turks was overthrown

　

　

TURKISH KINGDOMS. 305 by intestine divisions,- by the insidious policy of the Chinese, and by the sword of the Tartar Hoei-ke (about 750). It is not improbable,. although not completely proved, that several of the barbarous nations of the steppes that came to Europe, were the remnant of these an6ient —Turks. In'the meantime, the-name of- the Turks continued to live in the steppes -of Central Asia. When the Victor-ious Arabs, after overthrowing the Persian kingdom, penetrated into'the countries of the Oxus: and: laxartes, they met with the Turkish hordes, anid came with..them-into various relations of war' and peace. We have seen how the caliphs formed armies, especially body-guards, out of: Turkish captives, or such as entered their service voluntarily, and thus prepared- danger and- ignominy' for themselves, grandeur and power for the Turks. Whilst the caliph himself, in Bagdad, trembled at. the caprices and insolence: of his. body-guards, the- Turkish favorites,.-who were sent into the provinces as governors,or common adventurers, slaves of Turkish origin, erected independent thrones, under similar circumstances probably, and with similar success as niative usurpers, yet constituting among themselves a particular body of the nation, formed by common origin and character, no less than in the-destruction of the Roman Empire, the German authorities appeared as a particular mass, constituting a whole by itself. In Egypt, Achmed, Tulun's son, governor of the caliph Motaz, made himself independent after his benefactor's death (869). But the caliph Maktodi reconquered Egypt (905). Another Turkish slave, Mohammed Ykschid, renewed the revolt (935). But the Ykschides maintained the throne only one generation. It was overthrown by the Fatimites (969). The dominion of the Gaznevides, founded by Mahmud (999), was more important. -The'house-slave of a vizier of a Samanidian ruler, he~ elevated himself from the'office- of a-governor in Gazna, to which his, father had-already attained, to the rank of independent ruler of Chorasan,and all the countries from the Caspian Sea to the mouth of the Indus, and fromi the Ilaxartes to the vicinity of the Tigris. This indefatigable "Sultan" made twelve campaigns in Hindstan, crushed many: nations, subverted many pagodas,:and conquered the- greatest part of the anterior penin sula.; Buit this dominion -over India was not lashng: VOL. II-2 O 20 I

　

　

306 GENERAL HISTORY. Just as the German tribes, that settled in the Romanl provinces, as soon as they adopted the Christian religion, entered into a hostile relation against their heathen brethren in their ancient home, so the Turkish tribes in the Arabian Empire, as soon as they embraced Islamism, were separated by a spiritual and political barrier from their brethren in the steppe, and the old relation of hostility between Iran and Turan continued to prevail, notwithstanding much intermixture by marriage. This was in part the effect of civil manners, which the conquering tribes adopted in the southern countries, at least in some measure, but far more the effect of religion. Sultan Mahmud himself, the founder of the Gaznevidian grandeur, continued to tremble before the power of the Turcomans, nomadic hordes of Turkish origin, which wandered about on this side of the Iaxartes. Mahmud's successor, sultan Massoud, beheld the fulfilment of his predecessor's foreboding on the bloody battle-day of Zendecan (1038), which terminated the Gaznevides' dominion in these northern regions, and limited it to the frontier of India. The victor of Massoud was Togrul-Beg, grandson of Seldjuke. By lot, as we read, Togrul was destined among his fellow-competitors for the supreme head of the confederated hordes, and justified by courage and penetration the favor of fortune. Not only the Gaznevides, but also the Buides succumbed to the arm of Togrul, and the greatest part of Persia obeyed his word. The caliph Kujem himself, had called him to his assistance against his oppressor; this Seldjuke ruled now as Emir al Omrah over Bagdad also. Induced by his authority, all the hordes that were with him, had embraced Islamism, which confirmed his dominion. The' terror of the Turcomans extended already as far as Constantinople. Togrul's nephew and successor, Alp Arslan (1063), (the courageous lion) defeated and took the Byzantine emperor, Romanus Diogenes, but died upon an expedition to Turkestan by the hand of a captive enemy (1072). His son, Malek-Schah, called also Dschelaleddin, was the greatest of the Seldjukian princes. He united under his sceptre more countries than the caliph in Asia had ever possessed. He was at the same time the friend of civ ilization and science, which never flourished better than under him in the Turkish states the author of the excellent chronology

　

　

TURKISH KINGDOM,S. 307 called after him, the Dschelaleddinian, celebrated for his indefati gable activity, as well as for his laudable beneficence. After him (1092), the empire fell to ruins. He himself had favored the establishment of some subordinate states under the dominion of collateral relatives. But he remained the sovereign of all the countries in which the new thrones were built. With his death the tie of dependence was dissolved. Bloody contention arose for the inheritance between the sons and the brother of the deceased. It was terminated by a treaty, which divided the empire (1103). Even Persia, the principal country, fell to several lines, and Iconium, Kerman, Aleppo and Damascus were erected into independent sultanates. Ninety years after this division, the principal empire was destroyed by the Chowaresemides (1195), whose founder, Cotbeddin Mohammed, was a Seldjukian governor in Chowaresm, but had made himself independent (about 1100). The power of this newdynasty extended rapidly. TheGhurides wereoverthrown by it (1215). But the Chowaresemides (or Charissemites) suc cumbed themselves, not long afterwards, to the sword of the Mongols (from 1219-1231). The ruins of the Charessemitisl hordes fled to Western Asia, inundated Palestine, and confirmed by their mercenary services the power of the neighbouring Seldjukian princes. For the Seldjukian dominion continued to subsist in the provinces of Asia Minor. Of the above mentioned kingdoms that of Iconium, or Rum, maintained itself long after the fall of the others. The founder of this, Suleiman Gazi (protector of the faith), had become powerful by the discord of the pretenders to the Byzantine throne, Nicephorus Bryennius, and Nicephorus Botonates. His assistance placed the latter upon the throne, but he was rewarded with Asia Minor. The throne of this Seldjukian-Roman empire (Rum), the terror of Constantinople, and an object of abhorrence to the western nations, was established at first at Iconium, afterwards in Nice. Against the power of this Turkish empire the arm of the Crusaders fought most violently. It survived, however, this storm, and was destroyed by the Mongols (1308). The states of the Ortokides, Atabeks, and the Ayubites may also be reckoned among the Turkish. Ortoc, the leader of a horde of Turcomans, obtained fiom the Seldjukes hereditary

　

　

308 GENERAL HISTORY. dominion over Jerusalem and Palestine (1084). The Holy Land was taken, however, from the sons of Ortoc, in the days of the first Crusade, by the Fatimites in Egypt (1096). Among the Seldjukian governors, the Atabeks (foster-fathers of the prince), especially, became powerful and independent in Syria. Their founder was Emad Eddin Zanghi (1121), governor t Mossul, a valiant and wise prince, after whose assassination (1145), his son, Nureddini Ma-hmud,-built at Aleppo the throne of an extensive dominion. He was equally formidable to the Fatimites and the Christiapns, and celebrated in the East and West for his moderation, clemency and piety. After his death (t1174) his throne was subverte4t by-the rising fortune of the Ayubites. They descended-from the Kurde Sherkuah, the son of Shadi, whom Nureddin sent to Egypt to adjust the quarrel between J)argam and Schawr, the competitors for the viiierate of the Fatimite Caliph. Schirkuah, having elevated his confederate Schawr to the chair of the vizier, fell -out with him and overthrew him. He became vizier himself, and left this dignity as an inheritance to Selaheddin, his nephew, the son of Ayub. This great warrior and regent placed himself upon the throne of the Fatimites after the death of Aded-ledin-Allah, the last prince of this race (1171), and subjected Egypt again to the caliph of Bagdad. After the death of Nureddin he broke the tie of dependence upon the Atabeks, conquered a large extent of country in Asia and Africa, and overthrew the Christian throne in Jerusalem. Selaheddin's sons (1195), called the Ayubites, enfeebled one another by intestine wars. Their father's empire fell to ruins. His brother, Adel Seifeddin, made himself master of Egypt, the principal country. Seifeddin'ssuccessors subjected again several of the detached countries. But the sultan Moaddan, having concluded (1250) an equitable peace with Louis IX. of France, whom he had taken prisoner, excited by that means the indignation of the Mamelukes, a guard of slaves composed of young Comans.- They killed him and his family, and invested Ibegh, their leader, with the dignity of sultan. Ibegh's successors-were always chosen by the Mamelukes; and from their own number. Their series is called the Bahtirites, in distinction from a follow-.ng (the Tscherkassian) series. The Mamelukes long maintained

　

　

THE MONGOLS. 309 their reputation for valour; they alone braved the Mongoliail storm. This was effected bv the constant renovation of their strength by new reinforcements from the pastoral tribes of their ancient home. The throne was obtained by merit or confidence not by hereditary right. The sultans therefore did not fall into slumber as those of dynasties. THE MONGOLS. AFTER the storms of barbarism, wild ambition, and rebellion, nad continued so long; after bearing the curse of despotism for near two thousand years, Asia still remained beautiful. The blessings of Zoroaster's doctrine, and the traces of Grecian civi lization, spread widely by Alexander, were not yet wholly obliterated; the fanatics of Arabia had gradually submitted to the milder manners and the enjoyments -of civilization, and even the swarms of Turks, or their better chiefs, had not remained wholly uninfluenced by the voice of human culture, that spoke from so nany monuments. But a new stormi more formidable than any that had raged hitherto, burst over Asia, and destroyed its more beautiful aspect forever. It swept down from the same heights whence the Itunnic desolation had come over Europe, and which had poured out the multinominal Scythian hordes, the Massagetes and Sacae, the Parthians and Turks, at different times over the southern and western countries of Asia. The Mongols (Mogols, Mungals), precipitating themselves from the ridge of the Altain mountains, conquered,- devastated, in a few generations, the greater part of Asia, and the eastern countries of Europe, and founded the most extensive empire that ever existed.. ~ We. have mentioned:the Mongolian race already in the preceding period:, but the Mongols enter first. actually upon the stage of the history of the World, with Gengis-Khan. He was.-the son of the -Khan Yesu-Kai, who ruled over the horde Muem..U, and some. others, that wandered about. on the banks of the Selinga and-Onon-. At; his. death (1176), his son, Temudschin, was:- thirteen. years old. The hordes disdained the dominion of the. boy, and. defeatedlhis- friends in a pitched battle. He -fled to. Hogrul,:the Keraite, a khan of the. Tartars, who ruled on the.Jenisei; -Temudschirn elevated himself from this state of dependence and -restriction by -energy. and fortune. He gained

　

　

3;0 GENERAL HISTORY. the love of the hordes by generosity and valiant deeds. His enemies were terrified or prostrated; Togrul-khan himself, after a difficulty had arisen between them, was defeated and slain. Hastening from victory to victory, Temudschin had become powerful enough in his forty-third year for a prophet to announce in the Kurultai (or imperial diet) (1206), "Temudschin is by the decree of heaven Gengis-Khan (or Dschengiz-Khan), (the greatest Khan), and he is destined for dominion over the earth.' The hordes of the vast deserts gave faith to the prophet's word, and soon the powerful Gengis appeared at their head, the terror of nations. He broke over the great wall, with the myriads of his warriors, into China, mowed down the Chinese armies, took Yenking, the capital, and extorted a heavy tribute, and the cession of five provinces (1210 and 1214). Soon afterwards he made war against Mohammed, the farruling sultan of Chowaresem (1218-1224). Seven hundred thousand Mongols encountered, in the plains north of the Iaxartes, four hundred thousand warriors of Chowaresem, and defeated them in a terrible battle. With the assistance of Chinese engineers, Gengis broke now the walls of the celebrated cities of Otrar, Meru, Nisabur, Herat, Balk, Kandahar, and others: the trembling nations were trodden under foot, the monuments of the industry of previous generations destroyed. All the countries from the Caspian Sea to the Indus were the theatre of devastation, to which Gelaleddin, Mohammed's son, opposed in vain the power of his heroic arm. The kutcher of nations died soon after, meditating new plans of conquest (1227). His successors executed them with equal success and cruelty. The history of the Mongolian conquests is filled with horror. The traces of their destructive fury, at the present day, after almost six hundred years, are not yet obliterated. With enormous armies, insatiable and merciless, they marched through flourishing countries, and left everywhere a desert behind. Every city that fell into their power was plundered, destroyed its population in part slain, in part sold as slaves. Neither age, nor rank, nor sex, found mercy before these barbarians, nor was their rage appeased by subjection. When Oktai-Khan had conquered northern China, the proposal was made in the council of his chief men, to exterminate the whole population of this vast

　

　

THE MONGOLS. 311 and populous country, in order to make of it one great free pasture for their herds. The eloquent representations of Ilidschudsai, a noble mandarin respected by Oktai, saved this people with difficulty from the fate with which they were severely threatened. After Gengis-Khan, Oktai, his son, was declared sovereign of the Mongols, yet his brothers, Tuschi, Dschagatai and Tuli, obtained vast empires as hereditary possessions, although under the supremacy of the Great-Khan. After Oktai's death (1241), the grandees of the nation appointed, in a solemn Kurultai, Gayuk, Oktai's son, Great-Khan, who was succeeded, in similar manner, by Mangu (1251), Tuschi's son, and the latter by his brother Kublai (1259). Kublai was the last general ruler, or real GreatKhan. The successful arms of Oktai and his nephews, subjected almost at the same time, northern China, and in the West, all the countries from the Ural to the Oder and Baltic Sea, from the Northern Ocean to the Adriatic. China was at that time divided into two empires. Gengis had already taken five provinces from the Northern empire, which was ruled by the Niutsche; Oktai now destroyed it completely, and united it with his own territory (1234). Immediately afterwards he sent Batu, Tuschi's son, with five hundred thousand warriors, against the kingdoms of the North and West. In less than six years (1236 — 1242) this general marched, in an unexampled course of victory, through ninety degrees of longitude, the fourth part of the circumference of the earth. The immense steppes of Kipzak, or Kaptschak, as the countries from the Jaik to the Dnieper were called, the territories of the great-prince of Russia, from the Baltic to the Black Sea, Poland, Silesia-where at Liegniz many Slavonic and German lords fell-the countries to the south of the Krapak, the vast Hungary, Servia, Bosnia, Bulgaria, were conquered or devastated; the terror of the Mongolian name made all Europe tremble. The pope, (Innocent 1V.), and the emperor, (Frederick II.), endeavoured to conjure the tempest. The mission of the pope failed completely in its object; it was of some advantage, however, to geography. The preparations of the emperor inspired the Khan with awe; the wild stream which threatened Europe with irremediable barbarism, rebounded from German valour, and flowed back over Asia

　

　

312 GENERAL HISTORY. In the meantime, Batus' brother, Scheibani-Khan, had fixed his eyes-upon the:inhospitable countries of the deeper north. With a horde not very numerous, he penetrated (1242) as far as the Northern Ocean.: He established his throne at Tobolsk, whence:,.for three hundred years, his descendants ruled over Siberia. The destruction of the Caliphate -by Hulagu-Khan -is' already related in the:Arabian history.; The same Hulagu' laid several other -states of Central and Western Asia in ruins, among others, that -of the Ismaelites in Persia, and most of those- -that obeyed the Seldjukes or Atabeks, or their: Emirs, in Asia:Minor and Syria. The Mamelukes in- Egypt alone defended their newly acquired dominion with courage and success. When Oktai had overthrown the northern empire of the Niutsche, the far more powerful empire of the Song still existed in the South. Kublai-Khan. undertook to make war against the Song, and led his invincible band from city to city, from province to province, as far as the residence Quinsay (1279), and finally to Canton.. The Chinese, avoiding battle in the open field, suffered death resolutely behind their walls and intrenchments. They sunk finally, bleeding, at the vanquisher's feet. All China now obeyed the conqueror, who, still unsatiated, subjected, -or rendered tributary also, Corea,Tunkin-, Cochin-China, Peg-u, and even Bengal and Thibet, and:visited the distant -islands'of the Indian Ocean with a fleet;- but in his. attack upon Japan, he was twice impressively reminded of the limits of' his power by the fury of the: waves, The conquest of China and the adoption- of the manners and the religion of the vanquished, were- one of the most' immediate causes of the:...ruin of the-: Mongolian'Empire. The Chinese Mongols' were thus. separated-from'their- -brethren, and the. Great Khan (the house of Kublai, in which this dignity was'hereditary) was no longer able to retain.the-remote provinces and-subordinate rulers in obedience,.. Thus commenced-according to: the- eternal law of the Asiatic dynasties;~-di'visionn- intestine war, the dissolution of the large governments-:into many small'- principalities: under different names.-.. The most important of-these states::which became gradu. ally independent, and some of which were subdivided, were

　

　

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THE CRUSADES. 313 1) Dschagatai, called thus after a son of Gengis, and governed by his house. It embraced especially the Tartarian countries to the east of the Caspian Sea, and in the region of the Mustag. The Khan resided in Bischbaligh. 2) Iran or Central Asia, which comprehended the ancient countries of Persia, and the conquests in Asia Minor and Syria. Tauris was the seat of this empire. 3) Turan, the desolate kingdom founded by Scheibani. Khan in Siberia. 4) Kipzak, which at first asserted the supremacy over Siberia, but which was afterwards limited- to the steppes north of the Caspian and Black seas, and to Russia. The throne was in Serai. The principal empire, the dominion of the Great-Khan, remained in the'native steppes of the Mongols in the countries of the Altai and the desert of Kobi. The Great-Khans wandered about a long time as nomades, at the head of the "Golden Horde," in this vast steppe; finally the village of Karakorum was chosen for a permanent or principal residence. After the conquest of China the Great-Khan established himself upon the throne of the emperor. But after the subsequent revolution, which expelled the Mongols from China, Karakorum became again the seat of the shattered empire, HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. INTRODUCTION. A WAR of many nations-not of isolated drivers, who collect their herds-a-common undertaking of the people-of many countries, or of one entire.-part. of the world, affords necessarily a grand and' sublime, aspect.. That which,assembled. men of diverse languages- situations,: and relations,-participants of multifariously'.conflicting interests,-.- aving indeed naturally, mutual sentiments of hostility, under.-one-.banner, cannot certainly -be a material interest-which ever. varies according to particular relatidns-it can be only aspirital! interest, an idea. To discover an idea as the motive power of nations, and indeed more VOL. II.-2

　

　

314 GENERAL HISTORY. potent than the physical powers of coercion, than any allure ment of sensual objects, is to discern the nobility of our race. Even if the formation of this idea, or its application, were per verse and absurd, if the immediate object of the efforts excited by it deserved disapprobation, if impurity should appear among many who were companions of those efforts, if the effects of them should be regarded as unimportant and even injurious, or if tile desired fruit were destroyed by error, wickedness or misfortune; nevertheless the high interest of the spectacle, as the action of a spiritual power, would remain. From this point of view we will consider the Crusades; it is the best adapted for their appreciation. They were neither a political nor a religious undertaking of nations. turope unhinged and precipitated itself upon Asia, not to defend the Byzantine empire, the avant-mure of Europe, against the Turks, not to enfeeble the Ottoman power, not to obtain treasures and kingdoms, all of which were only subordinate objects, or merely the objects of individuals;-it was to take from the infidels the tomb of the Redeemer, and in general the places that were hallowed by the birth, the life, and death of Christ, in order that desecration should no longer threaten them, and in order that the Christian might enjoy, in security and peace, religious consolation, in those sacred places which, by their importance, belong to them. Whether it would be particularly advantageous or advisable to conquer Palestine, was not taken into consideration; whether it would be right, no one thought of doubting. Something may also be adduced from a philosophical point of view for its vindication. To perform pilgrimages, i. e. the visitation of religious places, which are either venerable by sacred recollections, or, according to pious faith, the abode of miraculous powers, that bring blessings upon supplicants, was regarded already in the times of ancient paganism as a sacred custom among all nations. The Greeks and the Orientals had their oracles, their miraculous images, fountains, groves, &c., which were visited by pilgrims from far and near. Christendom also looked upon the performance of piligrimages as a meritorious work, or as a means well calculated to cherish religious feelings, to elevate the soul towards heaven, to obtain celestial consolation; and they might with justice-although their God is no local, but the universal

　

　

THE CRUSADES. 3A~ God-consider the places, which were ti e theatre of their Master's history, as belonging to them in this sense forever. The right to pray in these sanctified places, was not at all' incompatible with a stranger's possession of the soil, with the sovereign rights of an infidel king or people over the Holy Land; and it had never been in the power of the Greek emperor, or any other accidental possessor to renounce it. According to these ideas, the Christians of all parts of the world, and of all sects, had continued their pilgrimages to the Holy Land, even since its conquest by the Saracens, and every disturbance of devotion, or any other oppression, which was sometimes exercised against the pilgrims by the tyrannical caprice, of the sovereign, or their depositaries of power, was acknowledged and lamented as an injustice. But usually, especially since the time of the Abbassides, still more since the Fatimite-caliphs ruled over Palestine, the pilgrims were not disturbed, they were even favored from commercial motives. But when the Turks made themselves masters of these countries, when amidst the commotions that attended the fall of the Caliphate, peace for the Christian pilgrims was lost, when outrage took the place of previous hospitality, a conflict arose between the long exercised religious right of the Christians, and the pretensions of the political or despotical rulers of the country; only one means was left to Christendom to maintain its sacred rights, and that was the sword; and since the abuse of the right of possession may be regarded as a forfeiture of it, and the right of war finds its limit only in its object, the country itself might be taken from its tyrannical rulers. Since the vexations of the pilgrims in Palestine had increased, the thought of vengeance and deliverance was awakened in Europe. Already pope Sylvester II. (t1003), encouraged Christendom in the tone of enthusiasm to liberate the Holy Sepulchre. The sound of his words died away. The call for this liberation resounded more loudly and generally, when the Seldjukes had given to the Turcoman Ortoc the sovereignty of Jerusalem and the Holy Land. His bands, strangers to civilization and commerce, knew not how to derive advantage from their possession, otherwise than by oppression and pillage. The complaints of the returning pilgrims, the accounts of the Christian sufferings In Palestine, of the indignities offered even to the Patriarch of

　

　

316 GENERAL HISTORY. Jerusalem, roused the minds of Christians, and only an inflaming ray was wanting, to kindle the combustible matter accumulated in this part.of the world into a blazing flame. The ardent zeal of Peter of Amiens, (called also Peter the Hermit, and Cucupeter) became the kindling spark. This enthusiast had seen the oppression of the Christians in the Holy Land with his own eyes, had heard the complaints of the Patriarch, and perceived, in the powerful excitement of his mind, a celestial call to proclaim the Holy War. He hastened back to Europe, received from pope Urban II. confirmation and the apostolic blessing. Whilst Peter the Hermit was traversing countries, and by his burning words pouring his enthusiasm into the spirit of hundreds of thousands, Urban II.- convoked a council at Piacenza (1095, March), in order to promote there this great concern, by the common deliberation of the spiritual and secular heads. The assembly was numerous- and brilliant, and favorable to the wishes of the pope, as well as to the entreaties of the Greek deputies, who implored in the name of Alexius I. assistance against the Turks. In the November of the same year 1095, a second ecclesiastical assembly was held at Clermont, in Auvergne, attended by a large concourse of enthusiasts from all ranks. The zeal of those present equalled that of the Holy Father, and the cry from a thousand tongues: " It is the will of God!" interrupted his exhorting discourse. He ordered them to take these pious words for their battle-cry, and mark their clothes-or, as the most zealous did, their bodies-with, the sacred Cross, and obtain companions in this meritorious work among their friends and acquaintances. The army was to commence its march on the festival of the Assumption -of Mary, in the following year (15 Aug. 1096) FIRST CRUSADE. IMPART-~T of this delay, some hundred thousand, crusaders, mostly from the countries of the Rhine, under. Peter the Hermit himself, under his' friend. and —precursor, Walter Habenichts, under count Emico,-: of Leiningen, and,. the priest Gottschalk, commenced their march in the intervening time, through the south of-Germany, Hungary and Bulgaria, to the Greek Empire. The two last commanders began their crusade with a cruel perse-.

　

　

FIRST CRUSADE. 317 cution of the Jews, by which the cities on the Rhine were filled with scenes of pillage, massacre, and the most desperate fury, in defence as well as in attack. Then this fanatical rabble-multitude rolled on towards th countries of the Danube, harassed the savage inhabitants of Hungary and Bulgaria by hunger and rapacity, and two-thirds fell victims to their revenging sword. The rest fell upon the Greek empire, the emperor of which appeased them by liberal largesses, but as soon as possible' conveyed them over the Bosphorus to Asia. Soon the intelligence was brought of their destruction, in the battle of extermination fought at Nice against the sultan of Iconium, Kilidische Arslan. It was not until after the loss of three hundred thousand crusaders that the main army appeared, twice as numerous, wellequipped, and eager for war, commanded by the noblest heroes of the time. Godfrey of Bouillon, duke of Lower-Lorraine, was the first among them by acknowledged pre-eminence of intellect and character. Those that were most distinguished after him, by birth, or power, or glorious exploits, were Hugh the Great, count of Vermandois, the French king's brother, then duke Robert of Normandy, son of William the Conqueror, the counts,. Robert of Flanders, Raymond of Toulouse, and Stephen of -Chartres, and from Lower Italy, the valiant Bohemund, prince of Tarentum, Robert Guiscard's son, and his heroic relative. Tancred, the ornament of chivalry. Upon different routes, by land and sea, these generals arrived with their powerful troops, among which there was about one hundred thousand heavy-armed cavalry, at the gates of Constantinople, the sovereign of which, as well as his people, beheld with increasing astonishment and fear the endless ranks of his auxiliaries, the swelling waves of this Western migration of nations. Five or six particularly great or principal Crusades to the Holy Land are enumerated.. - But in the course of these expeditions, or in their intervals, for nearly two hundred years, greater or smaller bands, and solitary crusaders without number, went almost uninterruptedly to Palestine. -Even women, in: great numbers, took the Cross. A queen of Hungary led a whole troop of such enthusiastic women to Palestine. Even children were seized with the same fire, and long files of these innocents

　

　

J18 GENERAL HISTORY. were seen, which, upon the authority of the passage, " Lora, thou wilt be glorified by children," were torn from the bosom of their families, and led against the Saracens. They saw their homes no more. One half died by the way, from hunger and hardship, the other was sold by their profligate leaders to the Turks. But the Crusades for the recovery or maintenance of the Holy Land were not the only ones. Popes and their servants, the monks, preached, with great success, Crusades against all enemies of the Church in the East and West. It was under the same banner of the Cross that war was made against the Moors in Spain, and against the heathen in Prussia and Livonia, no less than the unfortunate Albigenses and Waldenses in Languedoc, against heretics, schismatics, all excommunicates, against the detested house of the Hohenstaufen, to take away Nalples and Sicily, against legitimate princes everywhere, if they would not be the slaves of the Church; and finally one pope arose against another, so that not unfrequently one Crusade was opposed to another. What then were the forces and springs that will explain such an unexampled and lasting movement? The idea of the religious merit of such expeditions, and pious hatred against the hereditary enemies of Christendom, excited constantly by new injustice, operated necessarily as powerful motives in ages when general zeal for the faith prevailed. With these motives, at the commencement of the Crusades, was associated the opinion of the approaching end of the world, generally spread at that time, which rendered minds more susceptible of religious impressions, and the power of which was augmented by the artifice of the heads of the Church and popular saints. For, in the council of Clermont, the pope announced a general remission of sins for all who should put on the Cross, absolution from ecclesiastical penances as well as from divine punishmentand for all crimes, by whatever appellation they were called. This annunciation operated as an electric shock upon a world, at the same time sinful and superstitious, it induced millions to take the Cross. War and adventures, to which -the Church now invited, were Desides, already the favorite concerns of the Western chivalry; and the feudal system, which always made the resolutions or caprice of one a law for many, multiplied also the effects ol the rows of individuals.

　

　

FIRST CRUSADE. 319 Besides, there were various heterogeneous interests, which were accidentally attached to these sacred enterprises, or artfully connected with their promotion. Kings were glad to see their vassals march for the Holy Land. They were by that means liberated from the often dangerous presence of insolent or power. ful lords, and, indeed, they were often enriched-when whole houses were destroyed in this distant war-by the return of their fiefs. On the other hand, vassals were rejoiced at their removal from their kings, which opened a freer field for their selfish efforts. But the clergy regarded the continuation of these pious expeditions as a papetual triumph of their power, and employed the same disposition of mind, that induces men to take the Cross, for obtaining surreptitiously or extorting largesses and legacies. In general, every one who participated in the Crusades, saw an acceptable reward held out to him. Kings and powerful nobles, though they desired no dominion in the East, acquired great glory and the favor of the clergy; the less powerful, or those who were not satisfied with their lot at home, might arrive at a more brilliant one in Asia by valour and success. Any one who was oppressed by enemies, tormented by creditors, and even threatened with the penalty of justice, escaped, according to spiritual and secular laws that were solemnly announced-by taking the Cross, every assault and persecution. To the humblest and poorest, and indeed to these more than to others, the Crusades offered the means of welfare. Released from oppressive servitude, liberated from the tyranny of their masters, they might find in the Holy Land an indepenclent existence. But as powerful as the moving forces were, as large as the masses set in motion were, their greatest efforts produced only little success. This result is clearly explained by the elements of which these masses were composed, and by the relations and circumstances under which they acted. Even warriors of the same nation, as required by the feudal system, were divided into a large number of greater or smaller bodies, which acknowledged hardly nominally a general command, or at least were mor subservient to the will and the caprice of their immediate lords, than to the interest of the whole. The ties that united the combatants of different countries and of different tongues, were far more lax. National pride, hatred, prejudice and jealousy sowed discord among the corps of the army, and rendered concordant, energetical co-operation impossible.

　

　

320 GENERAL HISTORY The multitude of chiefs, and absence of a powerful, controlling authority, prevented any good result. The want of discipline bordered on dissolution; there was no regular-at least no sufficientprovision made for munitions, and the necessaries of life; pestilence and famine carried off multitudes; ignorance of the country temerity, or perfidy, delivered the rest into the hands of a vigilant enemy, animated by ideas similar to those of the Christians. The kingdom of Jerusalem had besides never any other than an artificial and weak foundation. The native population, although bearing the Christian name, was corrupt, cowardly and perfidious. All the establishments and institutions of the Latins were insufficient and unsuitable, and the Greeks, far from supporting the efforts of the Western nations, appeared or were rather disposed to destroy these odious and formidable strangers by secret intrigue, and sometimes even by open hostility. The sentiments and the conduct of the Latins were not more friendly than those of the Greeks; and in the mutual hatred or mistrust of the two nations lies one of the chief causes of the failure of the Crusades. The troops of Godfrey of Bouillon and the other princes, having crossed the strait, marched immediately towards Nice, and took this capital of the Seldjukian sultan (1097, 20 June). A decisive victory at Dorileum opened a way for them to Syria, and the great army encamped before Antioch, whilst Godfrey's brother, P.1dwin, etablished in Edessa the seat of a prince, and soon extended his sceptre oxr the finest prw inces of Mesopotamia and Armenia. Antioch wae taken after a tedious siege: but the Christians soon saw themselves shut up within the walls of their conquest by the Emir of Mossul, Kerboga, and exposed to destruction by arms or famine. -A fortunate'sally, which was aided by superstitious enthusiasm (or the supposed discovery of the sacred lance), deiivered them from this extremity, and they commenced their march, after some stay, for Jerusalem, the ardently desired object of their military pilgrimage. The caliph Mostaali, a Fatimite,:had taken this holy city from the children of Ortoc, in the same year in which the Crusade commenced (1086), and re-united it with the Egyptian kingdom. Indifferent towards this-change of relations, the Christians demanded Jerusalem back, as their unalienable inheritance, what

　

　

T4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~' I I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ STORMING OFf JER~USALEM.!- --— i. I -- -- -,::..7. -— ~ _ -- -! — -- -'"~ -- --- -- C1 ---- -- - I 1Bee I s~~~~~~~~~~ fi Ir\ j..~~~~~~.

　

　

　

　

KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM. 321 ever infidel might possess it temporarily. Hence, although their number was reduced by previous disasters to sixty thousand. they attacked boldly this strongly garrisoned and well defended city, (1099, from the 7th of June to the 15th of July), and took It after a contest in which fortune was inconstant, by storm. The caliph of Egypt attempted once more to re-establish his power. But he was decisively defeated at Ascalon, and the Christians maintained their conquest. KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM. AMONG the victorious chiefs, Godfrey of Bouillon was elected king of the new Christian kingdom; its territory, however, was small, since other chiefs had founded particular governments, not only in Edessa and Antioch, but also in cities and countries situated nearer, such as Tripoli, Tiberias, Sidon, Tyre, Galilee, and others. Even in the kingdom itself the spirit of feudalism arrested the progress of monarchy; and the clergy, who derived from the sanctity of the place, and the object of the conquest, specious reasons for their pretensions, restricted exceedingly the new throne. In other respects the internal constitution was regulated, as well as circumstances permitted, by a just and wise law (the Assizes of Jerusalem), about the origin and fate of which, however, various doubts exist. Godfrey died one year after his elevation (1100). His brother, Baldwin I., succeeded him, and had for his successors, first, Baldwin II., his relative (1118), then Fulko, his son-in-law (1131), and afterwards Baldwin III., the son of the last (1142). They all fought with various success against the Saracens. Their power was small. The kingdom had scarcely twelve thousand regular soldiers. It would have succumbed to the Turks earlier, if it had not found a brazen rampart in the knights of the spiritual orders of the Hospital of St. John, then of the Temple of Solomon, and somewhat later, in those of the German order, and if from time to time reinforcements of crusaders had not supplied the diminution of the forces of the country. The most ancient of these orders was that which bore the name of Hospitallers, or the Knights of St. John (but afterwards received that of the Knights of Rhodes, and finally that of the Knights of Malta). It owed its origin to a modest chapel, then to a cloister and hospital, which, founded (1048) at Jerusalem in VoL. II-2 21

　

　

322 CGENE-RAL HISTORY. the vicinity of the holy sepulchre by some merchants from Amalfi, gradually rose, and bore the name of St. John, to whom they were dedicated as a tutelar patron. After the Christians had taken Jerusalem, this beneficent establishment was enriched 5y pious donations, and its servants received first from Gerard, tlhen from Raymond du Puy (1120), overseers of the institution, moMastic regulations. which were sanctioned by the pope. The contest against the Saracens commenced immediately after, and was continued gloriously until the fall of the Christian domini-on. The Knights of St. John obtained afterwards a retreat in the island of Cyprus, fought bravely against the Turks upon the sea, and already in 1309 conquered the important Rhodes. They retained it until into the sixteenth century. The order of the Templars was founded by Hugh of Pajens and Godfrey of St. Aldemar, with some friends, twenty years after the capture of Jerusalem (1118), when Baldwin II., severely pressed by the Turks, needed assistance. The knights of this order were recived by him into his palace on the east side of the site of Solomon's temple, and obtained from this circumstance their celebrated name. They were so poor at first, that, as we read, two rode upon one horse. But soon they were richly endowed by kings and princes in all countries of Europe. The number of the knights, and far more that of the serving brothers, increased extraordinarily; they became a principal pillar of the Christian power in Palestine. But they soiled their glory by excess, arrogance, and sometimes even by treason. After the loss of Palestine, the knights of this order went to Europe, in order to suffer there, in their principal residence, -France, the most terrible extermination. A large part of their possessions fell to their rivals in glory and power, the Knights of St. John. The powerful Tezutonic order sprung also from a source scarcely observed. A German, whose name is unknown, founded (1128) at Jerusalem a hospital and chapel for the poor and sick of his nation. The noble object gained for the establishment, participants, and soon these combined with the practice of Christian charity,.warfare against the infidels. A set of monastic rules, drawn from the statutes of St. Augustin, became the law of the fraternity, which united later with an association of the same kind, formed in the camp before Acre, by some citizens from

　

　

CRUSADES. 323 Lubec and Bremen, and by the exertions of Frederick, duke, of Suabia, a prince of the house of the Hohenstaufen, elevated to an order of knights (1190). Henry of Walpot was the first grandmaster. The Teutonic order, as the two others, was enriched by donations of.kings and princes in Europe, and became powerful, especially in Germany, but still more so in Poland and Prussia, where the seat of the grand-master was transferred, in the beginning of the fourteenth century. In the mean time the declining power of the Seldjukes was formidably renewed by the rising grandeur of the Atabeks. Emadeddin Zanghi, at Mossul, and his son, Nureddin, who ruled at Haleb, shook by repeated blows the Christian dominion. FOLLOWING CRUSADES. THEN Europe arose again in pious arms, and fell with impetuosity upon Asia. The two most powerful sovereigns of the West, the emperor Conrad III., and Louis VII., king of France took the cross (1147); 140,000 cavalry, armed with coats of mail, and near a million of common infantry followed their banners. This great flame was kindled by the fiery words of the Abbot Bernard, of Clairvaux, the great popular saint of that time. But the result was most deplorable. Manuel Comneluis labored assidiously to destroy the Franks by intrigue and perfidy The emperor, led astray by false guides, lost the flower of his army in the deserts of the Taurus. Louis VII., who followed him, was defeated repeatedly by the same enemy, the sultan, Massoud, of Rum, and his army nearly annihilated. The ruins of the Christian forces reached with difficulty the Holy Land, united with the troops of the kingdom, beseiged Damascus, and did not take it (1149). This unheard of effort, therefore effected nothing; not oNE trophy consoled Europe for the loss of its best blood. The valiant Baldwin III., however, did not despond. Smaller bands of auxiliaries, which arrived, sometimes reinforced his power. But the division of the Christian soldiers, the quarrel between the knights of St. John and the Templars, annihilated every thing good, and brought ruin upon the kingdom. Baldwin IIW., died in a time bof great danger (1162); Almeric, his brother, and afterwards the son of the last, Baldwin IV. (1173), fought aimtst incessantly in a difficult war. An enemy still more for_ _ _ ___ _ -_ _.._. j...

　

　

324 GENERAL HISTORY. midable than Nurreddin, had appeared against Baldwin, Sela. heddin, the Kurde. Baldwin IV. died; Baldwin V., the young son of his sister Sybille, and after his death, which happened soon, Guy of Lusignan, the second husband of Sybille, succeeded him.. In the battle of Tiberias, Guy suffered a -complete defeat, and was made prisoner, with the grand-master of the Templars an;l the noblest of the army (1187). The sultan took the most important cities of the country; even Jerusalem and all the sacred places fell into his power. Europe, when this terrible news resounded through it, armed for the third, time; the aged emperor, Frederick I., as well as the kings of England and France, Henry II., and Philip Augustus, took the cross. But Henry died before the fulfilment of his vow, whereupon, Richard Lion-heart (Coeur de Lion), his son and successor, undertook the Crusade in concert with the king of France. For defraying the expenses of these great preparations, a tax of the tenth part of all the possessions and incomes of the clergy and laity, was raised in all countries-called the tithe of Saladin. The emperor Frederick provided for this difficult war, better than his predecessors. He marched at the head of a powerful army —said to amount to 600,000 men,-and terror preceded him. The sultan of Iconium suffered several defeats. He marched victoriously over the mountains of Taurus; but died suddenly in the vicinity of Seleucia, from a cold taken in the waters of the Saleph (1190). The death of the great Barbarossa was an irreparable blow for the cause of the Christians. The numerous Christian warriors besieged Ptolemais (or St. Jean d'Acre). The obstinacy of the besieged, supported by the zeal of Saladin, frustrated the efforts of the Crusaders. They expected their salvation from the arrival of Barbarossa and his powerful army. Instead of him appeared now Frederick of Suabia, the emperor's son, with some thousand Germans, a messenger of misfortune, rather than a saviour. The noble youth died soon, and pusillanimity and discord prevailed in the camp of the Christians. The appearance of the auxiliary troops of England and France, which had been long anxiously desired, revived hope, and renewed the contest. Philip Augustus and Richard Lion-heart (Cceur de

　

　

CRUSADES. 325 Lion), united their forces under the walls of Acre. This city was disputed with unexampled fury and much vicissitude of fortune. The siege lasted three years. Nine battles were fought in the vicinity of the city. It finally surrendered. But the triumph cost the lives of some hundred thousand Christians. Philip Augustus returned immediately after to Europe. Richard continued the war against Saladin, gloriously, by personal heroism, but without decisive success. Finally he concluded a truce with the sultan, and left Jerusalem in his possession (1192). In the mean time, a contention for the kingdom had arisen between Lusignan and Conrad of Tyre. Richard had been for the first, Philip Augustus for the second. After Philip's departure, Conrad was killed by assassins sent by the Old Man of the Mountain; but Guy of Lusignan received from Richard the island of Cyprus. The widow of Conrad married Henry, count of Champagne, and after his death (1196) Almeric II. of Lusignan, the brother of Guy. Both called themselves kings of Jerusalem. After Almeric's death, John of Brienhe, husband of Conrad, and Isabella's daughter Mary, took the crown. Under Almeric's reign, the force of a powerful Crusade, which was undertaken by several French and Italian lords, was diverted by the affairs of Constantinople. These lords, solicited by Alexius, who had been driven from his throne, renounced the war against the infidels and the liberation of the Holy Sepulchre, in order to storm the capital of the Christian empire (1204). Gradually the efforts and zeal of the European nations abated The crusaders were no longer counted by hundreds of thousands; although from time to time considerable bodies of troops-as especially that of Andrew, king of Hungary (1217)-appeared. The Christians directed their principal forces henceforth offensively against Egypt, which had caused them the most evils in the last times and whence, after they had mnade themselves masters of it, they could more easily conquer and maintain Palestine. With this intention, king John marched against Egypt at the head of an army of Crusaders, and took Damietta after laboring two years (1221). Sultan Meleddin offered to exchange Jerusalem for Damietta. The proposal was rejected. Without any foresight, and without reflecting upon the nature of the country

　

　

326 GENERAL HISTORY. or tile season, the army advanced, under the command of the egate Pelagius, up the river towards Cairo, The time of the inundatibn came on. Then the sultan causedl the flood-gates of the Nile to be opened; the swelling floods, rushing over the camp of the Christians, threatened speedy destruction. Peace aloine was able to save them. Damietta was therefore evacuatced, and a truce concluded for eight years; the sacred Cross, since the battle of Tiberias, in the possession of the infidels, was generously restored by the sultan (1221). The hopes of the Christians were now directed to the emperor Frederick II., who, at the time of his ascending the throne, had engaged to undertake a Crusade, and who had married king John's daughter, Jolanta. We have related the events of this expedition in the German history. Various smaller expeditions were undertaken in the following years, but without important success. Finally, the throne of Jerusalem was subverted by a wave of the great Mongolian inundation. A band of Chowaresmians, flying before the blows of their victors, the Mongols, fell upon Palestine, defeated, and indeed exterminated the Christian army near Gaza (1244), and took Jerusalem with all the cities of its territory. Their conquests fell to the sultan of Egypt, their ally. Now Louis IX. (St. Louis) of France, resolved upon an almost hopeless contest for the declining cause of the Christians (1249). He led to Egypt the flower of the French nobility, and many thousand common soldiers. He took Damietta, and proceeded up the river towards Cairo. But the presumption of his brother, the count of Artois, who pressed on too far with the advanced guard, occasioned the destruction of himself and the whole army near Mansura. Many of the most valiant fell with Artois, the rest suffered by famine and disease. It was then resolved to retreat; but the sultan overtook the fugitives, surrounded them, and took them prisoners with their king (April, 1250) After some negotiations, the sultan granted to the king freedomn and peace. But the fulfilment of the treaty was interrupted by the sedition of the Mamelukes. They, enraged because the sultan had concluded this peace without their counsel, assassinated him. To his courage, by which Louis himself inspired these wild warriors with respect, he owed his liberation. But he neglected, or did not understand how to use prudently the {I

　

　

cRUSADES. 327 favor of circumstances, and was obliged to return, without ha.ving ameliorated in the least, after toiling for six years, the situation of the Christians in the Holy Land (1254). He resolved afterwards upon a second Crusade. It was converted into an expedition to Tunis, because it was believed that there was hope of converting the princes of this country. This hope was disappainted, and Louis died upon the soil of Africa (1270). From this time no important attempt was made to conquer the Holy Land. The English prince Edward, undertook also, it is true, during the second Crusade of Louis IX., the same pious work. But with all his heroism, he was unable to prevail against fate, or against the nature of things. He returned without having effected anything, and after him no potentate took the Cross. Palestine was left to its destiny. The Christians still possessed there, or on the Syrian coast. some strong maratime cities, especially Antioch, Tripolis, and the dearly purchased Ptolemais. But the contest was now continued rather for the question —who shall be called king of Jerusalem? than for the cause of Christianity. Mary and Hugh, king of Cyprus, both of whom were descended from Isabella, the sister of Baldwin IV,, were the principal competitors. The first had ceded her right to Charles of Anjou, king of Naples and Sictily. The title passed from him to several other houses, as heirs in part of his race, in part of his kingdom. For some time yet the spiritual knights continued the unequal contest against the Egyptian sultan. Finally, Ptolemais fell (1291, 16 June); whereupon the smaller cities were in part abandoned, in part surrendered, and thus by the return of the whole country under the law of Mohammed, this long-continued fire was quenched. EFFECTS OF THE CRUSADES. THus the exertion of the European nations far two centuries was finally dissolved into nothing But in spite of the failure of these astonishing expeditions,. spite of their multifariously deplorable effects, they have produced, considered in their whole, and from a higher point of view-especially and directly for Europe, but indirectly for all mankind-salutary effects. One of the main causes of the long barbarism of the Middle

　

　

328 GENERAL HISTORY. Ages, was the insulation of nations, the circle of active an passive existence, of thinking and feeling, that was traced for almost every one singly. By the Crusades, the nations of Europe were called from that sad insulation into the field of cornmon activity, variously intermingled, and placed upon innumerable points of contact in reciprocal action. The horizon of the knowledge of countries and men was enlarged in a suprising manner for the crusaders, and by them for all the West. But no knowledge is ever unfruitful. The human mind improves the treasures which it possesses; every new idea produces again other ideas, either by itself, or in connexion with previously conceived ideas, and from the mass of ideas existing in individuals, a common fund is formed, which becomes that of the age, or generation. He, who appreciates the influence of the Crusades from this point of view, and weighs in his mind the active intercourse maintained between the East and the West, for two hundred years by innumerable routes-in ideas, opinions, knowledge, manners and customs, no less than in merchandise-will discern in those holy wars, so often condemned or lamented, the source of an entirely new-and, because produced by elevated life and increased knowledge, also better and nobler-spirit of the time; he will not hesitate to ascribe to the Crusades the greater activity of the intellectual faculties, which begun soon after the commencement of those expeditions, the progress of taste and the grave sciences, the refinement of manners, and the improvement of civil institutions, the elevated interest, the more active participation in the affairs of fatherland, and those of Europe in general, and even the awakening spirit of a free judgment upon ecclesiastical things. To pursue this view, in all its details, would, without doubt, be instructive, and of manifold interest, but would lead us from our object. We will here exhibit only one effect of those expeditions, which seems to us more important, and more pleasing, than all others-i. e. their influence upon the progress of liberty. The Crusades, by themselves-as mostly dependent upon the free resolution of the participants, even of the subordinatewere a sphere of free activity, consequently adapted, by the enjoyment and exaltation which they gave to the mind, to pro duce or to elevate the love and pride of liberty. The nature of the object, for which these expeditions were

　

　

CRUSADES. 329 undertaken, roused the ideas of liberty, and humbled the pride of lords. Before God, in whose honour this holy war was waged, the least and the poorest are equal to the greatest. In such a spirit, Godfrey of Bouillon refused to wear a diadem in the place whare the Saviour wore a crown of thorns; filled with such ideas, the noblest knights devoted themselves to the care of the common sick and suffering; and princes and lords acknowledged their obligation to treat their fellow-christians with kindness. The camps of the crusaders were the natural-and even the legal-asylums from oppression and slavery. Hence the oppressed of every class rallied under the sacred banner, and the fear of losing their serfs by these Crusades, pre vented the lords also in Europe from abusing their rights. Besides, many lords, in order to defray the expenses of their equipment, solid their estates and rights. Thus the common people had an opportunity to obtain lands at a cheap rate, and, what was more valuable, liberation from the ties and obligations of servile dependence. The enfeeblement of the power of the nobility, by these alienations, as well as by the complete ruin of many arrogant families, was another gain for common freedom. This liberty, thus confirmed, or regenerated, produced excellent fruits. It not only imparted the courage and force necessary for industrious application to the arts, and gave rise to opulence and political power, but also increased the pleasures of life, and the inclination for more refined enjoyments, and thus favored the culture of the arts and sciences. From wealth and science proceeded then again coroboration of liberty, by increased physical power, and by clearer perception of justice. In Italy, wealth was first enhanced by the Crusades, and then by this, liberty and science. The cities of Italy, especially the maritime cities, such as Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, in Upper Italy, Amalfi, and others, in Lower Italy, derived immense gain from these sacred wars, partly by transporting the warriors and pilgrims, partly by providing the necessaries of life and war, partly by commercial privileges in the conquered countries, and indeed by acquiring dominion over the coasts and islands in the Grecian and Asiatic seas. But all that these Italian cities gained contributed to the confirmation of liberty. Their wealth afforded VOL. II.-2 R

　

　

330 GENERAL- HISTORY. them the means for maintaining their independence, and foi establishing their political power. With civil liberty, advanced that of the mind, although with an unequal, yet with a rapid pace. He who has released himself from one chain, usually breaks all; and ecclesiastical despotism can exist no longer than the shackles of reason. Already before the close of the Crusades, which the hierarchy regarded as its most brilliant trophies, opposition to its pretensions commenced, and the first dawn of illumination, which was destructive to it, was beheld.

　

　

THiRD PERIOD. (SIXTH PERIOD OF THE ENTIRE HISTORY OF THE WORLD.) l-iSl OIrY FROM THE CLOSE OF THE CRUSADES UNTIL THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. -'A. D. 1300- 1492, GENERAL SURVEY. CHARACTER OF THE PERIOD. WHAT brilliant hopes this beautiful period permits us to indulge! It exhibits the life of nations and men re-awakened to renewed, powerful action, or restored to liberty after long sleep, or after long captivity. The two chief powers which-although sometimes desirable as aids in necessity, yet in general hostilehad ruled over the Western nations, Feudalism and Hierarchy, had sapped, themselves, the foundations of their dominion by abusing it; and the insupportableness of this double burden had excited nations to opposition, and, by a fortunate destiny, that great event, to promote which, both, but especially the hierarchy, had labored with the most animated zeal, and which they had regarded as the highest triumph of their power, was the first cause of their destruction, the first impulse to an e-itirely new order of things. We have already taken a view of the salutary results of the Crusades, especially of their powerful and vivifying influence upon the whole state of European civilization, upon national intercourse and commerce, upon the intellectual activity, liberty, moral and political power of the great nations, as well as the smaller commonwealths. All these fortunate changes, and especially the regeneration of liberty, continued to exercise, each as an absolute cause, and much more, by their common and reciprocal action, an influence that produced other ameliorations; so that soon everywhere in the west and southwest of Europe, commerce, prosperity, liberty, illumination, public order, more liberal principles of government, and more refined manners, were

　

　

332 GENERAL HISTORY. reciprocally supported, and one became always at the same time the result and the promoting means of the other. This whole period is a coherent exhibition of this progressing multilateral developement and improvement, the course of which was acce]crated and secured by several circumstances and events produced by a favorable destiny, out of the sphere of the ordinary springs of nature. Such were, especially in the fifteenth century, the invention of printing, the flight of the Byzantine literati to the West, and various political and ecclesiastical events propitious to civil and intellectual liberty; so that in the history of civilization no other century is so remarkable and attractive as the fifteenth. The important changes in the interior of society had also produced a great revolution in external policy. In the preceding period, and whilst the feudal system was in full vigour, almost all wars were only predatory expeditions, the effect of merely personal and transient passions; consequently they were attended, it is true, with the devastation of countries, but by results of little importance for the relations of nations. Kings, who were dependent upon the good will of their vassals for their armies, were unable to attempt any great undertaking. Mankind might have rejoiced at this, had not the fury of intestine wars, instead of foreign wars, drenched all countries and their most secret corners with blood. But when the middle class, releasing itself from its chains, increased considerably by its contributions the public revenues; when standing armies (an institution that was useful as long as it was kept within proper bounds, but soon pernicious by abuse) were maintained by kings and commonwealths; when commerce, travels and instruction had more generally diffused the knowledge of foreign countries; when the desire to possess them became more ardent, and consequently the combinations of policy more multifarious and important: then there arose gradually a more intimate relation between the western and southwestern nations and states of Europe, the most careful attention of one government to the steps, measures and plans of another, a vigilant striving for all that could increase the power or welfare of a state or its reigning house, and an active enterprising spirit of nations and rulers; whence indeed originated many a war and many a crime, but also a more animated life of nations, a reciprocal action upon one

　

　

SUMMARY OF POLILTICAL EVENTS. 333 another, a more rapid advancement of common civilization and illumination. The blessings of civilization, however, did not exist everywhere in an equal Ineasure, and nowhere without intermixture with old defects. In the eastern, southeastern, and a part of the northern countries, the bondage of the common class continued, and formed a contrast with the arrogance of the nobles (as in Poland), or with the absolute power of the monarch (as in Russia). But also there, where the sun of liberty arose, its struggle, like that of the morning ray with the mists which alternately retire and return, with the remnants of barbarism and the dark legions of its champions, was arduous and changeful. Ignorance, rudeness of manners, barbarous customs and prejudices, sometimes the mistakes of the best men, prevented the victory of their cause, but by this very means made Europe the arena of the most interesting, the most elevating conflict of active powers. In religious matters the progress was still everywhere less than in civil. The sciences and the spirit of civil liberty, however, had already thrown a glimmer upon the'hierarchy, that dazzled and confused it: it was easy to predict its inevitable fall. This was the condition of the world (i. e. of the predominant part of Europe: Asia had already deeply sunk, and lost more and more in importance) at the end of the present period, which closes the Middle Ages. It was not yet completely day; but a luminous aurora had already appeared. A beautiful day was expected with glad confidence; when two great eventsthe Discovery of America and the Reformation-commenced a powerful action upon the wheel of human history, and displayed suddenly, although with dissimilar and ambiguous traits, what was to arrive at maturity not until after a series of generations, and changed quickly and entirely the face of things. From this double revolution of almost all relations, from this newly changed direction of the stream of fate, destining for all succeeding times, Modern History commences. SUMMARY OF POLITICAL EVENTS. WHEs Rudolph of Habsburg ascended the throne of the Germans, which had been fearfully tottering, and indeed as desertqd fn" twenty-three years, the long quarrel between the Church

　

　

334 GENE RAl. HISTORY. and the empire had abated by the exhaustion of the two parties, and never returned with the same violence. But civil and political quarrels broke out the more violently, and in larger circles. Previously, the turbulent forces had been diverted or occupied by the Crusades, but when the Holy Land was renounced, the countries of their birth became the general battle-grounds. Hence, although Rudolph announced public peace, and protected it with a strong arm, the ancient terrors of intestine wars returned after him, under emperors, some of whom were feeble, others unfortunate. Indeed they increased in number and importance by the gradual confirmation of the independence of the princes, but especially by the grandeur of the great and rival houses of Bavaria, Luxemburg and Austria. The first of these houses became more rich than any other in German countries, by the indefatigable zeal of Louis IV., but lost soon after him, by divisions, domestic quarrels, and external war, its grandeur' whereupon Luxemburg, which already Henry VII. had elevated by his imperial dignity, and which John, his son, had strengthened by the acquisition of Bohemia and other countries, ascended again with Charles IV., and possessed for more than two centuries the throne of the Germans, and made an excellent use of its elevation for its own aggrandizement, with the neglect, however, of the imperial rights. After Charles IV., who reigned with more show than energy, Wenceslaus, who governed indolently, and Sigismund, whose reign was mostly unfortunate, all the crowns which the last had possessed, i. e. Hungary, Bohemia and Germany-the first threatened by the Turks, the two others still bleeding from the blows of the Hussites —fell to the house of Habsburg, formerly hostile, but afterwards connected by family alliance; and the series of Austrian emperors, extending to the latest times, commenced with Albert II. The power of the emperors had already so deeply declined, the possessions and revenues of the empire were so completely dissipated, the territory itself so essentially diminished by the loss of most of the countries of Arles, by the detachment of Switzerland, by the extinction or neglect of the rights over Italy, that the emperors' own power, or that of their house, appeared necessary to maintain the dignity of their crown, and to protect the empire against external attacks, as well as against intenrsl dissolution. In this respect the interests of the house of Austria

　

　

SUMMARY OF POLITICAL.EVENTS. M. 5 in case they did not operate expressly against the empire or its members-and the wars of this house might be regarded as the interests of the empire, and become wars of the empire, whilstin case the states sustained unanimously, vigilantly and constantly, their own and their country's rights —their oppression by the emperor, or the lavishing of German strength for interests that were not German, was rendered almost impossible. The last was not unfrequently done, for which consequently the states themselves were no less to blame than Austria. This house, however, did not long retain the inheritance of Luxemburg; and Hungary as well as Bohemia, which Albert II. had possessed, occasioned great troubles to Frederick III., his successor. The character of this prince's long reign is weakness even to pitifulness, in which, however-without the assistance of wisdom and energy-the foundation of Austria's subsequent greatness was laid. One marriage gave it the rich inheritance of Burgundy, another-concluded in the time of Maximilian I.dominion over~ Spaip, and immense countries of the new world. These great acquisitions of Austria, with the changes of relations that resulted from them, form in political affairs the transition from Middle to Modern history. Maximilian, the noble son of Frederick, who, by his marriage, and that of his son, gave to the course of general events a lasting direction, makes, as the author of the " eternal peace of the country," a memorable epoch in the history of Germany. Of the detached parts of the empire, Suwitzerland, then Burgundy, and many states of Italy obtained an increasing political importance. The Helvetic league, formed in part out of immediate subjects of the empire, in part out of subjects who had revolted from the house of Habsburg, rose, by that superior power which the feeling of liberty gives, as well as by the natural fastness of its mountains, and the courageous spirit of its mountaineers, to, brilliant glory and increasing power. It was a fortunate thing for the world that the strong-hold of the Alps, which, as an appurtenance of a larger state, might have easily become the point of support of dangerous plans against Germany, Italy and France, became the possession of a peculiar and free people, and thus a strong barrier against the ambition of the neighbouring powers, and a splendid bulwark for the liberty of Europe. But

　

　

336 GENERAL HISTORY. the Swiss have not always discerned the destination assigned them by nature herself; moved by common passions, their policy was often stained by injustice and perfidy, and they a venal and abused instrument of foreigners. Out of many countries, partly of the German, partly of the French tongue, the powerful state of Burgundy grew up by the talents and fortune of a house of princes. If this state had been fortified, it would have become a salutary barrier between Germany and France. But with the fall of Charles the Bold, which he himself occasioned, Burgundy lost the prospect of independence, and fell to the share of Austria. In Italy, where, with the authority of the emperor and the pope, the long quarrel between the Ghibellines and Guelphs, to which that had given origin and importance, gradually abated, the contest for liberty or dominion was continued in different cities and countries, with various success, till at length, in most of the commonwealths the power of princes was again established, and Milan, Mantua, Modena, Savoy, Montserrat, and even the noble Florence submitted to single rulers. On the contrary, Venice and Genoa flourished gloriously, and rivalled the power of kingdoms, and would have flourished still more gloriously, had they not lavished their best forces in a long war with one another, and had not, especially in Genoa, the fury of intestine factions conspired against the blessings of freedom. In the states of the Church, the-temporal power of the pope was established, after a transient interruption by a vain dream of liberty; but Naples and Sicily, long unfortunate by separation and internal wars, still more unfortunate by the conflict of foreign competitors, fell finally, both-Naples last, and drenched with blood-under Spanish dominion. Among the Western states France was in terrible distraction for a whole century, partly by the unworthiness of its princes, partly by the want of precision in the law of succession to the throne. The kings of England ruling already earlier over important provinces of France, stretched out their hands after the French crown, which, after the most glorious victories, and when their purpose was nearly accomplished, was wrested from them by fate. The power of natural relations, miraculously supported by extraordinary accidents, gained the most complete triumph over the unjust pretension of a foreign house, and over I

　

　

SUMMARY OF POLITICAL EVENTS. 337 the deluded national pride of a foreign people. A long period of unexampled suffering and horrible destruction now came over England itself in the train of criminal family-dissension,: so that the son of the fortunate Henry V., who had been respected in the cradle as the king of the- two kingdoms, was reduced to the condition of' a: poor fugitive -and exile, land finally suffered a violent death:in: prison, and,- indeed, so that the heroic race of P'lantagenet- became completely extinct in the male line, and the shaken throne was established again with difficulty by a new house, which had arisen from the private condition. In the meantime the royal power in:France was extended and consolidated more and more. Philip V., besides various fiefs of the crown which he -had confiscated, had. already gained Dauphin6e. The same Charles VII., who was saved from entire ruin by a visionary maid (Jeanne d'Arc), wrested from the enemy at last not only all his conquests as far as Calais, but also Guienne, the old possession -of the English in France. Louis IX. united with the kingdom some parts of the Burgundian inheritance, and made it more powerful by confirming the royal authority; so that Charles VIII., having completed the union of France by the acquisition of Bretagne, displayed immediately, by great foreign undertakings, its formidable power.- He commenced by his military expedition against Naples the long series of bloody and complicated conflicts for Italy, which were the occasion and prelude of their modern enterprising and jealous policy, and he was the first who gave Europe to understand what fruits the system of sovereign royalty and standing armies would bear. At the same time this system was also developed in Spain, the two principal kingdoms of which, Arragon and Castile, were united by the marriage of Ferdinand, the Catholic, with Isabella. Portugal remained separate, but without important political influence, although preceding, fortunately and gloriously, upon the path of navigation and the commerce of-.the world. Arragon had acquired already earlier Sieily and Sardinia.. Grenada, the last Moorish kingdomr in Spain, was now conquered, and soon the south of Navarre and Naples, thilst, in, the West, the discovery of a New World open-ed immense prospects. Against a majesty that cast its rays so far, how could the rights of the ruled nations, and, indeed, of nations in-general, be maintained? The greater masses of powers thus formed, absorbed the self-act-:vity of the VOL. II-2 s 22

　

　

338 GENERAL HISTORY. parts of which they were composed; in the noisy political life of the great kingdoms, the free, purely human life, the individuality of the smaller nations, as that of single persons, was lost. In the North the same would also have taken place if the union of Calmar had existed longer. When the politic and heroic Margaret concluded the union of the three Scandinavian kingdoms (1397), they were all exhausted by internal and external wars, and in sad distraction. The union appeared to promise peace, prosperity, and political power; but these were not its results. The nations opposed this union, and obtained, finally, after many disasters and bloody changes, the.separation which they desired. Denmark and Norway-already in earlier times often unitedbetame one kingdom, Sweden the other. The house of Oldenburg, which ascended the throne with Christian I. (1448), continued to rule there, even after the deposition of the tyrant Christian II.; Sweden, after a long struggle released itself from this odious yoke, and elected, in 1523, a native hero, Gustavus Vasa, king. Russia languished in deplorable slavery under the Mongols of Kaptschak through the greater part of this period. Divided internally, harassed by external enemies, especially the Poles, it lay, a giant enchained, powerless, and hardly perceptible in Europe, till after the middle of the fifteenth cen'tury, Iwan I. Wasiliewitsch rose with rude strength, and, after breaking his country's chains, appeared formidable to all neighbours, a great conqueror, and the true founder of the Russian empire. Poland was far more powerful than Russia, and, indeed, predominant in the system of the Eastern kingdoms. The Russians, the knights of the Teutonic order in Prussia, the Sword-Brothers in Livonia, the Hungarians and Bohemians feared its arms. The last named kingdoms were sometimes ruled by Polish princes. After the extinction.-of the dynasty of the Piastes, the Jagellos, the grand-dukes of Lithuania, ascended the Polish throne, whereby-not without opposition of the nations-the union of the two states was effected, which added greatly to the power of Poland. Bohemia had a brilliant period of power and prosperity under the Luxemburgian kings, who, after the extinction of the house of Ottocar, obtained the crown. But the reign of the inactive Wenceslaus was already disturbed by intestine commotions, tha:

　

　

SUMMARY OF POLITICAL EVENTS. 339 of his brother, Sigismund, by the horrors of the Hussite war. The dissension of the religious parties, and the long contention between native and foreign pretenders to the throne, which was cherished by it, afflicted the kingdoms until the close of this period. Family relations of the royal houses, affinities, hereditary pretensions brought Hungary, as foreign as the nations were to one another, in origin, interests and manners, into multifarious and intimate connexion with those Sclavonic kingdoms, Poland and Bohemia. Louis M., of the house of Anjou, who had obtained the crown of this kingdom by the right of his mother, was chosen king of Poland also, in regard to his wife. He reigned fortunately and gloriously. His daughters brought the great inheritance to foreign families, Poland to the house of Jagello, Hungary to the house of Luxemburg. After the extinction of the last, long wars -mostly on account of female claims-ensued, which were attended with various success. Polish and Bohemian princes ruled over Hungary, but it was only under Mathias Corvinus, a native prince, that it enjoyed fortune and glory. Dalmatia, Croatia, Servia, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Wallachia and Moldavia belonged also for a long time, as vassat-kingdoms, to Hungary or Poland, till they were gradually swallowed up by the growing power of the Ottomans. This power threatened jn a wider circle, and indeed shook already with powerful blows, also, Poland and Hungary, especially the last, through which it might have made a way into the heart of Europe, and even over the sea, into the states of Italy. The Ottoman Turks had come from Asia Minor, where they had first founded their empire, over the straits (1358) to invade Europe, and had erected over the ruins of the falling Byzantine empire, upon the classical soil of Greece and in the countries of the Haemus, their barbarous throne; whence, after, with the capture of Constantinople (1453), the bulwark of Europe had fallen, they poured as an impetuous torrent, over many states along the Danube and Adriatic sea as far as the gates of Germany, and indeed as far as the boundary of Bavaria; but in Asia the countries as far the Euphrates, and finally in Africa, the Sultanate of the Mamelukes, the well-defended Egypt fell into their power. Since this time, "; the southeast of Europe, Western, Asia, and Northern Africa mourn, and look up in vain for a redeemer, who may extermi

　

　

340 GENERAL HISTORY. nate these arch-desola'ters of the world, who are never to be converted" (Schlozer). In Asia the distraction of- the Mongolian states continued China took courage, threw off the odious' yoke, under the direc tion of a citizen, who was of humble birth, but who was endowed with elevated sentiments, drove the barbarians back into the northern steppes, from whence they had proceeded, and reduced them to obedience. In Iran and Kaptschak many kingdoms fell amidst perpetual bloody confusion, and others arose, hastening on to similar dissolution or dismemberment. There is no principal figure, whereupon the' eye may rest with attention. One appears, however, and with' surprising splendor, in Dschagatai, where Timurlenk,:as' governor' of'the -degenerated Khans, established a formidable-power, With:which he, similar to the terrible Gengis,-in energy as well'a's in fortune, laid all the kingdoms of Central Asia in ruins, shook the Ottoman power in Asia Minor, and built; in India, the magnificent, lasting throne of the Great Mogul. In the beginning of the fifteenth century, this " Asiatic Alexander," as he is called by many, died; whereupon the tumult of the hordes filled anew all the countries from'the Kobi to the Euphrates; but the:Usbeks, the Turcomans, and finally the Persian Sofis, distinguished themselves most by acquiring vast dominions. CIVILIZATION IN GENERAL. SINCE the close of the Crusades, the empire of European civilization extends, in rapid -advances, more and more among nations, and in these nations more- classes and individuals participate in its blessings. The measure of this civilization is partly determined by physical laws-, but-still more and more strikingly by commerce and freedom. Civilization flourishes, multiplies and extends'Aself most in- those countri.es that are blessed with the greatest frleedom:and the most extensive commerce. The start which the states of Italy had got in this respect already, since the preceding period, cothlbined with the favor of nature, secured to this beautiful'country for'some'time yet the first rank. They were successfully:imitated,' however, by the Netherlands, and the more important cities of Germany. Spain, England, and France-with unequal participation of their different provincesmade in general satisfactory progress. The Scandinavian nations,

　

　

CIVILIZATION. 341 although free and powerful, felt the obstructing influence of their rough climate; but in the states of the Wends and Sclavi the confirmation of servitude not only prevented the progress of better civilization, but even produced a retrogression; and in Russia constitution and nature were in alliance for its suppression. And in the countries where the -greatest progress was made, many remnants of ancient barbarism still remained. This barbarism had been so deeply rooted, so well defended, so generally prevalent, that it was impossible for civilization to obtain a quick and complete victory. The rude spirit of the Middle Ages was still discovered multifariously, and sometimes predominantly, in manners and customs, inclinations and ideas, mitigated, it is true, in its effects, by the modern spirit that began to prevail, but in appearance still more confirmed by striking contrast. Thus the wild passion for war, the insolent violence of the nobles, beside the aspiring efforts of pacific art, the defects of legislation, their cruelty, the barbarity of judicial forms, the clouds of superstition. beside the awakening free power of intellect, and the light of the sciences, utter want of taste, rude pleasure, in conflict with the returning sense of the, beautiful. Continuing slavery of the peasant, in more than one country, beside the prosperous condition of the free citizen. Everywhere the brilliancy of light and the shadows of clouds appear intermingled and in changing succession. Whilst civilization was thus progressing -in Europe, as a much promising flower of brighter times, A.sia: sunk back into barbarism, fromI which it has!never si.nce awakened. Already the long'anarchy of the Caliphate,'the- rudeness of the Turkish usurpers,, and especially the devastations of-the Mongols, -had terminated sadly, at the close of the preceding period, the civilization which was partly derived from remote times, and partly called forth by the Abbassides: in Central Asia. Now the terrors of this desolation of the world were renewed under the Tartar Timour, and extended over the c-ountries which the sword of Gengis-Khan and his successors had spared. -The monuments of the industry: of a thousand: years, the -nobler creations of civilization, were for the most part destroyed beneath the footsteps of these barbarians; and what escaped them, became in partas in Inner-Asia —the sacrifice of succeeding revolutions in the

　

　

342 GENERAL HISTORY. countries themselves, and in pal t sunk down-,as in Western Asia-under the blows of Ottoman ferocity. These Ottomans annihilated forever civilization even in the countries of the southeast of Europe, the cradle of the ancient lassical civilization, where the manners, the sciences, the institutions of the falling empire had still saved some precious remnants, although degenerated and profaned by despotism. Double ignominy, barbarism, and the dominion of sultans, has lain since that time upon this unfortunate country. The permanent lot of the same barbarism was also cast upon Egypt by the Ottomans, and all northern Africa-it had indeed already long since degenerated into the most savage state by an unexampled series of disasters-was now forever veiled in the clouds of the most disconsolate barbarism. CIVIL CONSTITUTION. THE preceding period has exhibited to us the victory of feudalism over the allodial system, and, what was the result of this, the complete triumph of aristocracy over popular government and monarchy. But this feudal aristocracy sapped the foundation of its power by carrying it too far, and saw the two opponents which it had prostrated rise again in union against it. Monarchy and Democracy, which thus leagued themselves against the common enemy, would have easily gained the victory, had their alliance been intimate and true, had their efforts been directed by clear perception, had they been consequent and free from secondary considerations, and from mutual jealousy. But this was not the case, which was an advantage for aristocracy. Hence originated a complicated contest, multifariously directed by the course of events, as well as by personal talents and passions, and on this account extremely changeable; in which we discern indeed, as in every political contest, the two principal ideas, liberty and dominion, as the poles of the efforts of the opposite sides; but we see the same ideas according to the point of view of the combatants, leading to, quite different intermediate ends; so that the same principle, dominion, makes kings strive after the union, and nobles after the dismemberment of kingdoms, and so also one and the same idea, that of freedom, here urges the commons to rally around the throne, there induces the nobles, in insolent combination, to strive after an independence that abolishes the union of the state. I.

　

　

LAWS AND CUSTOMS. 343 Scarcely was the odious intermediate power of the nobility destroyed or essentially diminished, when the parts changed. Kings and people supposed that they now had less need of mutual assistance, and began to look with apprehension and distrust upon the rising power of one another. And common freedom, as the proud citizens demanded it, was incompatible with the aspiring majesty of some thrones. Then the kings commenced-several had done so already previously-to restore their favor to the nobles, as the enemy of popular power. Thus between the throne and the nobles, an alliance-not exactly sincere, but confirmed by the true interest of the last and the apparent of the first-was now concluded to keep down the commons, and it has-setting aside some solitary exceptions, which are founded upon particular relations-continued to exist until the latest times. LAWS AND CUSTOMS. THE dominion of the Roman law was more and more extended. It was taught in most of the universities. In Germany the friends of the German law lamented that it was superseded by a foreign code. This was done principally by Maximilian I., who enjoined expressly upon the tribunals of the empire, to take for the rule of their decisions-although without prejudice to the particular laws of the county-the common laws of the empire, under which was understood the Roman, the canon law, and the feudal law of Lombardy. A general German law, however, continued also to be perceptible, which was discovered by the conformity of certain principal traits in all the provincial statutes, according to which many ordinances of the Roman law were never put in practice. The number of the collections of the laws of cities and provinces was increased also. Simplicity, which is often carried to rudeness, obscuration of the natural sense of man by superstition and prejudice, offence of humanity by cruel barbarity, some well-devised dispositions among many censurable usages, are the characters of these laws in which we often meet with ideas received already in earlier times from the Roman and canon laws. Criminal legislation was in the most deplorable condition. Many ordeals, especially the judicial duel, continued still, and true it is, their general use was far less worthy of reprobation, than the

　

　

344 GENERAL HISTORY. terrible torture, that now came into vogue. The tribunals estab fished for protecting justice and innocence, became now the dens of murderers. Torturing was regarded as the administration of justice. Punishments also were attended with excess and cruelty. The old character of the penal laws, composition, was now superseded by that of chastisement. - But there-was no just measure in some countries the prevention, in others the weight of offences was regarded as the correct principle of punishment. and moral as civil crimes were subjected to the same rigorous jurisdiction. But the most formidable of all the tribunals,- at the same time highly remarkable by its extraordinary nature' and constitution, was the secret tribunal. A thick veil lies indeed over the origin, the organization and the true vital principle of this horrible tribunal. But the activity of its numerous members appears from the thirteenth century until the confirmation of public peace and the regular establishment of imperial tribunals in innumerable examples, at first only in Saxony, but afterwards-especially from the fourteenth century onward-in all Germany. At the epoch of its most extensive power, this tribunal, it is said, possessed about 100,000 members in Germany,: a great number of whom belonged to the most illustrious families. The initiated were bound by terrible oaths to secrecy as well as to absolute obedience. Under the veil of night, citations were posted up, which even princes obeyed tremblingly, and sentences were pronounced, from which there was no appeal or remission. He who was proscribed by the secret tribunal, could hardly escape by a miracle, the executioners were every where present. But the execution took place secretly, without judicial formsconsequently it was like assassination and favorable to assassins. This court of secret justice, as terrible as it was, may have been, as many other abuses in the Middle Ages,. a salutary remedy against still greater evils. The terrors of the invisible tribunal supplied the weakness of the regular tribunals, and were a barrier against brutal passions and- criminal violence. But more enormous crimes have been perpetrated:under the -cloak of secret proscription, and the power of the concealed league might have been easily abused to effect pernicious political revo/utions. The fear of the secret tribunal contributed besides, efficaciously to the confirmation of public tranquillity and to the

　

　

NATIONAL INTERCOURSE AND COMMERCE. 345 organization of regular tribunals. - The return of public peace, and order in the administration of justice, having rendered secret tribunals superfluous, they ceased soon to exist. Notwithstanding all the advances of civilization, much barbarism was still left; and indeed many a law confirmed still more its dominion, and the forms like the maxims of -tribunals were for the most part absurd or cruel. It is therefore quite natural to suppose, that little progress was made in refinement and improvement of manners. They remained even behind the laws. For these may be easily and essentially improved by one man's wisdom, by the zeal of some patriots; but manners only by a difficult and slow education of the whole nation. To this education, the first and most important step was now made by the regeneration of liberty. Rising prosperity had also given increased powers for more excellent regulations, for more refined enjoyments, and from the upward-flaming light of the sciences, from the fine arts, which began to revive, a ray of higher civilization, had come into all the relations of social life. But this was still little for the mass of the people, little for the rabble of all ranks, little for the basis of the manner of thinking and acting. Barbarism was still predominant. We find many complaints among the writers of this time about moral corruption and impudent excess. The laws, those which oppose it with revolting severity, as well as those that confess their impotence against impudent passion by indulgence, prove also the existence of evil. The great and the small, priests and laymen, abandoned themselves without shame to a pleasure, which, according to the state of civilization of that time, found but little obstruction; not in the pure simplicity of nature, which was long since lost, not in servile fear, or ecclesiastical dread, since men had begun'to reject the bonds of both, not in nobler morality, or in the maxims of reason, since their empire had scarcely commenced. NATIONAL INTERCOURSE AND COMMERCE. —THE HANSE. IN the midst of rudeness, and'distractions national intercourse and commerce, with their basis, agriculture and the other pursuits of civil industry, enjoyed ani: almost: undivided favor and active promotion from all ranks and parties.'The advantage VOL. II. —2 T

　

　

346 GENERAL HISTORY. generally perceived of an activity, that was devoted to enriching the nation, and to the elevated enjoyment of life, the natural progression of desires and wants once excited, were incompatible with hostility to commerce; and only that restriction, which exercised an influence upon it mediately from the still remaining defects of the general state of society and the sciences, or also its occasional conflict with rude private passion, rapacity and envy, prevented its prosperity in some particular instances. Yet commerce was very efficaciously promoted and elevated by many favorable circumstances, constantly increasing, especially by many excellent-in part purely commercial, in part scientific-inventions. Thus bills of exchange and banks supplied advantageously the place of specie, and facilitated payments. The culture of silk and sugar in the south of Europe, the pickling of herrings in the north, as well as the further extension of the cod and whale fisheries, became sources of the most abundant intercourse. Finally, the compass —which was indeed already a more ancient invention,.but came only slowly into greater useand the great voyages of discovery made at the close of this period, opened new and immense spheres to the spirit of enterprise. The commercial importance of the Italian states was maintained. Venice was distinguished most. Although many of its Eastern possessions were lost by the Mongols, and some others by the rude military power of the Ottoman Turks, yet its commerce with the East Indies by Egypt was sustained, and by this means the most lucrative intercourse with all the Western coun tries. The commerce of France was far less important, although some southern cities, especially Marseilles and Lyons, became opulent by their particular activity. The centre and north of France were more subservient to the Belgic and Hanseatic commerce. England also rose but slowly to commercial importance. Edward III. favored the manufactures of his country by receiving many wool-weavers, who immigrated from Flanders, and by prohibiting the exportation of wool, and the importation of foreign cloths. Spain, favored by the fertility of its soil and the industry of its Moorish and Jewish inhabitants. Do.se.ssed considerable com

　

　

NATIONAL INTERCOURSE AND COMMERCE. 345 merce; Portugal no less. But it was not until the close of the period, that the most brilliant prospect was opened for both by the most fortunate geographical discoveries. The most interesting appearance in the commercial world of this period, however, is the Hanse. It is not until this epoch that the cities of Germany become predominant in the alliance, and that their internal and external relations are more accurately determined. The union concluded in the year 1241, between Hamburg and Lubec, is not, as was formerly supposed, the basis of this great alliance. It originated from several occasional conventions made between the northern cities, which were gradually extended in object and compass; they were not, however, in the form of express alliances, and some of them were not reduced to writing. The oldest written alliance of which we have certain knowledge, was made in the year 1364. But already far earlier, the Hanse had given brilliant proofs of its efficacious action, as well as of its political power. Regular battles upon the sea were already gained against Denmark and Norway, and the latter had been forced to conclude a treaty advantageous to the Hanse (1285). After this success, more and more cities joined this league, and more intimately, which, however, never arrived to that degree of firmness and political unity, which might have secured to it permanent prosperity. This league was divided into four great circles, the principal places of which were Lubec, Dantzick, Brunswic and Cologne. Four great staple cities, London, Brugge (afterwards Antwerp), Bergen, and Novogorod (later Narva), served as the principal supports of external commerce. The grand master of the Teutonic order in Prussia, was invested with the dignity of Protector of the league. The principal object of the commercial activity of the Hanse was the monopoly of the intermediate commerce between the northeast and west. Permanent factories were, therefore, established in the most important commercial places, towards these two points, and constantly maintained by prudence and force, the concurrence of all foreign merchants rigorously prevented, and even the domestic made subservient to the Hanse. The elevation of Burgundy was one of the principal causes of the diminution of the Hanseatic power. The subjection of Novogorod by the wild Czar Iwan Wasiljewitsch that of Prussia

　

　

348 GENERAL HISTORY. by the Poles, the perpetual hostility of Denmark, which was often humbled, but formidable by the concentration of its forces, and, finally, the change of the general course of commerce by great voyages of discovery, and greater boldness in navigation, completed the impossibility of its restoration. The Hanse sunk gradually into insignificance. The time of barbarism and lawless confusion, in which only an alliance, like the Hanseatic, might have flourished and appeared beneficial, was past. The re-establishment of public tranquillity in Germany by the abolition of the right of the strongest (1495), marked the arrival of an entirely different time. The Hanses were obliged either to accommodate their principles and institutions to the spirit of the day, or to fall. The league, therefore, succumbed. Notwithstanding all the defects of its organization, and although many of its maxims and acts deserve the censure of illiberality, and even of injustice, it wa~ a desirable and efficacious remedy for many, for greater and general evils of its time. It did much good in the sphere of commerce, civilization, and civil liberty, which barbarism would not have permitted to have been done otherwise. It is a remarkable monument of the power of intellectual or moral faculties over physical force; a glorious monument in particular of the energy and character of German citizens. By the activity of commerce, wealth, and in consequence of it Increasing magnificence and augmented enjoyment of life were produced, not only in the cities, where its principal theatres were, but' its beneficent effects were felt in the smallest cities, and in the cottage of the countryman. The specifications of the various articles of commerce, brought from all parts of the world, which we find scattered in the chronicles of the time, contain the clearest proof of it, and the occasional descriptions of public and private festivals, not merely of those of princes or nobles, but of common 6itizenrfestivals or popular diversions; the descriptions of clothing, food, -and manners, even of the lower classes, gives us to perceive in attractive pictures, how at that time the public wants -did not yet absorb private welfare, how as yet the fruits of his toil were left to the:citizen, and that they were not only acquired, but also enjoyed,

　

　

WARFARE 349 WARFARE.-GUNPOWDER. THE antiquated, degenerated feudal service, which was insuffieient for the -new relations, was more and more lost in war, and made room for the two other systems, which we saw. come into use already at the close of the preceding period. The first of these was that of the citizen-militia, or the arriereban, formed after the model of the ancient, which, however, was summoned in the countries of kings and princes only extraordinarily,-in cases of great danger, and: indeed its place was afterwards supplied, even in republics and cities, according to the wealth, ease, and peaceable inclination of the citizens, by mercenary troops. The arriere-ban attained its full power only in Switzerland, and displayed itself so energetically, that the fame of its valour filled all Europe. From that time the importance of infantry was again perceived. Attempts were made to imitate the Swiss. But the proud, chivalrous spirit of feudalism, adhered firmly to the service on horseback, the feudal infantry was only the miserable troop that attended the baggage. On that account foot-soldiers were enlisted, armed, and carefully disciplined; whereby the second system, that of mercenary troops, was extended and consolidated. To this the increasing grandeur of the princes, the aspiring designs of kings, contributed most. Mercenary troops appeared more certain than bands of insolent or indolent vassals. Standing troops, or those that made war a trade, the business of life, could be more skilful, more fitted for improved warfare, more persevering than raw soldiers, or men who had been accustomed to peace. Troops were therefore enlisted more and more, and those warriors who were already disciplined were sought most. Enterprising, warlike men took advantage of these relations of the time, formed, upon their own account, greater or smallex bands, and hired themselves, with their troops, to powers, in war. This custom prevailed especially in Italy. Such captains were called Condottieri, and several of them played, by valour, for. tune, and crimes, highly remarkable-to the countries mostly destructive-parts. Charles VII. augmented his standing army by the creation of companies of ordonnance and Franc Archers. His successors, for confirming their power in the interior, and soon for enlarging

　

　

350 GENERAL HISTORY. their kingdom, did the same, and immediately other states wer obliged to follow their example. Already the disastrous consequences of standing armies began to be perceptible in encouraging and confirming despotism, and in exciting to wars for conquest. It was only the youthful vigcur of the spirit of popular liberty, which was awakened simulta neously, that checked or compensated for the evil. Such was the state of the military system, when, by the invention of powder, a general change, not suddenly, but in slow transitions, was produced. About the year 1330, Berthold Schwarz, a Franciscan monk of Freiburg, in Breisgau, is said to have made this important discovery. But the particular circumstances of it are the subject of as much dispute as the time of the first use of powder in war. The consequences of the introduction of gunpowder were immense; but mostly sad. For it has indeed rendered many an important service, partly in pacific use, or in overcoming the hostile forces of nature, masses of rock, &c., partly also as an arm of war, in attack and defence, especially in this respect, that it-as dependent in its perfected use upon the progress of science-has made small civilized nations superior to the greatest hordes of barbarians; that it has secured Europe from the return of:a Hunic devastation, and rendered it even the arbiter of the destinies of the world. Another happy result was, that firearms, as equally powerful in the hands of the lowest and the greatest, contributed not a little to the enfeeblement of that tyrannical aristocracy of the chivalrous nobility-insolently confiding in its armour and art of fencing-and restored the relation of natural equality between man and man. But one unhappy effect of powder, which is the execrable mother of a thousand other calamities, turns decidedly the balance of our judgment. Powder-although favorable to equality in the relation of individuals —upon the whole has subverted the liberty of nations. Whatever the constitution of a state, whatever the relation of the power established by law may be, the power that possesses the military force, as this after the invention of powder. was strengthened in number and exercise, made formidable by munitions of artillery, threatening by fortresses, and became even unassailable; the possessor of the military power has, as such, a decided superiority over the whole nation. The nation

　

　

ARTS AND SCIENCES. 351 stands defenceless-because the usual arms are of no avail against fortresses and artillery-over against the government, and has no guaranty of its rights but the mercy of the prince. Complete despotism would have inevitably come over Europe by gunpowder-consequently it would have been the irreparable lot of the whole world-had not a disposition of Providence overcome the thunder of the cannon's mouth by the press, bestowed upon man to proclaim his rights with a thousand tongues. THE ARTS AND SCIENCES.-PRINTING. FINALLY, after a night of nearly a thousand years, we are again cheered by the rays of a beautiful aurora, which wonderfully prepared during the darkest centuries, rises slowly, and throws a glimmer into the benighted world, and at last greets it suddenly with a flood of light. As the first cause of such a fortunate revolution —in part operating immediately, in part restoring the condition-appears regenerated liberty, and the return of social order in general. The slavery of the West in the middle ages was connected with barbarism; and the point now was, almost everywhere, not perhaps the preservation of the knowledge already existing, which may be possible even in despotic states, but a new creation of knowledge, an original excitement of the flame, not merely its necessary nourishment, a new principle of life, not only the pre vention of extinction. For this it was necessary that a general change of civil and political relations, the want of the arts and sciences, as well as their importance, should be felt, and that by the elevation of the sentiment of self-worth, by means of the restoration of human rights, the nobler power of man should be awakened: it was necessary that the spirit of war should yield to that of peaceable activity, the spirit of insulation to that of multilateral intercourse, rude poverty, in fine, to opulence, and to the desire for more refined enjoyments. We have already seen how all these means have been prepared since the times of the Crusades. It was not until the field was thus prepared, that the sown seed was able to mature to excellent harvests. But this seed was especially the renewed intercourse with teachers of antiquity, the returning acquaintance

　

　

352 GENERAL HISTORY with classical, especially the Hellenic literature, which was occasioned principally by the calamities of the Byzantine empire. When the Turks fell, upon the defenceless countries of the Greek tongue, but especially after -the conquest of Constantinople, the most excellent of the Grecian scholars, rich in the treasures of literature and in genius, went to Italy, and other western countries, and spread there by intercourse and instruction, by communication and pyy translating classical writings, in many ways taste and science. The Latin language and literature were cultivated with equal interest, and in-some degree already earlier than the Greek, and afterwards the two languages rivalled and favored one another reciprocally. The knowledge of the excellence of the ancients once gained, had produced an- ardent desire for all their works. Attempts were -made to imitate the style of the great classical authors, to drink at the copious fountains of their intellects, and to rival the soaring flight of their genius. But science, although a daughter of the free intellect, and little obsequious to the mandate of potentates, prospers more easily by their fostering care, and indeed needs it in order that many of its branches may flourish. In the iron time, when the right of the strongest prevailed, it was seldom that a potentate rose to the esteem of peaceable talent and intellectual power. But now, as the noblest expression of a time changed for the better, appeared liberal princes, powerful promoters of science and art, by founding institutions for instruction, by providing abundant means, and by friendly encouragement of genius. The house of the Medici acquired the greatest glory by such meritorious acts. The century in which Cosmo, the founder of their grandeur, the.' father of his country," and his excellent grandson, Lorenzo, lived, was called after them. Other Italian princes emulated the Medici, and shared their glory. The princes who were most distinguished in this respect, out of Italy, were- Charles V.,. the Wise,.king of France, emperor Maximilian, and especially Matthias Corvinus, the Hungarian king. The most.precious monuments of -so much zeal are the nume rous schools that were founded, enlarged, or improved, especially high schools or universities, a considerable number of which arose in the present period, and some of them attained to great splendor.

　

　

PRN'rI NG. 353 The effect of all this would, however, have been only limited and transient, at least dependent upon the favor of succeeding accidents, and indeed of persons, had not the invention of print ing, in this very period, extended it infinitely, and established it forever. This great invention, by which, as Herder says, with equal truth and force, the society of all thinking men in all parts of the world has become a united and visible Church, was made at the most fortunate epoch, when among the European nations, the spirit was in the vigour of youth, and was striving joyfully; just when the object was to bring the most precious treasures, already acquired, into security, and to lay the foundation for further, more decisive progress. To the German nation belongs the glory of such a salutary invention, which was preceded by two others, that had prepared the way for it and secured its success. The invention of linen paper, which was gradually substituted with immense advantage for the more ancient cotton paper; and that of engraving in wood, which we find already at the commencement of the fourteenth century. The true inventor of printing is John Guttenberg (called also Gansfleisch), of the equestrian family of Sorgenloch (born 1397, t 1465), who conceived the first idea of this art, and executed it at Mentz, with the aid of John Faust (since 1450), a rich goldsmith of that place, and with the subsequent co-operation (since 1453) of Peter Schceffer, of Gernsheim, who completed the invention. It arrived only gradually and slowly to perfection. But what further events attended the art thus established, and how, in the course of the fifteenth century, it was introduced into all the countries of Europe, can find here no circumstantial representation. Among the great events of the world, no one has been more important in its consequences, and more beneficial, than the invention of printing. By this art, writing with letters, consequently also language, and, in general, the human intellect were first enabled to fulfil completely their destinations; the word of one is transmitted to millions, the treasures of the knowledge as well as of the feeling of all men and of all times are made the common property of our race, a possession that is easily attained by every individual; its immediate effect was to render possible the union of nations, and indeed of mankind, into one great family. To this art alone we are indebted for the most brilliant progress VOL. II 2 u 23

　

　

354 GENERAL HISTORY. of science, as well as for its general diffusion, and, in fine, for the guarantee of liberty amidst the most threatening relations. Printing advanced, however, at first with difficulty; and although the glad knowledge, or at least the presentiment of its inestimable worth, soon spread it generally, yet this precious gift of the Deity sunk early under the chains of human coercion. The censure appeared. Pope Alexander VI., the most detestable of tyrants, first established it. Curse to his memory! —The press is to words, what the tongue is to thoughts. Who will constrain the tongue to ask permission for the word it shall speak, or forbid the soul to generate thoughts? What should be free and sacred, if not the press? Henceforth such a great number of masters, teachers and authors arose in the different branches of art and science, that it is impossible to mention them in a brief survey. They can be enumerated and characterized only in large, universal histories, or in particular histories of art and literature. II. MORE SPECIAL HISTORY. OF THE EMPIRE OF THE GERMANS RUDOLPH OF HABSBURG. ArTER the death of Richard of Cornwall, the throne of the empire remained vacant for some time, since there were few among the great, who desired to have a king, or to be kings themselves. The more powerful of the secular princes were allured by the prospect of independence.-And who among the great could have longed for the imperial crown?-The races ot heroes that had possessed that fatal crown had died away, oi had been destroyed in succession, whilst the houses of the other princes rose joyously, and, secured from storms, gained a firm foundation.

　

　

GERMANY: 355 Thus Germany was threatened. with the lot of Italy, abolition of nationality, separation and dismemberment. Yet the spiritual princes and the pope insisted upon the election of an emperor. But -the election, upon which the princes finally resolved, could not fall upon one of the most powerful. Scarcely had he accepted it, when the others would have feared him. But it was necessary that the prince elected should possess energy, command respect, be wise and equal to the storms and confusions of the time, and that he should be the restorer of order and justice. The electors discerned, or thought they discerned, these qualities in Rudolph, count of Habsburg, who was recommended especially by the elector of: Mentz; and he was elected king unanimously (1273).' The house of Rudolph descended from that Alsacian, Guntram the Rich, who, in the times of Otho- lk. (about 950), lost his fiefs, on account of participating in a rebellion, was still rich by the possession of hereditary estates in Alsace and Aargau, and some fiefs with which, after the fall of Guntram, this house was invested by the returning favor of the Burgundian and German kings. By the government of a part of Switzerland, by various inheritances, especially those that had fallen to Rudolph himself, this family had arrived to considerable power and princely grandeur. But Rudolph was not elected on account of his origin, splendor, or power, only on account of his personal energy and virtue. He was elected, as the elector of Cologne said, "because he was just -and wise, and beloved by God and man." Rudolph was crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle, as king of the Germans; but he did not receive the Italian and imperial crown. He never longed for the country that showed'so many footsteps of the going, and so few:of the returning." His remoteness gave the cities of Italy and the pope an acceptable opportunity to enlarge their pretensions, which were injurious to the throne, and which weakened the union of the Empire; and Rudolph himself made various cessions to the cities- of Lombardy for money. But to the pope, inorder that he might retain-his useful friendship, he granted a considerable:increase of territory;-.Rudolph's government, which was energetic only for his native country, favored also, in the country of Arles, the enfeeblement or oblivion of the ancient rights of the empire. countr_,

　

　

356 GENERAL HISTORY. But in the interior of Germany, the disorders which had increased in a terrible manner since the last days of Frederick II., were composed. Rudolph, who was rendered superior to the disturbers of tranquillity by the personal friendship of the better princes, published in his first diet a general peace of the country, and maintained it with energy and severity. Innumerable cas ties of robbers were destroyed, and the authority of tribunals was established in the place of audacious power. The husbandman returned to his abandoned plough; the merchant, who was before plundered by way-layers, travelled his route in security, and the citizen pursued his trade with prosperity. Thus Rudolph merited the glorious name: " Restorer of his native country." Since Henry, the founder of cities, no one had discerned so truly, as he, the sacred duty of kings, who declared that he was raised to the throne 1" to protect peace ahd justice, the most precious of all the gifts of Heaven." But the most brilliant, and most important act of this praiseworthy emperor,wasthesubduingofOttocar, the insolent king of Bohemia, the usurper of Austria and Styria, and master of Carinthia and Carniola. He rejected Rudolph's election, to which he had not been summoned, refused to receive fiefs, or to appear at the king's diets. Then Rudolph outlawed him, subdued (1276) his proud adversary, and forced him to conclude peace upon hard terms. Ottocar was obliged to renounce Austria and all German countries, but to receive as a vassal the investiture of Bohemia and Moravia. But soon Ottocar renewed the war. And now Rudolph gained upon the Marchfeld (1278)-with great difficulty, but with so much the more glory-the most decisive victory. Ottocar himself, after the most desperate resistance, was slain, the remnant of his army dispersed. To the son of Ottocar, Rudolph gave with wise moderation the same peace, which his father had perfidiously broken, with the exception that Moravia was to be pledged to the emperor for five years to indemnify the expenses of the war. After this, with the counsel and consent of the electors-he himself had declared this permission necessary for the validity of important affairs of the empire —he invested his sons, Albert and Rudolph, with the splendid countries, the restoration of which to the empire, had been his own difficult work: Austria, Styria, Carniola and the Windish-March (1282); Carintllia was

　

　

GERMANY. 357 given to count Mainhard of Tyrol. Thus the power of Habsburg was confirmed, and the foundation laid to entirely new relations of immense importance. Rudolph then solicited the electors to appoint his son Albert, king of the Romans. But the electors would not consent to it. He was grieved at this disappointment. He died soon after (1291), deeply lamented by the friiends of their country, a pattern of all the good princes of this house, pious, mild, friendly to justice as the best of his successors, but more energetic, wiser, and more moderate than most of them. ADOLPHUS OF NASSAU.-ALBERT I. OF AUSTRIA. AFTER an interregnum of nearly a year, Adolphus, count of Nassau, arrived to the throne by the aid of the powerful and intriguing Gerard, archbishop of Mentz (1291). His reign was unfortunate and disgraceful for himself as well as for the empire. To the king of England, Edward I., in his war with France, he sold German blood (1294), and with the money thus sinfully acquired, he wished to purchase land and people. Albert, the Degenerate, landgrave of Thuringia, divorced his wife, and persecuted his legitimate sons. In order to deprive them of their patrimony, he offered Thuringia for sale. The emperor made a bargain with him, and sent soldiers to take possession of the country. But this expedition terminated ignominiously. By despotism and arbitrary government, Adolphus drew upon himself the aversion of those electors, who had elevated him to the throne. They turned to Albert of Austria, the mortal enemy of Adolphus, and after several deliberations, the majority of them resolved, that Adolphus should be deposed, and that Albert should be king. Treves and the palatine house of Bavaria still adhered to Adolphus; the last, from hatred towards the house of Habsburg, which flourished anew. Many other princes and lords, but especially the cities remained faithful to the king, to whom they had rendered homage. The valiant, but imprudenl Adolphus, lost against his adversary, who was skilled in war nut far from Worms, a decisive battle, and in it his life (1298); whereupon the electors, having assembled at Frankfort, elected the victor king unanimously; not without bribery, since they, especially the spiritual electors, received possessions and rights trom Albert as a reward.

　

　

358 GENERAL HISTORY. They remained, however, disaffecteq towards him; they even took up arlns, when he wished to limit their pretensions, which were injurious to the country. The electors in the vicinity of the Rhine had imposed exorbitant tolls upon the navigation of hat river. On account of justice, and indeed by virtue of an express decree of the imperial diet, Albert demanded the abolition of these tolls, and immediately he appeared to those electors the enemy of the empire. The pope also (Boniface VIII.), who hated the emperor as a friend of Philip the Fair of France, declared against him. The pope said, that he should come to Rome to vindicate himself for the murder of Aldolphus, otherwise he would forfeit the empire. All this was fruitless. Albert with the aid of his faithful adherents-the cities also were again distinguished for their fidelity-subdued the rebels, and gained the freedom of the Rhine by force. The pope then retracted his bulls. A sad end was allotted to the emperor Albert. He fell by the hand of his nephew John of Suabia, called from this deed the Parricide, a wild, turbulent youth, who, blinded by passion, saw in his uncle a tyrant and unjust guardian. Upon a journey to the patrimonial possessions of his house, noSt far from Baden in Aargau, the murder was committed by conspirators (1308), which afterwards the successors of Albert revenged on the perpetrators by the ban of the empire; but his daughter Agnes, widow of the Hungarian king, Andrew III., took a bloody vengeance also upon the innocent friends and children of the murderers. HENRY VII.-AFFAIRS OF ITALY. RUDOLPH of Habsburg had taught how the elective crown, which was little alluring by its own worth, might be used for the aggrandizement of houses. Thus, after Albert's death, attempts were made to gain the vacant throne not only by many princes of Germany, but also by the French king, Philip the Fair, in favor of his brother Charles of Valois. Pope Clement V. frustrated this design, and excited the spiritual electors to hasten the election. They agreed upon the elevation of Henry, count of Luxemburg, a brother of Baldwin, the elector of Treves. But the electing, especially Peter Aichspalter, elector of Mentz, demanded for their votes a high price, the ratification of many I _

　

　

GERMAN Y. 359 usurped rights and privileges, even money and lands, and the imperial assistance against private enemies. What Henry gave away from his own means and those of the empire, for obtaining the crown, was requited-to him at least, and his house —with usury, by acquiring the crown of Bohemia. Henry of Carinthia, who had driven the Austrian house from this throne, did not please theBohemians. Theyoffered, therefore, to John, the emperor's.son, the younger sister of king Wenceslaus for a wife, and the kingdom as a dowry (1309). Immediately the emperor dispossessed the Carinthian Henry of the crown, and conquered the whole country without difficulty. Thus the house of Luxemburg was raised to the throne of Bohemia, which rendered it great and powerful in Germany for 130 years. Henry, after having rendered to the pope and the Roman church the customary oath of fidelity and filial respect, by a solemn embassy, and after having received the acknowledgment of the pope-in bombastic expressions, which even betrayed the right of appointment-he proceeded-the first emperor since sixty years-to Italy and to Rome. The'relations of this country were far more favorable than in the time of the Hohenstaufen. The pope, at a distance from Rome, was unable to obstruct the progress of the emperor with so much energy and rapidity. The Romans themselves longed to return under the milder government of the emperor. Many powerful houses were hostile to the pope. But the cities, which by their league of liberty, in the vigour of youth, had once frustrated the powerful efforts of the great Hohenstaufen, had already mostly lost their jewel, and the true foundation of their strength, liberty, by negligence. For it is miore difficult to maintain liberty, than to acquire it. It may be gained by a momentary elevation, by the power of transient enthusiasm; but it can be maintained only by constant exertion and virtue, harmony, vigilance, and the hard victory over selfishness. When general danger seemed past, the fury of particular interests and passions was awakened. Many cities, rendered proud by their fortune, had subjected to themselves other cities and large provinces. The law of power which they thus established, was destructive to their own liberty. Intestine dissension was still worse. The hereditary hostility of rival families or political parties raged- in the bosom of most cities. The general interest of liberty yielded to the particular of such

　

　

360 GENERAL HISTORY. a party. It was easy for the head of a victorious faction to become a general tyrant, and where the terrors of power were wanting, the fatal preponderance of wealth, or the early perfected art of intrigue operated. The quarrel of the Guelphs and Ghibellines still continued; but the names rather than the objects of the parties remained. According to circumstances the Ghibellines would be found with the pope, and the Guelphs would take the side of the emperor, or those of the same party would fall into bloody discord among themselves. It was a time of disorder, crimes, and calamities. The noble Henry wept, when, descending the Alps, he surveyed this delightful country, and thought of its distraction. But this very confusion of relations and interests favored the enterprise of the emperor. The conflicting power of the Viconti and della Torre having taken the place of the majesty of the people, the proud Milan was eager to open its gates to the small army of Henry; deputies came from many other cities to add to the splendor of his coronation. Henry then appointed for his governors, without distinction, Guelphs and Ghibellines, according to personal merit or circumstances, and appeared to all parties a friend and protector. But this good disposition did not last long. A tumult arose in Milan on account of a small tax imposed for the Roman expedition. With difficulty and amidst a thousand dangers Henry suppressed the revolt, and hastened to Rome, where still greater dangers awaited him. Two parties, at the head of which were the Ursini and Colonna, were fighting for the dominion of the city. Robert the Wise, king of Naples, grandson of Charles of AnJou, had arrived there with an army for the protection of the Ursini and Guelphs. The Colonna, on the contrary, fought for the emperor. Henry penetrated, by the force of arms, as far as the capitol, and took it by storm; but he was obliged to leave the Vatican and St. Peter's church to his enemies, and to receive the imperial coronation from the cardinals deputed for this purpose in the Lateran (1312). Enfeebled by the discharge of many German and Burgundian vassals, Henry returned soon after to Tuscany; he renewed however and confirmed his army by new levies and alliances in order to re-establish decisively the majesty of the empire Already the Sicilian king, according to an alliance which he

　

　

GERMANY. 361 had concluded, had penetrated into Naples, already John of Bohemia was advancing with an auxiliary army, when the sudden death of Henry saved Robert and his friends, the trembling Guelphs (1313). This unexpected death —on that account attributed to the malice of Henry's enemies —established the relations of Italy. The Guelphs, and those in general who hated the power of the foreigner, celebrated the day of deliverance with loud rejoicing. The Ghibellines lamented over their lost ray of hope. From this time, with the exception of some transient influences, the Italian history is separated from the German, until towards the close of the period, when this unfortunate peninsula, unworthy of independence by its discord, becomes again the battle-field of foreigners, and not only Germans, but also French, Spaniards, Swiss, and others, bring alternately to this country war, to the inhabitants ignominy and chains. LOUIS VI., THE BAVARIAN.-ORIGIN OF THE HELVETIC CONFEDERATION. AFTER the death of Henry, violent party division arose in Germany, especially between the houses of Austria and Luxemburg. Upon both sides adherents were procured, forces collected, all the arts of negotiation, corruption and intrigue employed, in order to gain the votes of the electors. Peter Aichspalter, the elector of Mentz, the zealous and well-paid friend of the house of Luxemburg, was most distinguished for his activity. In concert with Baldwin of Treves, and John of Bohemia, he declared for Louis, duke of Bavaria, who was indeed a relative of Frederick of Austria, and the friend of his youth, but on account of domestic difficulties was already once in arms against him. After some objections he yielded however to his destiny, or to the allurement of ambition, and repaired to Frankfort. Duke Frederick had arrived there also with his adherents, and the Main separated the armed bands of the two competitors for the throne and their friends. Then on the appointed day of election, the 19th day of October, in the year 1314, duke Frederick, of Austria, was proclaimed emperor by the elector of Cologne, then by Rudolph, brother of Louis of Bavaria, the palsgrave on the Rhine, also by the duke of Saxe Wittenberg, finally by the Carinthian Henry, who usurped the vote of Bohemia; the day after, Louis of Bavaria, was chosen by Mentz, Treves and VOL. II.-2 v

　

　

362 GENERAL HISTORY. Brandenburg —although the vote of the last was promised to Austria-then by John of Luxemburg, as king of Bohemia, also by Saxe Lauenburg,- which was set up in opposition to Wittenberg. Acclamations of joy resounded from each bank of the river, presaging misfortune. In Frankfort, Louis alone was received, and elevated upon the high altar of St. Bartholomew's church. But both kings were crowned, Frederick at Bonn, by the elector of Cologne, Louis at Aix-la-Chapelle, by that of Mentz. There was now a seven years' war in Germany, which was more ruinous to the country -and nation, than bloody in battles. Both kings, afflicted at the calamities of their country, longed for a decision. Then Frederick's great army was beaten near Muehldorf, on the Inn, by his adversary's less numerous, but better commanded army, after a bloody conflict (1322), which was long doubtful, and Frederick himself was taken prisoner. The whole empire acknowledged Louis now as king. Leopold of Austria alone remained in arms; his brother, king Frederick, was confined in Trausnitz, a strong castle of the Upper Palatinate; Henry, the third brother, was also taken prisoner at Muehldorf, and carried to Bohemia. The Helvetic Confederation originated during this war. In the centre of the high Alps, where the confines of the German and Gallic countries on the side of Italy are, where the largest rivers of Europe rise, and where, in inaccessible valleys, surrounded by rocks, green pastures border on plains of deaththere liberty, flying before the potentates of this part of the earth, chose for itself a secret asylum. The most important point of Europe, the impregnable fortress of nature, from which, if a ruler of Italy, Germany or France had possessed it, the nations around would have been easily terrified and enthralled, the nucleus-mass of the Alps was to be free and independent, and a protecting line of separation between the principal nations and great powers of Europe. From this point of view, the Hlelvetic confederation appears as a protective institution of general liberty; the immediate cause, therefore, that gave rise to it —whether the hat and apple, or the contested election of the king —is less worthy of remark; amd the Helvetic liberty does not appear va a strictly peculiar possession of the confederates, nor as the effect of a personal merit, but rather as a gift of nature, or a favor of destiny, sand as the common property of Europe.

　

　

HELVET'lC CONFEDERATION. -363 The Helvetians, who inhabited the greatest part of Switzerland, according to its present limits, were included with the Gallie nations. In the later migrations of nations, this country received the Alemanni from the north, the Burgundi ins from the west, the Langobards-or earlier the Eastgoths-from the south, where some-as mostly the Italian and Alemannic races-fixed their boundaries naturally, according to the separation of waters by the mountains, others-as the Alemanni and Burgundians-regulated their limits at pleasure, or according to circumstances. The races of all three tongues were indeed united under the sceptre of the great Frankish monarchy, and after its dismemberment for the second time, under the sovereignty of the German empire, which extended also over Italy and Burgundy: but here more than elsewhere-because favored by the nature of the country, which is much divided, and by the diversity of races and tongues-entered in the train of the feudal system and the club-law, according to the prevailing spirit of the time, a confused and minute dismemberment into multiform spiritual and secular seignories, city communities, mediate and immediate principalities, &c., and there arose the most various mixture of imperial and provincial relations, according to territories, rights, pretensions and privileges of communities, families, provinces, abbots, bishops, and royal governors. Helvetia was more divided and subject to more rulers than any other country of the empire. Thus the bishops of Lausanne and Geneva, and Basle, the abbot of St. Gall, and several other abbots, then the counts and lords of Neuberg, Greyertz, Vatz, Sargan, Toggenburg, Rapperschwyl, Baden, Lenzburg, Kyburg, and the counts of Habsburg, the most powerful of all, after they had united the inheritance of the last with their ancient and large territory, possessed beside and among one another much subject or feudal and tributary land; and between their territories the free cities flourished and prospered, which were for the most part founded or elevated by the noble Zahringians. Boroughs and villages enjoyed alsp the immediateness of the empire, as especially those in the bosom of the mountains, which were called forest-cities, viz: Schweitz, Uri ard Unterwalden, which rose in quiet concealment to great destinations. King Albert I., who was eager to acquire territories, according to the common narration, after he had urged the forest-cities in

　

　

364 GENERAL HISTORY. vain to come under the sovereignty of Austria, placed over them by his imperial authority, tyrannical governors, who rendered the Austrian dominion enviable by their oppression. But the courageous shepherds regarded liberty as their highest good. They swore therefore, according to the generous example of Walter Furst of Uri, Werner Stauffacher, of Schweitz, and Arnold of Melchthal,of Unterwalden, to maintain it at the price of their blood and fortune. The bold self-revenge, which William Tell, highly irritated by the governor, Gesler, took upon his persecutor, accelerated this act. The castles of the governors were taken and destroyed, and to confirm these things, a confederation, or rather the renewal of the combination formed between the three places in remote times, was solemnly concluded (1308). By the opportune death of Albert, and the favor of Henry VII., the cause of the confederates gained strength, and when, after the election of two kings, Leopold of Austria wished to force the inhabitants of Schwyz, who had declared for Bavaria, to acknowledge Frederick, he was decisively beaten (1315, 8th December) by the valiant countrymen, in the defile near Morgarten, who were protected by their mountains; and then the victors concluded their alliance forever, which had been at first contracted for only ten years. But of all this, only the battle of Morgarten is proved. But it would be foreign to our object to dispute upon this subject. The victory and league of the forest-cities appears no less glorious, if it was occasioned by their adherence to the king, whom they acknowledged as their legitimate sovereign, than if by the revenge of private injuries; and the history of William Tell has more interest, and belongs to the history of the World, rather by the effect which its belief produced in the minds of thousands, than by the circumstance of its events actually happening in 1308, or in some other particular year. CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORY OF LOUIS IV ALTHOUGH he had taken his adversary prisoner, although he was acknowledged by nearly all the princes, Louis did not enjoy his empire. The pope was most assidiously incited against him, and the French king was invited to take possession of the crown of the Germans. When, however, Louis, alarmed at the strength of his enemies, rode to Trausnitz to compromise with the

　

　

GERMANY. 365 prisoner, Frederick renounced the imperial crown for the recovery of his liberty (1325, 6th March). But the heart of Leopold remained implacable; the pope threatened more than before. And then Frederick returned to Louis, because he could not restore peace, in order to be his prisoner; but he, moved by such virtue, embraced him as a friend and brother, and shared with him the empire. It was to be governed by the two kings in common; everything was to be equal between them, the names of both to stand in their sealrings, the name of friend at the head of each (5th Sept., 1325). Thus peace was made with Austria, but discontent among the princes, who feared this duumviral dominion, among the electors especially, who claimed for themselves the right of disposing of the throne. This dissatisfaction subsisted, until Frederick, after brief enjoyment of his impotent grandeur, died (1330). In the meantime, Louis' quarrel with the pope continued. Pope John, a Frenchman by birth, a haughty, passionate man, and also a dissembler, had declared Louis a usurper at the time when he was victorious at Muehldorf; then he published in the cathedral at Avignon, where he had fixed his residence, a monitory, by which he summoned him to abdicate the crown within three months, under the penalty of excommunication. Louis having disdained to go to Avignon as a penitent, after some delay, was solemnly excommunicated and cursed (1324). Then Louis resolved to take vengeance on the arrogant priest; the people and the princes of Germany manifested similar anger. The emperor and empire desired a general council to check the arrogance of the pope. But the pope was not discouraged. Austria adhered to him-from hatred to the Bavarian prince;France protected him, wishing for the confusion of Germany; Poland and Russia were excited against the apostate king, and even the heathen Letti called to destroy the German churches. After his reconciliation with Frederick, Louis prepared in haste for the Roman expedition. In the spring of the year 1327, he crossed the Rhcetian Alps. Soon he made his brilliant entry into Milan, adorned his head with the iron crown of Lombardy, put down theGuelphs,and went to Rome (Jan. 1328). After he had received the imperial coronation from the hands of two bishops, in the church of St. Peter, he presided in a solemn assembly convoked for the trial of the " priest of Cahors, who

　

　

366 GENERAL HISTORY. calls himself pope," and dictated the judgment: the pretended pope, as convicted of heresy, and guilty of heinous crimes, is deprived of all spiritual consecrations and rights, and is to be delivered up to the secular arm for punishment. Immediately, Peter of Corbiere, a monk of the order of St. Francis, which was hostile to pope John XXII., was proclaimed pope, as Nicholas V., and the Christian world was scandalized by many reciprocal invectives. But the papacy, not as a sacred institution, but as a jewel of the nation, or of Rome, was defended by the Italians, and Christendom, although it disapproved of the offences of a:pope, respected no less the dignity of his chair. Thus the thunderbulls which John hurled from Avignon against his enemies, found combustible matter prepared, and {' an army of crusaders" was raised against the emperor. With great difficulty he remained in Italy until the second succeeding year, and left then the country (1330), which he had entered with vast projects, and where treason and hatred had deprived him of every hope. Soon after, Nicholas V. was forsaken by all his adherents, and at last delivered up to his enemy. Before Louis had re-crossed the Alps, he had terminated the quarrel with his nephews, by an accommodation at Pavia (4 Aug. 1329). They demanded the Palatinate on the the Rhine, their father's inheritance, which Louis had taken frorn his brother, when he adhered to Austria. They obtained it together with the Upper-Palatinate, and confirmed the treaty by an oath, which established-the common possession of the house of Wittelsbach over the particular parts of the inheritance, and its inalienableness to strangers. The electoral dignity was to be possessed alternately by the Palatine and Bavarian lines; pals grave Rudolph was to be elector for the first time. All this happened during the lifetime of king Frederick. After his death-the brave Leopold had died previously —the hostility against Austria was renewed. A reconciliation, however, was effected; the prudence of Louis discerned in Habsburg a useful counter-balance against the rising power of the Bohemian house. For by his enterprising spirit and artfulness, John of Luxemburg was the most dangerous ofall the princesof the age.; He had rounded and enlarged his Bohemiantkingdom by many particular acquisitions; towards the emperor, who was mostly indebted to

　

　

GERMAN Y. 367 his party for the throne, he played rather the protector than the vassal. He was able to pass for the soul of great affairs in all the courts, more or less attached to the systhn of the empire; and he had built upon that excellently devised plans of grandeur for himself and his house, the prosecution of which was sure to make him sooner or later the ehemy of Louis. Foreseeing this, Louis sought, by increasing his own power to prepare for himself an independent support. He had already early invested his son Louis, yet a boy, with the Marches that had become vacant by the death of Waldemar of Brandenburg, and with the electoral dignity (1323). Lusatia, and the reversion of Anhalt were likewise:given to Louis. By the extinction of the house of Lower-Bavaria, the emperor acquired a large and beautiful country, which had been separated from UpperBavaria for seventy years, but formed a part of the whole inheritance of Wittelsbach (1341). A still larger country fell by the death of the childless count William of Holland, Zeeland, Friesland and IHainault, to Louis' wife Margaret, William's sister (1346), and to her children. But the acquisition of Tyrol was unjust and scandalous. Duke Henry of Carinthia, count of Tyrol, had died in the year 1335. His daughter, Margaret (called Maultasch), was married to the Bohemian king's son, John; but the emperor adjudged this important country to the duke of Austria, the nephew of the deceased Henry; this occasioned a war, which was terminated by a treaty, that gave Carinthia to Austria, and Tyrol to Bohemia. After having been married ten years, Margaret fell into dissension with her husband; then the emperor, by a usurped authority, broke the tie, which the chutrch had declared indissoluble, and permitted the divorced princess to contract a second marriage with his own son, her near relative, the margrave Louis of Brandenburg (1342). By this means he brought Tyrol, the important country of the Alps, the key of Italy, and the fortress of Austria, to'the Bavarian house In the meantime Johti XXII. had died, in the 90th year of his age, unreconciled with the emperor (1334).' His successor, Benedict XII. was a mild and intelligent man; he loved and esteemed the emperor; but he was forced to be obsequious to the French king, whose power ruled the chair at Avignon. Then the bad effect of the removal of the pope from Rome wasidis

　

　

268 GENERAL HISTORY. covered. Because the artful Philip of Valois rejoiced at the confusion in the empire of the Germans, because he built the plans of his owrfgrandeur upon the ruin of the emperor, no reconciliation could be made. Several years passed away in fruitless negotiation, until Louis, and with him the princes, formed a resolution worthy of themselves and their country. The princes and states declared that the emperor had done enough. that he was released from excommunication. The electors concluded also-with the exception of that of Bohemia-in a particular assembly at Rense (July 15, 1338), the memorable coalition, afterwards perpetuated, by which "they obligated themselves unanimously to maintain, protect and defend the empire and their princely honor, in the electiveness of the empire, in its rights and their own, with all their authority and power, without any exception." And, finally, it was most solemnly declared by a general law of the empire, published by a diet at Frankfort (8th August, 1338): " that the imperial dignity and power are immediately from God, that whoever is elected king or emperor, by all or by the majority of the electors, needs no papal sanction, but is king or emperor by virtue of the election, that in case of an interregnum the vicarate belongs only to the elector of the Palatinate, and that-this was added in another diet which assembled in the following year-there is no difference between a Roman king crowned in Germany and a Roman emperor crowned in Rome, and that, in case of the refusal of the pope, every bishop is authorized to officiate at the coronation." New storms, however, gathered over the head of Louis, when Benedict XII. died; and after him Clement VI. (1342), a violent and bold man, who was at the same time devoted to the enemies of the emperor, ascended the throne. He published (on the Maundy-Thursday of the.year 1346) against the excommunicated emperor a bull of imprecation more terrible than any that had yet come from the holy chair, and summoned the princes with menaces to renounce their cursed monarch, and to elect another head of the empire. But the elector of Mentz, Henry of Birneburg, having refused to convoke the electors for this purpose, the pope deprived him of his archbishopric, and appointed in his place count Gerlach of Nassau, who immediately assembled the electors (the electors of the Palatinate and Brandenburg, as belonging to the emperor's house, were excluded), and succeeded in electing margrave Charles of Moravia.

　

　

GERM, A 369 But this work of iniquity was frustrated by the manly resolution of Louis, and the fidelity of the better citizens. From the frontiers of Italy, where the emperor, making preparations for great undertakings, was sojourning, he led his army quickly to FranKfort, and dispersed that of his enemies. As a fugitive, the anti-king hastened-shunning the vicinity of the cities, which were all opposed to him-to France, where his father fought in the war of Philip against England, but lost his life in the same year in the great battle of Cressy. From there, by the way of Bonn, where he was crowned by the archbishop of Cologne, Charles arrived by long roundabout ways to his paternal kingdom. Louis frustrated also the new designs of Charles and his friends in a short space of time. In a diet at Spire, he heard the faithful acclamations of many princes, and all the cities. The good citizens, and all the grandees who remained faithful, fought courageously for justice and order against the enemies of their country, and humbled, under the banner of Louis, the arrogance of the proud conspirators. The much-tried emperor did not, however, enjoy long his triumph. In the next year he was numbered with the dead, in the sixty-third year of his age, and in the thirty-third of his active reign (11th Oct., 1347). As Philip the Fair'n France, so Louis the Bavarian destroyed the power of the pope in Germany. But what the former did by insolence and force, the latter, in the German spirit, accomplished by dignity and perseverance. The fury of priests grudged his corpse repose in its grave. The man who thinks as he should think, holds his name in veneration. THE HOUSE OF LUXEMBURG. —CHARLES IV. THE friends of Wittelsbach disdained also now king Chailes. In opposition to him, count Gunther of Schwarzburg, a noblt and valiant man, was elected emperor. Charles sustained himself against his enemies more by intrigue than by arms, and finally induced Gunther to abdicate for the sum of 20,000 marks of silver. Gunther died soon after, whereupon Charles, to establish his right, was crowned for the second time (1349). By this emperor, Germany received one single gift-the Golden Bull. All his other acts, efforts, and regulations, were directed to one object; and this was his personal advantage, or that of his house, and by no means the welfare of the empire. VOL. II.-2 W 24

　

　

370 GENERAL HISTORY. To obviate forever the evils which had resulted hitherto from the want of a legal regulation that determined precisely the mode and form of the election of a Roman king or emperor, the celebrated constitution which bears the name of the "Golden Bull," from the seal affixed to it, was planned in a diet at Nuremberg, and solemnly published at Metz (1356). In this, exceedingly great rights and honours are granted to the seven electors before all other princes; their functions not only as electors, but as the first officers of the empire, their family relations, and the succession to the secular electorates, determined; and, in case of an interregnum, the vicarate of the empire is adjudged to the Palatinate and Saxony, according to the principal districts of the Frankish and Saxon laws. It regulates likewise the time and the order of election, the form of the oath of the electors, and establishes the decisive validity of the majority of the votes. Frankfort is designated as the place of election, Aix-la-Chapelle as that of coronation, and Nuremburg as that where every new emperor must hold his first court. This constitution contains also some dispositions-but only a few, and altogether insufficient-relative to public tranquillity and the maintenance of order in the interior of the empire, but the pope-from prudence or forbearance-is not mentioned at all. At the same moment, when the house of Luxemburg was elevated by the fortunate and cunning Charles, that of Wittelsbach destroyed its power by the division of its countries between the six sons of the emperor Louis, and between the descendants of his brother, the palsgrave Rudolph. This division occasioned the loss of thcs:. countries, and great misfortunes. Such was tile case with Tyrol. Margaret Maultasch (maultasch signifies a person with a large mouth), after the death of her second husband, and her only son, Mainhard, appointed solemnly, Rudolph, duke of Austria, the eldest son of Albert the Wise, her heir, and put him as well as his house in possession of all the valleys and mountains, cities, castles and villages of this valuable country. It was in vain that duke Stephen made war against Austria. The emperor Charles was favorable to Austria, and according to the decision of umpires appointed for this pur pose, Tyrol, with the exception of a few fortresses, remained in the possession of the fortunate Habsburg (1369). About the same time, the house of Bavaria lost the Marches oI

　

　

GERMANY. 371 Brandenburg. With the son of the emperor Louis, Louis the Roman, Charles IV., concluded a convention of inheritance in favor of his house; and when Louis died, his brother, the weak Otho, was immediately compelled to surrender this large country for the sum of 200,000 gold florins (1373). The Upper and Lower Lausitz (Lausatia) had also belonged to Brandenburg. Charles united this territory-acquired by parts —with Bohemia, with which he incorporated Eger, Glatz, and the Silesian principalities. By this means, as well as by a careful administration in the interior, by the encouragement of agriculture, by the establishment of an archbishopric and a university at Prague, and by other beneficent institutions, this kingdom, formerly barbarous, arrived to a prosperity which it had never enjoyed until that time. Charles did so much the less for Germany and the empire. He remained an idle spectator of the wars of the princes, and the abuses of power, which were spreading anew around him, and whilst he enjoyed the ostentation of the imperial majesty, and debased the great of the empire to the performance of menial offices about his person, he confirmed by concessions and laws the independence of the princes, and promoted the dissolution of the union of the empire. In Burgundy he caused himself, it is true, to be crowned king (1365), but he neglected or lavished there what imperial rights were left, and rendered their recovery almost impossible, by appointing the dauphin Charles perpetual vi car of the empire in Arles. lHe behaved himself still more ingloriously in Italy. He went e;-ither (1354), with an army of three hundred men; received in MiHan-by the favor of the Viconti, who used him as a tool of their own grandeur-the Lombard, and in Rome the imperial crown. But-conformably to a secret treaty with the popehe was not permitted to remain within the walls of this city even one night, and the derision of the people followed him to the Alps. He sought in money the compensation for the loss o' honour, and he sold liberty to cities, power to tyrants, titles aphonours to every body for ready money. During the reign of this emperor, Europe suffered, besides the accumulated evils of war and returning barbarism, great calamities from natural causes. The historians of these unfortunate days speak of destructive earthquakes of long continuance, ot

　

　

372 GENERAL HISTORY. famine, and especially of a plague, that raged with unexampled violence in all this part of the world (1347 and following). Its symptoms were terrible. The man died within three days in great pain. The rude state of society in those times knew nothing of the artificial institutions whereby at the present day the progress of the invisible poison is arrested, and the mighty destroying angel kept within fixed bounds by cordons and quarantines. The germ of death transmitted from country to country without obstacle, and without precaution, by commerce, was multiplied infinitely by the mixture of nations in war and peace; hence the mortality was terrible. Cotemporaries believed that one half of the human race died. At the lowest it was supposed that one fourth were carried off; and there is extant a document, according to which 124,434 victims are numbered in the cloisters of St. Francis alone. A fanatical rage against the Jews-kindled by sacerdotal fiends -came now suddenly into desponding souls, because it was supposed they had caused the pestilence, by poisoning the wells. Then the rabble in most of the German cities, in the countries of the Rhine and Danube, and as far as the Baltic Sea, attacked these unfortunate people, and, amidst horrible scenes, put to death, with torture, many thousand men, women and children. Like rabid animals these hell-hounds acknowledged neither laws nor justice. WENCESLAUS.-SIGISMUND. CHARLES IV. was succeeded (1378) by his son Wenceslaus, whose election for Roman king was purchased with Italian gold. He received also Bohemia and Silesia. His brother, Sigismund, obtained the Marches of Brandenburg, John III. received some countries of less importance. A brother of Charles IV. possessed still the patrimonial duchy of Luxemburg, and his nephew, Jodocus, the margraviate of Moravia. King Wenceslaus, not foreseeing what the dignity of the throne and the duty of the regent demand, disgraced himself by debauchery and common sensuality; he forgot to govern, since he desired only to enjoy, and abandoned himself, against subjects and citizens, to that choler which is to be reprobated even against servants. Whatever laudable undertaking he engaged in, whatever

　

　

GERMANY. 373 prudent regulation he made, was done in a transient caprice, without energy and perseverance. He disdained, or knew not how, to gain the love of the people, and did not appreciate the proofs of their fidelity. Since the careless reign of Charles IV., the club-law, so effectively suppressed by Rudolph of Habsburg, had risen with new power. It was in vain that the princes were invoked for the protection of the laws, whose arbitrary power was the principal source of the evil, or the king, who was rioting in indolent repose. The only possible aid was self-assistance. Therefore, as formerly, during the great interregnum (1247), the Rhenish cities made an alliance among themselves for self-defence, and the maintenance of peace; and as, about the same time, the still more powerful Hanse was formed, so now the great Suabian and the Rhenish league of cities was founded for the same purpose (1376 and 1381). The soul of these coalitions, their only animating spirit, was peace and justice. They made war only for self-defence against the tyranny of the princes and the arrogance of the nobles. Hence these conspired against the cities, and many princes, bishops, prelates, and lords, formed a great alliance against the cities, which they called the league of the Lion. Those of St. George, St. William, and the Old Love, were similar alliances. That which was designed to obviate the evil, made it worse. The wars of the leagues were more devastating than those of individuals. The empire was threatened with desolation. A wise king would have adhered firmly to the cities. But Wenceslaus, although he was sometimes inclined to the cities-perhaps from resentment towards the insolent princes-did not declare for them with sufficient decision or perseverance. Indeed he finally permitted himself to be completely biased by the nobles against the power of the citizens, which wounded the pride of birth, and abolished (1389) the leagues altogether. Anarchy and numberless disorders were the consequences of it; Wenceslaus forfeited also the adherence of his hereditary subjects by extortion and arbitrary severity. Three times he was put into close confinement by the Bohemian states-under the direction of Sigismund, his brother, and Jodocus, his nephew-three times he escaped from prison, and did not amend. Soon discontent became general also in Germany; and after preparation for several years, four electors

　

　

374 GENERAL HISTORY. declared that Wenceslaus had forfeited the crown, and elected one of their number king, Robert the Palatine (1400). And now the cities exhibited again their love of justice. They lid not desert Wenceslaus as little beneficial as he had been to them, as much as they might hope or fear from the anti-king. Aix-la-Chapelle sustained a siege of five years. Nuremburg and others desired, before they acknowledged the Palatine, to be released from their obligation by Wenceslaus himself. He, as we read, taxed their fidelity, and stipulated for the release some tuns of wine. Robert went to Italy, where Wenceslaus had never gone; but this was his misfortue. For the Ghibellines, the Viconti at their head, armed against the king, who had been elected under the auspices of the pope, and defeated him decisively on the Lago di Garda (1401). By this means his power was destroyed also in Germany, and he possessed rather the title alone than the authority of a king until his death (1410). Jodocus of Moravia, whom some electors had chosen for his successor, died soon (1411), whereupon Sigismund obtained the crown unanimously-even with the consent of Wenceslaus. This prince had already obtained in 1383 the crown of Hungary, as son-in-law of Louis M.; but the many calamities, which the Turks brought upon this kingdom, rendered it unfortunate and powerless. The principal business of Sigismund's reign, and for which he sacrificed repose and power, money and countries, was the termination of the great schism, which had troubled and scandalized Christendom for many years (since 1378). The emperor, as protector of the church and the secular head of the West, seemed especially called to remedy this evil. With great toil, perseverance and zeal, by negotiations, travels, and by neglecting all other relations and cares, Sigismund succeeded finally in assembling a Council at Constance, and accomplished in that tne principal work. But John Huss was burnt by this very council, and this made the king unfortunate his lifetime. To understand these things, it is necessary to take a view of the Church history during this period.

　

　

GERMANY. 375 CHURCH HISTORY.-COUNCILS OF CONSTANCE AND BASLE. IN the bosom of the Christian church, which remains henceforth predominant in the theatre of events of the world, the traces of the returning purer doctrine are observable, especially in the present period, as well as the enfeeblement of the hierarchy, of the papal power in particular, which was for the most part the result of that. That purification of faith, however, did not proceed from the majority of the doctors of the church, from the hierarchical dignitaries no more than from the multitude of common ecclesiastics. On the contrary both classes opposed the luminously progressing spirit of the time in part with open hostility, in part they checked its odious advancement by iniquitous intrigues, in part they fled, amazed at the unusual light, back into still thicker darkness. Thus the mass of superstitious statutes and religious abuses, already existing, was augmented by new ones, partly by the actual command of the hierarchs to announce them publicly, partly by their secret favor, or by tacit approbation of the false doctrines of particular zealots, and the follies of a superstitious or fanatical populace. But the power of the priesthood was enfeebled by this very excess. The scholastic nonsense which prevailed in the theological schools, the continued accumulation of unmeaning religious ceremonies, and in general the veiling of the essence of the doctrine by contemptible out-work, the purely divine by frivolous human things, then the increasing, at least more manifest immorality of the high and low clergy, as well as their arrogation and avidity which were continually extending, their perpetual oppressions especially, which-joined to many a scandal-went from Avignon and Rome over countries: all this was discerned by the intelligent, and lamented by the good, and gave rise to the desire, which at first was expressed in gentle tones and only in a limited circle of friends, then among numerous sects and parties, finally almost generally among better people, and indeed to the demand for a reformation of the Church in head and members. Some steps were taken for this amendment, and preparations made for far greater in the present period. What was the operating power?-Of the potentates of the earth, there was not

　

　

376 GENERAL HISTORY. one, who fought earnestly for the reform-with the exception of personal defence against spiritual tyranny, and some exertions against particular evils, especially against the great schism: —it was science, still, armless science, that effected such an astonishing revolution. Feeble private men, in their solitary studies or modest auditories, kindled the light, the rays of which penetrated the darkness victoriously, in defiance of the opposition of the two powers, in defiance of the terrors of the inquisition, as well as of the secular tribunal. The nobler and better-whether high or low-as naturally the friends of light, assembled immediately around it, and cherished it as their most precious charge. If here or there it was stifled by force, it flamed up again a hundred times as much, from scattered sparks, and was quickly strengthened by setting the combustible matter, which was everywhere prepared, on fire. Even many of the evil-disposed, and many despots, without foreseeing its ulterior consequences or general effects were pleased with its beautiful rays, and indeed they sometimes made use of its immediate or partial illumination for their own objects; and before they saw distinctly the danger that threatened them, before they had formed a regular plan, and concluded a general alliance for extinguishing all light, its duration had been secured by the invention of printing. It was science, therefore, and public opinion, which proceeds from it and which is directed by it, that undermined the colossus of the hierarchy, and sowed the seed for everything good in the empire of the Church, no less than in that of civil society. Seventy years the papal chair remained in Avignon. Great diminution of the pope's authority in his immediate territory, by the desire of liberty which animated the Romans, who were left to themselves, as well as in Christendom in general by the continued action of the relations, which we have just mentioned, was the consequence. This space of time embraces the long and scandalous strife, prejudicial to the pope in various respects, against the emperor, Louis the Bavarian, and the no less injurious strife, connected with it, against the Franciscan monks. Not long afterwards, John Wickliffe (born at Wickliffe, 1324) secular priest and professor of theology in the university of Oxford, propounded doctrines, which are little different in thei essence from those of the succeeding great reformers. He condemned the multiplication of ceremonies in divine worship, the

　

　

PAPACY. 377 transubstantiation, the opulence of the clergy, the sovereignty of the Romish church, monachism, and especially the mendicant orders. He maintained that the Holy Writ is the sole rule of faith, that divine grace-in this assenting to the severe ddctrine of St. Augustin —is the only hope of salvation. These doctrines found extensive approbation, but excited the hatred of the clergy. Pope Gregory XI. ordered the hereticprocess against Wickliffe, who, however, escaped the attack by the powerful protection of the duke of Lancaster and other lords. He died as parson in Lutterworth (1385), and the curses of damnation resounded only over his grave. His disciples (they were called like other heretics Lollards and Beghards) spread the doctrines of the reformation, either secretly or publicly, with more or less fidelity, in England itself and in other countries: no where with so much success as in Bohemia. It was in this country, that in the beginning of the fifteenth century, the great revolution was commenced by John Huss (professor, then rector of the university of Prague, born 1373), and by his friend, Jerome of Prague. Without important deviation from the dogmas of the Church, Huss preached and wrote for the most part only against the corruption of the clergy, whose reform he desired from the civil power, especially by the confiscation of their large possessions. He had the courage to make a bold resistance, in his writings and discourses, against pope John XXIII., who cited him before his tribunal (1411). But before the council at Constance, which had been assembled at that time to put an end to the great schism, and to produce a reform, long since desired, Huss appeared, relying on the safe conduct which he had received from the emperor Sigismund, and found himself terribly deceived. For-", because no safe conduct can operate to the disadvantage of the Catholic faith, or stop the course of spiritual jurisdiction, because, moreover, an obstinate opposer of the orthodox faith has forfeited all privileges, therefore safe conduct also, and to keep one's word with such an one, to the detriment of the Catholic faith, is commanded neither by natural, nor divine, nor human law,"-Huss was seized, tried, condemned as a heretic, and delivered up to the secular arm; whereupon, in conformity to the existing laws, his execution ensued by fire VOL. 11I.-2 x

　

　

378 C ENERAL HISTORY. (July 6, 1415). Jerome of Prague, the noble friend of the martyr, suffered in the following year the same death (May 30, 1416). The principal cause of the convocation of the council of Con stance had been the great division of the Church, which was a consequence of the return of the pope to Rome. John XXII., and Clement VI., the bitter enemies of king Louis IV., the Bavarian, vexed, still more than their predecessors, by extortions of every kind, the Christian nations. The property of private persons was brought into the coffers of the pope by the augmentation of the taxes of the Romish chancery, and by the multiplication of indulgences, but particularly by extensive traffic in absolution; whilst the possessions of the Church in particular, or their usufructuaries, were subjected to a taxation, often repeated, under the name of Annates, Spolia, Reservations, Provisions, Expectatives, &c., and indeed prebends and benefices were at length formally sold. After some other popes, Gregory XI. (1370) ascended the papal chair-a pious, and, as it appears, a simple man, who granted to the entreaties of two visionary women, what reasons of greater importance long since demanded in vain-return to Rome. After his death, the cardinals, mostly Frenchmen, assembled in conclave, were forced by a popular tumult to choose an Italian for his successor, in order that the papal residence might not be again transferred to Avignon. The cardinals, terrified, complied with the wish of the people, and elected (9th April, 1378) Bartholomew of Prignano, archbishop of Bari, pope, under the name of Urban VI. He offended the queen of Naples, Jane I. (of the French house of Anjou), by hostile insolence. Then many cardinals left Rome, assembled at Fondi, in the kingdom of Naples, and chose one of their number, Robert, count of Geneva, bishop of Cambray, for pope (20th Sept., 1378), annulling the forced election of Urban IV. The new pope styled himself Clement VII., and went to Avignon. Anathemas resounded from both sides; Christendom was now divided for thirty-nine years. For the schism did not terminate even with the death of the two popes (Urban VI.'t1389, Clement VII. t1394). The pretensions of the deceased were advanced by their respective successors.

　

　

PAPACY. 379 In the meantime, nations were afflicted more and more by the continuation of the schism, and more sensibly oppressed, because the double papal court, or each one in a less extensive territory, in order to maintain the ancient splendor, required a double taxation. Hence the good united early in the wish, and in active exertions to remedy so great an evil. A general council-such was the call of a thousand voices-should give the Church a legitimate head. Such a council assembled therefore at Pisa (1409), pronounced the deposition of Benedict XIII. and Gregory XII., the two antipopes at that time, and chose in their place Alexander V. (June 26). But the deposed maintained their dignity, and there were now three popes. Alexander, who died the following year, had for his successor John XXIII. The want of personal dignity made the difficult situation of the new pope worse. He gave the anti-popes an acceptable arm, and strengthened the courage of secular enemies. John XXIII., in such great affliction, was prevailed upon by the emperor Sigismund to convoke a general assembly of the Church at Constance (1413). The first of November in the following year (1414) was appointed for its commencement. Tilhe eyes of all Christendom were directed with anxious expectation to Constance. The long discussion cf the great quarrel had enlightened public opinion and fixed its will. "Reform of the Church in head and members," these significant words had become the watch-word of all the good, the spirit of the time demanded a complete remedy. The council commenced. John XXIII. appeared himself at Constance (28 Oct. 1414). When he discerned the unfavorable disposition of the council towards his person, he regretted the step he had taken, and prepared himself to take it back or to make it as little injurious as possible. The council having refused to sanction the decrees of Pisa, and decided that the votes in the council should not be counted singly, but by nations, and at the same time having declared openly, that in the first place, the deposition of all three popes would be salutary for the re-establishment of the peace of the Church, and for effecting a thorough reform, the pope resolved upon flight, and effected it with the aid of duke Frederick of Austria (20 March, 1415).

　

　

380 GENERAL HISTORY. But the council, encouraged especially by the emperor Sigismund, pursued steadfastly its object: it excommunicated duke Frederick (who was proscribed also by the emperor), and deposed pope John on account of his many sins and crimes. The latter had been brought in the meantime, as a prisoner to Radolfszell. The council committed him to the custody of the elector of the Palatinate, from which he escaped in 1418, and was appointed cardinal bishop of Frascati, by Martin V., in which quality he soon after died. Of the two other popes, Gregory XII. abdicated voluntarily; but Benedict persisted in his resistance, and was deposed by the decree of the council (26 July, 1417). The schism being thus terminated, there seemed now to be no obstacle to the desired reformation of the Church in head and members. The Church itself, in the persons of its assembled representatives, was able to make the law of reform, without the remonstrance of a perhaps evil-minded, or at least interested head. But the Italian nation demanded before all things the election of a new pope. Accordingly, measures were taken immediately for an election, and cardinal Otho of Colonna, as Martin V., was elevated to the papal dignity (Nov. 11, 1417 ). This pope, after some very unsatisfactory concessions and particular concordats, dissolved the assembly of the Church (April 22, 1418), after its forty-fifth session. Thus were the hopes of the good frustrated. With the exception of the principles previously published, that a general council is superior to the pope, and hence that he is subjected to theii decisions, and the ordinance made at the close of the council, that after five years, then after seven, then every ten years, general councils should be again holden, nothing of importance was done for the reformation. But these promises bore no important fruits. We shall be permitted, preceding the chronological order, to mention here these further ecclesiastical affairs. The last prospect was opened to the well-thinking by the council convoked at Basle, in virtue of the ordinance of Constance, which assembled under more favorable auspices (1431) The desire for a reformation of the church in head and members was so loudly and so generally expressed, that even the papal legate, cardinal Julian Coesarini, acknowledged the neces

　

　

PAPACY. 381 slty of it. Hence, when pope Eugene IV., the successor of Martin V. (20 Feb. t1431), wished to dissolve the council when it had hardly assembled, promising that another should be held instead of it at Bologna, the council resolved unanimously, to remain assembled, and to continue its work. Supported upon the ordinances published at Constance, which declared the authority of councils superior to that of the popes, the fathers of the church assembled at Basle, asserted emphatically and boldly their independent right, and that no one had authority to dissolve, transfer or suspend their assembly, without their own consent; they even summoned the pope to appear in person, and when he persisted in his refusal to appear, declared him a "headstrong" man, and threatened him with suspension, and indeed with deposition. After long negotiations, and after the resources of Italian artifice were exhaused, the pope acknowledged the legitimacy of the ecclesiastical assembly according to its prescibed formula (1434); whereupon his legates took without opposition the presidency in the assembly. But the concord between the council and the pope was of short duration. The fathers of the assembly of Basle, pursuing with perseverance their great object, the reform of the Church in head and members, entered the list anew against Eugene by abolishing the Annates, Pall-monies and Reservations, and soon the rupture was so decided, that the pope convoked another council at Ferrara, but that at Basle suspended the pope in its 28th session (1 Oct. 1437.) The continuation of this great quarrel was long and changeful. The pope was aided by the arts of a crafty policy, the dazzling splendor of the triple crown, anld in addition to all this, by a particular favor of circumstances, especially by the excellent pretext, which the offer of re-union made at that time by the Greeks afforded for transferring the council to an Italian city, and then by the glory which he obtained by the apparent reconci iation effected at Ferrara and Florence (1438, 1439). Thus it happened that, after several nations, particularly the German, had solemnly adopted at the conventions of Frankfort and Mentz (1439), the Basle decrees, in as much as they found it for their interests, and after the members of the council of Basle had finally formally deposed the pope for his obstinate

　

　

382 GENERAL HISTORY. resistance, and elected in his place Amadteus, formerly duke of Savoy, under the name of Felix V. (1439, Nov. 5th), although most of the powers continued to acknowledge Eugene, at least declared themselves neutral between him and the council, the pope sought his welfare in particular negotiations with separate nations, and brought especially the German nation to submissive subjection, by the dishonest artifices of XEneas Sylvius, and by the interested favor of the emperor Frederick III. Eugene himself, however, was obliged to sign the Concordats (called the Romish) planned in the diet of electors at Frankfort. But Nicholas V., his successor, succeeded, by the instrumentality of the same /Eneas Sylvius, in invalidating those (unsatisfactory and ambiguous, it is true, but yet supportable) Romish Concordats or the Concordats of the' princes, by means of the Concordats of Aschaffenburg or Vienna, which the emperor Frederick concluded by his own authority. Instead of a moderate provision, which had been stipulated in the former, the papal chair obtained now the complete restitution of the rights lost by the Basle decrees, partly according to ancient exercise, partly in equivalents, or with unessential alteration, so that everywhere, instead of the abolition of the old burdens, only some alleviation was obtained. In this state of things, and since now the emperor Frederick withdrew his protection and safe conduct from the Basle council, it had no longer any hope of triumph. It removed to Lausanne, and dissolved soon after. There was now no prospect of a peaceable, legal reform. The spirit of the time was decidedly defied. But it was revenged later. From the council of Basle to the reformation of Luther, the papal power remained in the main undisturbed. The oppression of the national churches, the multinominal impositions upon nations continued, and were increased. At the same time the secular dominion of the pope was extended by fortunate enterprises. But most of the popes degraded themselves by nepotism, and indeed some of them by crimes. By such conduct, especially, pope Alexander VI. is notorious; the " Nero of the popes," as he is appropriately called, and the scandal of the Christian world. His second successor, the warlike and politic Julius II., was the last general shepherd of the

　

　

GEKMAN Y. 383 western Christians; for under Leo X. (1513), his successor, the flock was separated by the Reformation. We will return to the emperor Sigismund. CONTINUATION OF THE EMPEROR SIGISMUND'S HISTORY. IT was principally for defraying the great expenses occasioned by the preparations for the council, and by its session, that Sigismund sold for 400,000 gold florins, to Frederick VI., burgrave of Nuremburg, of the house of Zollern, the Marches of Brandenburg, belonging to his house, with the electoral dignity, and the office of arch-chamberlain; whereby the first foundation was laid to the power of this heroic house, and to the origin of a new state, highly important in the history of the World. Duke Frederick of Austria* (surnamed "with the empty pocket") was implicated to his great misfortune in the quarrel of the council with pope John XXIII. He was the friend of the pope, had given him a safe conduct to Constance, and thought it his duty, when the council declared against him, to place him out of danger by assisting him in his flight. Frederick was, for this reason, excommunicated and put under the ban of the empire, and all his neighbours were invited to take away his countries. The Suabian princes and states, all enemies of Austria, and especially the confederates of Switzerland, fell upon the duke, who was entirely forsaken, and deprived him of his inheritance. He recovered, however, the greatest part, when he had reconciled himself with the emperor by his great humiliation. The Swiss alone retained their unjust conquest. The sad consequences of the outirale which the fathers at Constance committed upon humanity by the burning of John Huss (July 6, 1415), were felt for.nearly one generation. When the Bohemians heard of the terrible death of their beloved reformer, and his noble friend, Jerome of Prague, they fell into great commotion. Nicholas of Hussincez, the lord of the natal place of Huss, and John of Trocznow, surnamed Ziska, put * According to the custom then existing in the houses of princes, of dividing countries, the house of Austria was separated into several reigning lines. From the two sons of Albert I., the two principal lines were called the Albertine, in Austria properly so called, and the Leopoldine, in the other countries. Of the second there was a subordinate branch, the Tyrolian, which possessed, also, patrimonial estates in Switzerland, and to which Frederick belonged.

　

　

d384 GENERAL HISTORY. themselves at their head, and encamped with a strong army upon a mountain in the circle of Bechin. The Taborites-a name given to the troops of this camp called Tabor, which was afterwards converted into a city-spread soon the horrors of civil war over the whole country. In Prague itself the townhouse was taken by assault, a part of the magistrates thrown from the windows upon the pikes of those who stood below, and many other atrocities committed (July 30, 1419). King Wenceslaus, whose indolent negligence had encouraged the rebels, died immediately after from anger and terror. His successor, by hereditary right, was the emperor Sigismund, who received his coronation in Prague, but was too weak to sustain himself against the irritated people. The band of his satellites was dispersed by the masses of people fighting for their rights and for their faith, and all the troops that the zeal of the Catholics, the aid of the German and Hungarian states, the bulls of the pope for a Crusade, as well as the edicts of the empire, were able to procure for him, could not stand the blows, and, indeed, hardly the sight of the enthusiastic enemy. From Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia, whence Sigismund retreated, trembling, the Hussites now poured out for a fearful retaliation over the whole German country. Their course was marked by ashes and heaps of the dead. The terrors of God preceded Ziska. When he was blind he defeated his enemies, and when dead (1424), they still trembled at the sound of his skin, which was drawn over a drum. After him, the two Procopiuses were celebrated by victory, and formidable by cruelty. One was the head of the Taborites (the name of one of the parties into which the Hussites were divided). A new attack of a large German army was repulsed; then Saxony, Franconia, and Bavaria, were visited with the sword of vengeance. Berlin, Magdeburg, and Ratisbon, saw the banners of the invincible; Procopius, the destroyer of a hundred cities, and fourteen hundred villages, returned to Bohemia with 3000 carriages loaded with booty. The princes of the empire, assembled at the diet of Nuremburg (1413), resolved upon another general expedition. About a hundred thousand soldiers assembled under the command of Frederick of Bradenburg. They advanced as far as Tauss, in the circle of Pillnitz. Then was the news spread of the approach

　

　

GERMANY. 385 -f the bulk of the Hussite army. Immediately, seized wittl panical fright, the battalions separated. The Hussites fell upon the fugitives with the shout of victory, and massacred 11,00Q of them In the meantime, as we related above, a new council had assembled at Basle. The fathers showed themselves disposed tG a reconciliation. The Hussites also were weary of war. Nego tlations were then commenced. The division of the Hussites among themselves favored the work of peace. The moderate Hussites, demanding mostly only the use of the sacramental cup and some less important points, were admitted by the Compact ates of Prague (30th Nov., 1433) into the communion of the orthodox; the Taborites, on the contrary-as the more fanatical party was called —were rejected. Now the Calixtins themselves took up arms against their unfortunate brethren, and Procopius was defeated and killed (1434), in a desperate battle, by Mainhard of Neuhaus, the head of the Calixtins. After this, all opposition ceased. Bohemia, conquered only by Bohemians themselves, sunk exhausted at the feet of Sigismund, and submitted to him as king (1436). He died in the following year (9th Dec., 1437). More ambitious for glory than qualified for its acquisition, but active, indefatigable, politic, experienced, even not without erudition; he was wanting, however, in fortune, or rather in that higher moral power which captivates fortune or makes it unnecessaryt During the Hussite war, the line of Saxe-Wittenburg, the electoral branch of the house of Ascania, became extinct. Sigismund conferred the electorate of Saxony upon the mafgrave Frederick the Warlike, of Misnia, landgrave of Thuringia (1423), from whom is descended the royal house that flourishes at the present day. About the same time the house of Bavaria lost the large and fertile provinces of Holland, Zeeland, Friesland, and Hainault, which had fallen to it by the marriage of Louis IV. with the inheritress of those countries. His great-grand daughter, Jacobea, lost all her territory by the usurpation of Philip, the powerful duke of Burgundy, who was descended through his mother from the same house. At the death of Sigismund the imperial house of Luxemburg became extinct. After him commences the uninterrupted series VoL. II.-2 Y 25

　

　

386 GENERAL HISTORY. of Austrian emperors, and with it a new period of the German nlstory. AUSTRIAN EMPERORS.-ALBERT II.-FREDERICK I[I. THE emperor Sigismund, by giving in marriage Elizabeth, his only daughter, to Albert V., had transmitted to him the hereditary right to the two crowns of Hungary and Bohemia, and the highest claim to the third, that of the empire. Already the internal relations of Germany, and the rights of the states were so firmly established, that a powerful emperor appeared no longer dangerous. Thus Albert, the head of the house of Austria, who as German king is called the Second, was elected for Sigismund's successor, without any opposition (18th March, 1438). Hungary had acknowledged him as king already, and Bohemia was forced to do so, after a feeble resistance on the part of the Utraquists (or Calixtins). But the empire possessed this excellent prince only a short time. He was excellent, according to the judgment of all cotemporaries, and according to the respect with which he inspired even enemies. His inherited kingdoms discerned in him a good and just prince, the intrepid protector of external security, as well as internal tranquillity. He designed also to give Germany the blessings of peace and civil order. Kaspar Schlik, his wise chancellor, presented to the diet of Nuremburg a well pondered plan for the restoration of public tranquillity in the empire, which was more infested by the fury of private wars, than all other countries of Europe. The division of the empire into six circles, each under a governor, was to secure the maintenance of the laws and order, the authority of the imperial cities was to lend a more efficacious power to the voice of peace. But this excellent plan was not carried into effect. The princes hesitated to adopt it, and no resolution was yet taken upon it, when Albert upon an expedition against the Turks, became suddenly sick, and died (Oct. 27th, 1439). The ecclesiastical relations of Germany, which Albert by wisely adopting the Basle decrees, advantageous to Germany, had brought near to a fovorable decision, were also left as before, and exposed anew to the intrigues of the Romish court. The hereditary countries of Albert felt his loss still more severely. He left his wife enciente; but against the son o0

　

　

GERMANY. 387 misfortune, the posthumous Ladislaus, enemies and robbers arose upon all sides. Great commotions in Hungary, Bohemia, and Austria, were the'consequence. Upon the throne of the Germans, Albert had, by the unanimous choice of the electors, his relative, duke Frederick of Styria, son of duke Ernest the Iron, for his successor (1440). Besides his paternal inheritance, this prince, aged twenty-four years, governed Tyrol as guardian of the young Sigismund, his cousin. He had now to devote the same attention to the posthumous Ladislaus and his vast countries, amidst the dangers of a stormy time, and the endless difficulties of relations, miserably regulated. And finally, the heavy burden of the empire was rolled upon his shoulders. A great intellect alone would have been able to meet such demands. Frederick, however, possessed more of good will than of energy; and fortune, always more propitious to those who find their delight in action, than to the lovers of ease, was sparing of her smiles to him. The history of his reign of fifty-three years in Germany, has a character of insignificancy, even of pitifulness, which forms a deplorable contrast with the cotemporaneous history of most of the other states of Europe, so abundant in great exploits and revolutions. Frederick was crowned three times; in Aix-la-Chapelle (1442), as Roman king, but in Rome, where he celebrated at the same time his marriage with Elenora of Portugal (1452), as king of Italy and as emperor. Milan, where the Italian coronation formerly took place, obeyed, at that time, the hostile power of Francis Sforza, and Frederick was not tempted to assert the right of the empire against such a warlike adversary. The events in Germany, during Frederick's reign, are, for he most part, interesting only for the histories of its particular provinces, not for general history. The weakness of the emperor encouraged the disturbers of tranquillity, and left justice without support. Private wars re-commenced with new fury, not onl3 between different princes, but they broke out even between corporations and associations of common domestics, among themselves, as well as against cities and princes. Frederick himself was at war with almost all his neighbours, and gained nothing anywhere. His own brother, Albert, in Upper Austriacalled the Prodigal, on account of his liberality-a fiery, ener

　

　

388 GENERAL HISTORY. getic, intelligent prince, could not agree with the sleepy Frederick. He made war against him repeatedly, and forced him to resign the country of Lower Austria, which he ruled, however, only one year (t 1465). Frederick was at the same time engaged in a difficult war against Matthias Corvinus, king of Hungary, the successor of that Ladislaus, about whose person and country the emperor had already had much trouble in the beginning of his reign. For not only the Bohemians and Hungarians, but even the Austrians refused to acknowledge the tutelary power of Frederick; the Hungarians gave their crown to the Pole Vladislaw, after whose death John Hunnyades Corvinus, waywode of Transylvania, became governor of the kingdom. The young Ladislaus, whom his mother had caused to be crowned soon after his birth, was acknowledged as king. But the Hungarians, Bohemians and Austrians now wrested the prince from the custody of Frederick by the force of arms. The ambitious count Ulric of Cilley became governor in Austria. Cilley was inimical to John Hunnyades, the hero of his nation and the terror of the Turks; the heart of Ladislaus was filled with suspicion against the governor. After he was killed in his glorious conflict with the Turks, Cilley continued his crafty plans against the sons of the hero. But Ladislaus Hunnyades with his friends tilled him. The young king caused the two sons of John to be seized; the eldest, Ladislaus, to die by the hand of the executioner, the youngest, Matthias, to be cast into prison. One year after the king died suddenly, at the age of eighteen (1457); whereupon the Hungarians took Matthias from prison, and placed him upon their throne, but the Bohemians gave their crown to Podiebrad, and Austria, as a hereditary country, fell to the emperor Frederick, and his brother Albert. The noble Podiebrad kept peace with the emperor, and rendered him even assistance against Albert. But Matthias Corvinus, called by the Catholics into Bohemia, wished to take the crown from his father-in-law, Podiebrad. The last died during the war (1471), whereupon the Bohemians chose the Polish prince, Vladislaw II., king, to whom Frederick gave also the investiture of the kingdom. Matthias now made an irruption into Austria, took it from the weak Frederick, and Kept it until his death (1490). The many difficulties of the emperor, his vain efforts to prevail upon the states to make

　

　

BURGUNDY. 389 the smallest contributions, the incessant diets, which were occupied in haggling about some thousand florins and a handful of soldiers, and even the failure to fulfil engagements, exhibit to us the German empire as a caricature of impotence or contemptible selfishness. After Matthias' death, however, the emperor's son reconquered Austria, and indeed he compelled the Hungarians to acknowledge the hereditary right of Austria to their crown, in case of the extinction of the house of Vladislaw, the newly elected king. As unfortunate and severely afflicted as he was in his own country, as powerless as he was in the German empire, as insignificant as he was in the world by personal action, Frederick III. saw the commencement of the grandeur of his house. The foundation of its future greatness was laid by the marriage of Maximilian, his son, with Mary, the inheritress of Burgundy. BURGUNDY. THE house of Burgundy was a branch of the French house of kings, founded by John the Good. Burgundy having fallen to this prince, upon the extinction of the older ducal house, as the heir of his mother, he gave it to his youngest son, Philip the Bold (1363), whose descendants were for the most part enemies of the royal line. The same Philip acquired thefree-country, or High-Burgundy (Franche-Comte), as well as Flanders, Artois, Malines and Antwerp. The quarrels with the royal house commenced already under his reign, when, upon the derangement of Charles VI., Orleans and Burgundy claimed the regency. Philip's son, John the Intrepid (1404), who, when he was yet prince, had fought heroically, although unfortunately, against the Turks, caused duke Louis of Orleans, the brother of Charles VI., to be assassinated, and was himself killed, by the servants of the dauphin (1419), whereupon Philip the Good, his son, contracted an alliance with England, and effected the acknowledgmelit of' Henry V. as heir of the French throne, to the exclusion of the dauphin. Some difficulty with the regent of England disposed him finally to reconciliation with the French house. He concluded peace with the king (1435) for the cession of several cities, and the dispensation of feudal obligations for his person. The brilliant power of Burgundy rose under him by numerous

　

　

390 GENERAL HISTORY acquisitions. He purchased the county of Namur from its childless possessor, John III.; Luxemburg was ceded to him by Elizabeth, the niece of the emperor Wenceslaus. Brabant and Limburg, upon the extinction of their house of princes, fell to im as collateral heir. Holland and Friesland, Zeeland and Hainault were taken by him from the unfortunate Jacobea, greatgrand-daughter of that Margaret, who, by marriage with the emperor Louis the Bavarian, had brought these fine countries to the Bavarian house. The mother of duke Philip of Burgundy was a princess of this house. Hence his claims to the inheritance of Jacobea. No king of Europe possessed, at that time, a finer and more flourishing country than Philip. A long time already, the cities and provinces of the Netherlands had been blessed with liberty, and a well-conducted commerce. A dense population, an active, joyous life, wealth, and magnificence, proclaimed this. Some particular cities, and indeed particular guilds, were powerful enough to make war against princes and kings, and the opulence of citizens seemed enviable to kings; their pride, their spirit of liberty, which was often carried to licentiousness, was the arrogance of fortune. Under the Burgundian dominion a better order of things, and an increase of combined power, compensated in general, for what liberty lost in particular. The dukes perceived also that their own splendor depended upon public prosperity; they respected ancient privileges, and promoted the welfare of the people. The successor of Philip the Good (1467), was his son Charles of Charolois, surnamed the Bold. He continued the hereditary hatred against the French house of kings. Louis XI. requited him with equal hatred. In the meantime, Charles increased his power by the conquest of Liege, which Louis had excited against him, by the acquisition of Gelders, which Arnold of Egmond fgave him as his liberator from the hands of his rebellious son, by Alsace, engaged to him by Austria, and finally by Lorraine. which was so excellently situated; he possessed the last, however, only a short time, being on the eve of his ruin. Charles estimated the worth of the countries, which fortune had given him, only as a means for acquiring still greater power. Equal to the first kings of this part of the world in wealth and dominion, he could demand also, without arrogance, thei ]

　

　

BsURGUNDY. 391 decoration and name. But not merely king-he wished to be Roman king. In the first place he designed, that at least the vicarate of the empire over the countries to the west of the Rhine-perhaps also over the countries of the Alps as far as Milan-should be added to his power. He intended that the emperor Frederick should invest him with both. He tommenced negotiations with him. Mary, his only daughter, with her hand the prospect of the most splendid inheritance, both offered to the young Maximilian, the emperor's son, was designed to serve as an allurement. A personal m6eting at Treves was agreed upon. But there, difficulty was occasioned between them. The emperor left the duke without bidding adieu, before the affair was settled. Then he marched hostilely into the territory of the empire, to introduce his prot6g6 Robert, into the archbishopric of Cologne, against the emperor's friend, Ilerrman. The disturbance about these things was interrupted by the Swiss war. The arrogant pretensions of Hagenbach, the Burgundian governor in Alsace, who encroached upon the rights of the Swiss no less than upon the rights of those under his government, and the just apprehension which the young duke of Lorraine, Renatus II., felt on account of the rising power of Charles, occasioned an intimate alliance of the confederates with France and Lorraine, and kindled a highly important war. Austria, desirous of disengaging its provinces and the alliance of which was valuable to the Swiss against the common enemy, was reconciled with them by the eternal accommodation, and brought also the cities from Basle as far as Strasburg (called the cities of the lower union) into the same coalition. Immediately the tumult of arms resounded on all the boundaries; the Burgundian army, formidable by its superiority in numbers, marched quickly into Lorraine, was victorious, and got possession of all its fortresses, and the capital, Nancy. Then the forces of Lorraine were summoned into the war against Switzerland. In the month of January, 1476, Charles the Bold, marched at the head of a strong army, excellently equipped, and dreaming of victory, to take vengeance upon Switzerland. The Swiss, on the other hand, were eager for war in the high feeling of their power and liberty, formidable by the natural superiority of na

　

　

392 GENERAL HISTORY. tional warriors over mercenary soldiers or vassals. This superiority was shown in the most decisive manner, first at Granson (March 3, 1476), where a panic fright dispersed the army of Charles, which left an immense booty to the victors, then at Murten (22 June), where the flower of the Burgundian army fell, finally at Nancy (5th or 6th January, 1477), where the duke himself, after a most desperate resistance, succumbed to his destiny under the blows of infuriate enemies; the Burgundian dominion vanished. Mary, the heiress of Charles, whose hand was sought principally by the dauphin and the emperor's son, Maximilian, gave it to the prince of Austria. But Louis XI. took possession of the dutchy of Burgundy, and the free county, Picardy, Boulogne, and Artois, as escheated French fiefs, and desired to obtain the lest of the country. After many negotiations and military exploits, he was compelled to resign the Franche-Comte, but he remained in possession of the cities on the Somme. Mary having died after being married three years (1480), and Maximilian governing the agitated country with doubtful authority, as guardian of his son Philip, Louis took up arms again, and obtained in the treaty of Arras (1482), the provinces of Artois and Franche-Compte, as the dowry of the young Margaret, Maximilian's daughter, destined for the dauphin. The states, contrary to the wish of the regent, had concluded this peace. Maximilian had only the name of dominion. It was not until the year 1489, after a serious war, that Maximilian was acknowledged guardian and regent. Soon after the conclusion of peace Maximilian was provoked to renew the war by two grievous offences. He had chosen for his second consort Anne, hereditary princess of Bretagne. Then Charles VIII. deprived Maximilian of his intended consort (1491). The large, fertile Bretagne, so advantageously situated for France, was the reward of this outrage. The second outrage, a consequence of the first, was the sending back of Margaret, the bride destined for Charles, to her father. In the war which the latter waged on this account, he regained at least the countries given as the dowry of Margaret (1493).

　

　

GERMANY. 393 MAXIMILIAN I. THE elnperor Frederick III. died in the same year. Maximilian, who was elected Roman king already in 1486, entered now upon his independent administration. Austria is indebted to him for the confirmation of its grandeur, and Germany owes to him the blessing of internal peace and the security of justice. The splendor of Austria was again increased by a fortunate marriage. Maximilian obtained for his son, Philip the Fair, the hand of the infanta Jane (1496), the younger daughter of Ferdinand the Catholic and Isabella, but upon whom, by the death of her brother, then of her elder sister, Isabella, married to the Portuguese prince, and by that of her son, the hereditary right of the vast Spanish countries devolved.-A new cause for the jealousy of France. But Austria had fallen out with France previously, on account of the relations of Italy. The marriage of Maximilian with Blanche Mary Sforza, daughter of the opulent duke of Milan, produced a nearer interest in the events of Italy. The attempts of Charles VIII. and Louis XII. upon this country, required preparations for defence. From this resulted a series of complicated, changeful wars, the survey of which follows later. In all his undertakings, even in those in Germany, Maximilian was shackled by the penuriousness and want of patriotism of the German states, even when the general interest of the empire was concerned. Maximilian supplied much, however, by his personal energy, by penetration, courage, and activity. In his first diet at Worms (1495), he succeeded in establishing the Imperial Chamber, proposed long since, under Frederick III., and in abolishing the right of defiance. A public state of justice, the want of which had been severely felt for many centuries, was thus established in Germany. To sustain this beneficent reform, other highly important regulations and institutions were afterwards made; he instituted especially an imperial government. and a division (1500 and 1512) of the empire was made into six, afterwards-when the Austrian, Burgundian, and Electoral countries were also added to it-into ten circles; an Aulic Council was instituted (1501), which exercised concurrent jurisdiction with the Imperial Chamber-under the reserve however of reasonable opposition of the members of the empire;-a com VOL. II-2 z

　

　

394 GENERAL HISTORY. mon tax was imposed upon the subjects of the empire for the Dublic wants; —yet with great restriction-many laws of common utility relative to public order were made (especially 1496 and 1497), and the power of the land-peace was confirmed also by spiritual sanction, excommunication and interdict, but the sen tences of the Imperial Chamber by severe executive measures. Such exercise of power was desired especially by the great Suabian league. This had been concluded already in 1488, at Esslingen, by the members of the older league of St. George, which was joined by many imperial cities. Its object was to maintain public tranquillity. Maximilian now caused it to be solemnly renewed (1496) at Esslingen, building great hopes upon this patriotic union for peace and justice. These civil plans, however, were much disturbed by the illiberality, passion and selfishness of some of the states, and also by adverse incidents. The excesses of a badly organized league of the peasants (Bundschuh, 1502) against the oppression of the lords, afforded the last an acceptable opportunity to increase their power. A great commotion was occasioned by the contention about the inheritance of George the Rich, of the Bavarian Landshut (1503). Her tender father had designed it for his daughter Elizabeth, married to the palsgrave Robert, but Albert, of the Munich line, claimed it by his agnatic right, and by treaties of inheritance. Maximilian took the part of Albert, and was victorious. The right of the Bavarian line was sanctioned in a diet at Cologne (1505); the Upper Palatinate fell to Robert's children, in virtue of a treaty of accommodation. Maximilian gained for himself Kufstein, with other possessions. Maximilian had been less fortunate in a Swiss war, which he had undertaken from motives of pure patriotism (1499). He wished that the Helvetic confederates should unite with the Suabian league. He demanded also that the Swiss, as they desired always to be members of the empire, should submit likewise to the imperial chamber. Both seemed dangerous to the confederates. They despised the Suabian league, because in that, princes and lords had the sway; they would have been glad to have had the name and the advantages of members of the German empire, without fulfiling their obligations. The result of this was a war (1498), in which the Swiss, united with the

　

　

SWITZERLAND. 395 Grisons, obtained a decisive victory. They gained six battles in one year, and thus rejected the double demand. SWITZERLAND. WE have already mentioned the origin of the Helvetic confederation at the commencement of the fourteenth century. Limited to the indigent pastoral life of the forest cities, it was, notwithstanding the triumph at Morgarten, little observed, until, by the gradual accession of larger places, the league was confirmed, and its political life developed more and more by independent efforts. In 1332, Lucerne joined the league-by its situation at the outlet of the lake of the forest cities, highly important to the three places for the interests of war and commerce —but subject to the sovereignty of Austria. To remove the appearance of injustice, the rights of Austria were reserved with words: but the act was hostile, because the right of the sovereign was incompatible with its participation in the free confederation. Zurich, on the contrary, which enjoyed the immediateness of the empire, was able, without violating such rights, to associate itself with the confederates. This city obtained the first rank in the confederation (1351). Alarmed at the progress of these things, as they threatened much danger to the sovereignty of the Habsburgs, by awakening ideas of independence among a people acquired by right of inheritance ~or subjected to service, duke Albert II., the Wise, sought by negotiation and arms, to preserve the possession of his house. But the desire for freedom had already inflamed the minds of the inhabitants in the provinces around; the flourishing aspect of the free places made the unfi'ee long for the same fortune; to stand by the last, appeared to those equally noble and useful. The league progressed unchecked over subject as over free countries. Thus Glarus and Zug (1352), both Austrian places, were forced to accede to the league-at least, apparently, in order to avoid the censure of voluntary defection: —and soon after (1353), the powerful free city of Berne concluded a perpetual alliance with the other confederates.

　

　

296 GENERAL HISTORY. Since its foundation by Berthold V. dukeof Zaehringen (1 191) this celebrated city had constantly increased in internal prosperity and external power. Many lords of the region adorned the citizen list of Berne with their names, and confirmed the commonwealth by their possessions as well as by their personal pgwer. Then the powerful counts and barons of Uechtland, Aargau, and Little Burgundy, and also the city of Freiburg, formed a league against Berne, which in this danger called upon the confederates for assistance. With their efficacious aid, a brilliant victory was gained at Laupen (1339), the celebration of which was accompanied with a sworn alliance; but it was not concluded forever until 1353. The confederation numbered now eight places; they are called the ancient, because the others did not accede until much later. But in this interval, the power of the particular cantons, and that of the whole confederation increased, by many a conquest, by affording protection, and also by purchase, surety, and many other modes of acquisition. In the unequal struggle of the right of dominion, which was becoming old, against the youthful courage of liberty, the latter only could succeed. As circumstances required, as more or less favor spoke for the recently acquired country, as democracy or aristocracy, the feeling of justice or selfishness, prevailed more or less in the canton or its principal place; so the territories gained, participated in the community of civil or cantonal rights, or were reduced to a relation of dependence in opposition to the principles of liberty, upon which the confederation was based, and without consolation for those who, instead of the ancient despotism of lords, now felt not unfrequently the equally oppressive dominion of a community or its governors. After the death of Albert II. (1358), there was peace for some time. But soon after, the old hostility returned, and the principal contest commenced. Albert's youngest son, Leopolc III., who, on account of his chivalrous virtue, was called the Brave, was led by destiny into this contest, the issue of which, although glorious for the heroism of the victors, and decisive for the triumph of liberty, agitates and disposes the unbiased soul to grief. For justice is a still higher good than liberty, without which liberty itself has no foundation; and the beauty of victory is always dependent upon the goodness of the cause for which it

　

　

SWITZERLAND. 397 nas been gained. Under the reign of Wences.aus, when the ancient mutual hatred of the citizens and lords was cherished and increased by great leagues of the cities and the nobles, th hostile disposition of the two parties displayed itself also ii Switzerland. Proud of their previous fortune, and animates with the feeling of their power, the confederates rose, not onlh against particular oppressors, but generally against the domina tion of lords in Helvetia. Without regard to customary oi written right, to laws or treaties, they wished to make their right, that is to say, liberation from the power of lords, general and extinguish everywhere what they called slavery. The lords were enraged at the increasing arrogance of the peasants, and at the progressive defection of their subjects, who were encouraged by the certain protection of the Swiss. Austria especially accused the confederates justly of repeated ruptures of peace. When there was no end to this, duke Leopold, by the persuasion of his nobility, resolved upon the war of vengeance. With him one hundred and sixty seven secular and spiritual lords declared war against the Swiss (1386), and a powerful army, excellently equipped, but full of blind passion, despising the rustic enemy, and ignorant of this war, advanced from Baden towards Sempach, a small Austrian city, which had recently formed an alliance with Lucerne. In the vicinity of this place the immortal battle was fought (July 9), which, after being some time doubtful, was brilliantly decided by the heroic devotedness of Arnold of Winkelried. In the most critical moment he sprung upon the compact enemy, the flower of the knights, which here fought on foot, grasped some of their lances, pressed them into his breast, and fell to the earth; whereupon his companions in arms penetrated over him into the Austrian ranks, and amidst this confusion, defeat, and, indeed, when the servants who held the horses fled, complete destruction commenced. This exploit of Winkelried is justly highly commended; and tile battle of Sempach numbered among the most glorious proofs of the power of the enthusiasm of, liberty; finally, the good rejoice justly at the triumph of the confederation. But the destruction of so many faithful bands of citizens in Leopold's army is lamentable, the "judgment of God over the arrogance of

　

　

398 GENERAL HISTORY. the lords of the nobility"* terrible, and the murder of the noble duke is afflicting to the heart; who, as he lay helpless upon the ground, was killed —contrary to the usage of war and the dictates of humanity, by a Swiss-but with difficulty, since his armour resisted the dagger of the murderer. A battle was fought, three years later, in the same spirit at Naefels (April 9, 1389). The Austrian knights and mercenaries succumbed to the power of high enthusiasm, and to the nature of the country, which was hostile to them. Even fate fought against the lords. The bridge near Wesen broke under the feet of the flying army, and the flower of the chivalry, with many common soldiers, perished in the waves of the lake. Austria, humbled by such great reverses, concluded peace with the Swiss for seven years. All the provinces, castles and cities that had joined the confederates, all, which before or during the war, had been conquered, were to be left to the Swiss. Austria lost thus many beautiful possessions in all parts of the country. Some time after, the peace was prolonged (1394) to twenty years, and before the expiration of this term, it was solemnly renewed for fifty years (1412). But the oath of peace set no limit to hostility and the desire of conquest. During the first prolongation, nearly all the cantons had enlarged their power in various ways. Berne had extended its dominion over the high mountainous country, and the Waldstaedte (forest cities) over the northern valleys of the Alps. The spirit of liberty progressed besides powerfully of itself, without the aid of the cantons. Never instructed by experience, as if hardened in their tyrannical pride, spiritual and secular lords continued to abuse their power. In Wallis, in High-Rhmtia, in Appenzell, the chains of the oppressed were broken, associations in favor of liberty formed, those of ancient times renewed. The confederates were glad to grant the lovers of liberty, if not cantonal rights, at least protection and alliance. Three years after the renewal of the peace for fifty years, Frederick, duke of Austria (surnamed c"with the empty pocket"), as we saw above, was excommunicated by the council of Constance, and proscribed by the emperor Sigismund, on account of * Among the different accounts of the battle, Joh. von Mueller gives that the preference, according to which 656 counts, lords and knights, were slain

　

　

SWITZRLAND. 399 nis friendship for pope John XXII1. Immediately, the Swiss, at the instigation of the emperor-glad to belong to the empire against Austria-fell upon the possessions of the house of Habsburg, and upon all that the duke still possessed between the Alps and the Rhine. They conquered almost all these territories in a short time. Thus they made themselves masters of the large and fertile Aargau with its bailiwicks, cities and castles; the ancient and venerable castle, which gave its name to the illustrious race, and Lenzburg, the principal fortress of the country, the Stein of Baden. The castles were destroyed, and the country-whilst all other enemies, after the emperor was reconciled with Frederick, gave back their plunder-obstinately maintained by the right of war. Particular cantons received a part of it exclusively for themselves, a larger portion was possessed in common. Uri alone-an elevating examplepreferred honour to gain, and disdained any particular, any common part of the possessions unjustly acquired.* These recitals are very afflicting, because injustice operates far more deplorably in commonwealths, and proves far more general corruption than in monarchies, where the evil, of which the people are innocent, proceeds most frequently only from the one man who rules. This corruption is manifested soon after in the internal dissensions of the confederates. Sordid interest destroyed the spirit of harmony. Hence, a long war arose about the territory of Toggenburg, which had become vacant by the extinction of the male line of its lords, and the first canton (Vorort) of the confederation, the noble Zurich was so severely pressed by its opponents, that it sought friendship with Austria, and put itself under the protection of the emperor, Frederick III., upon terms that appeared dangerous to the confederates (1443). From this resulted a bloody, changeful war, in which a French army, called the Armagnacs, —seeking employ after the conclusion of the English war —marched under the dauphin Louis, for the cause of Zurich against the confederates, and brought great misfortune into the Swiss and German countries. A band of Swiss, 1500 strong, engaged the Armagnacs near St. James, on the Birs, in a conflict, which has been compared even by the historians ot * Vide the comprehensive relation of tile generosity of the inhabitants of Un in the history of Joh. von Mueller.

　

　

400 GENERAL HISTORY. the enemy to the great exploit of Thermopyle (6 Aug., 1444). Full of admiration of such heroism, the dauphin desired to fight no longer against the Swiss, and concluded peace with them k28 Oct.) at Ensisheim, without stipulating any advantage foi himself. But the internal war of Switzerland was prolonged until the sixth year, when it was finally terminated by the arbitrament of Berne (1450). Then their old efforts to extend their dominion either by war or by treaties, were renewed, in general with much success. The increasing power of the confederates, as well as the fame of their valour gave them a political importance in distant states. Their friendship was sought by powerful princes and kings. Before the fifty years' peace with Austria had expired, the rest of its possesions in Switzerland were taken away; some, as Rapperschwyl, perfidiously in peace, others, as the beautiful Thurgau, in unjust war. Improvidence and negligence of the possessor, the archduke Sigismund, encouraged them to the attack. The same Sigismund engaged later Alsace and Sundgau to the duke of Burgundy. The consequences of this particularly the Burgundian war, are related above. After the death of Charles the Bold, all parties had recourse to the Swiss, the sword or word of whom, as victors, appeared of decisive power. They preferred for this time pecuniary advantages to the acquisition of territory, sold to Louis XI. their claims and their further assistance, whilst they, at the same time-not unpaid-became reconciled with Burgundy, and concluded a treaty of inheritance with Austria. About the same time the Helvetic league received an important confirmation by the admission of Freiburg in Uechtland in virtue of the treaty of Stanz, concluded by the persuasion of the popular saint, Nicholas of Flue. This city formerly ceded by Austria to the duke of Savoy, was declared free by the last (1481). Solothurn obtsined at the same time cantonal rights: Basle and Schaffhausen were received into the confederation in 1501, finally Appenzell in 1513. Thus the number of cantons rose to thirteen, and this number remained until the revolution of modern times. But the allied cantons, and the conquered or subject territories continued to increase for some time. Until that time the Swiss continued to acknowledge themselves members of the empire. At the accession of every emperor they

　

　

GERMANY. 40i petitioned for the"c'nfirmation of their privileges, exercised occasionally the rights —but they fulfilled- less frequently the obligations-of members of the empire.' The first striking dissolution of this union took place in the Suabian war against the emperor Maximilian; after its fortunate termination the Swiss belonged only:nominally to Germany. We will returi to:Maximilian. He did not receive the Roman imperial coronation. When he'was going to make the Roman expedition (1507), the Venetians refused him a passage through their territory. On this account he took the title:' Elected Roman king," whereby his right, and also: that of his successors, was made independent of the'coronation in Rome. He styled himself at the same - time " king of Germany,"' and these two titles were then constantly employed.: -He! died in 1519. CONSTITUTION OF GERMANY. IN the present period the most decisive steps were taken for the transformation of Germany from one state to a confederation of states. The change of the reigning houses, according to which none of:them found time'- enough to elevate the royal dignity, but sufficient means to extend their own power, the less interest which elective kings naturally feel for the advantage of the crown, various accidental disasters, that happened to some kings, a part of which came from abroad, and the prudent use made of all this by the States, extended and consolidated their power and sovereign rights so much, that there was scarcely a possibility of establishing another system. The proud pretensions of the states had already-obtained legal sanction by solemn laws of the empire, such as the Golden Bull in favor of the electors, and- still more by:the* acknowledged exercise of these rights, by particular privileges and treaties, by regulations for the oider of succession,' &c. A similar system prevailed in the countries of the princes themselves. Their great v'assals and ministerials, or the imperial functionaries who were subject to them, endeavoured no less to set bounds to the power of- the princes, than these to restrict that of the monarch. Many of them arrived even to independence or immediateness, and thus ceased to belong to the province of the prince-as especially many knights. Others acquired at least brilliant prerogatives, especially the quality of VOL. II.-3 A 26

　

　

402 GENERAL HISTORY. members of the dietines, as well as exemption from imposts, &c. But their relation to the lord of the country was in general more Unfavorable than that of the last to the king. The lord of the country was long since superior to them in family possessions. and increased them by continual acquisitions. As his power was hereditary, he was enabled to maintain and extend it the more easily. As he was seldom distracted by important external affairs, he was able to devote his power and attention almost exclusively to domestic interests. Hence the monarchial system triumphed in the states of the imperial princes, and its triumph would have been more rapid and decisive, had not the authority of the emperor and empire opposed a barrier to the princes. In the meantime, the lot of the commons in all the gradations of their condition, had been ameliorated-not as a result or further developement of the feudal system, which had been rather the principal cause of slavery-but by the favor of general causes, which since the Crusades had enlarged the empire of illumination and humanity. Many had become free, and the condition of the serf was at least considerably mitigated. Among the causes which produced this result, must be numbered, as already observed, the universality of servitude, and the multitude of esquires (a condition that united fortune and honours, with the duties of'dependence), then the progressive mixture of unfree classes among one another, and even with freemen, hence the gradual' disappearance of the most striking distinctions, but especially the increasing prosperity of cities. Not only the immediate cities of the empire rose to almost republican freedom, and at the same time to the dignity of States of the Empire (acknowledged in 1478), but also many cities belonging to lords, succeeded, either by the favor and discernment of the prince, or by their own power, in liberating themselves from their ancient bondage, and in obtaining even political importance. It was in these republican cities, and by them, that the idea of the citizen, as a mere member of a state or community-without regard to landed property, or at least with equal estimation of the possession of money-was formed, which struck at the root of the aristocracy of landed proprietors, just and salutary in its origin, but condemnable and even tyrannical in its degeneration, concentration, and in the extravagant conclusions deduced from this, and which frequently alleviated the deplorable condition of the serfs of the glebe.

　

　

FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 103 The cities, where the personal worth of man mignt make itself appreciated by intellect and industry, without accidental patri. mony, the free, fortunate cities, allured the oppressed inhabitants of the country within their protecting walls. Soon the lords found that there was only one means of retaining their serfs of the glebe, servants, tenants, or slaves, and that was the improve. ment of their condition. The new system of military service in the pay of princes, offered likewise an asylum. The servant of arms, exempt from the labors and obligations of serfs, thought himself better, although he had alienated his body, than the man attached to the glebe. Everywhere the serfs of the soil would have taken refuge under the banner, had not their lords ameliorated their condition. Thus what afterwards prepared the way for general slavery, was at first a means of liberation. The same, in general, is to be said of the confirmation of the power of princes. The interest of monarchy is, that no dominion may bind more firmly than that of the throne. The looser pri — vate bondage, the greater the dependence upon the prince. The less the obligations to the lord, the greater those to the throne. Kings and princes, therefore, favored and even commanded the liberation of the commons, and set themselves the example in their private possessions and domains. As much as they remitted to individuals, so much they gained over all, and the impulse of that movement was already given, the continuation of which was to bring all the inhabitants of the same territorywhether masters or slaves, nobles or plebeians, citizens or peasants-upon the same line of subjection to one throne (as subjects, or, according to a milder appellation, as citizens of the state). FRANCE AND ENGLAND. EDWARD II. AND EDWARD III. rIr reign of Edward II., king of England (1307), forms the most deplorable contrast with the brilliant reign of his father, Edward I. Seduced by a sad inclination to absolute power, yet

　

　

404 GENERAL HISTORY. neither prudent nor energetic enough to maintain it, without independence of character, he abandoned his authority to favorites, who disposed of it as of a possession that must be used quicktlv,' bectuse precarious. The first of these favorites, Piers Gavaston of Gascogne, drew u-poi himself, by his despotism and insolence, the anger of the great, especially of:thie iatiof —Lan caster, the eldest prince of the royal house. -The barons formed an armed league, and compelled the king repeatedly to remove this favorite. Finally, the insurgents -got possession of his person, and had him beheaded (1312). The king now gave his power to Hugh Spenser, which gave rise to new troubles. Misfortune in his war against. Scotland, which gloriously gained its independence in the battle of Bannockburn (1314), and revolts in Wales and Ireland, had made Edward contemptible. The rapacity and tyranny of his new favorite occasioned an insurrection. Then the earl of Lancaster was beheaded as a traitor. But Isabella, a French princess, and the wife of Edward, combined with Robert Mortimer, a handsome knight of Wales, against her own husband and his favorite, and vanquished her enemy easily, who was pursued-by general hatred. Hugh Spenser and his son were taken and cruelly executed, the king deposed and imprisoned by a decree of parliament. Soon the people perceived with horror that the unfortunate Edward had been assassinated in a terrible manner by the command of his wife and her lover (1327). The power of this criminal couple continued for some years,.quring the minority of Edward Il., the heir of the throne. But the prince having, in'his eighteenth- year, had his mother and Mortimer suddenly arrested, the latter was king, according to a decree of parliament (1330), the former was banished to her estate. Edward then took the reins of the kingdom, and governed it gloriously for forty-seven years. Under him the right of the commons to sit in parliament was confirmed, and their house completely separated from that of the peers. The commons had; -likewise their speaker. The first formal division into two houses, took place in 1343. But their organization was regulated later. Notwithstanding this consolidation of the national rights, Edward himself frequently encroached upon them. The splendor of his victories gave him majesty, his personal merit gained the

　

　

ENGLAND -AND FRANCE. i05 affection of his subjects; many an abuse of power, which, isolated, seemed supportable, was overlooked, and only the main. tenance of rights guarded for the future. PHILIP VI. OF VALOIS.-WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. AMONG the external enterprises of Edward, the French war demands particularly our, attention. After the death of Philip the Fair (1314), France was successively governed by his three -sons,' Lotis X., Hutin (t1316), Philip V., the Long (t1322),-and Charles IV., the Fair (t1328). Their short reigns presented nothing remarkable. After the death of Louis X., his daughter: Jane was deprived of the throne by her uncle Philip V., in virtue of a decision of a diet at Paris, that the "law of custom" excluded women from succession to the French throne. After Philip's death, the third brother was acknowledged king by the same law. No one of the three brothers having left a son, the first race of the Capetian house became extinct. The nearest male agnate, Philip of Valois, whose father, Charles of Valois, had been a brother of Philip the Fair, was now declared king, by the States of the kingdom, and crowned (29 May, 1328); again according to the law of custom, not according to the- Salic law, which was applicable only to private property. -He is the author' of the second Capetian line, which is called from him the line of: Valois. But Edward III., of England, whose mother, isabelle, was the sister of th-e three last -kings, consequently the daughter of Philip IV.,:thought he, had a better right to the succession than Philip:VI., who was obliged to derive his one degree further back, that is to say, from Philip III, his grandfather. This occasioned a long, changeful: and terrible war, the scourge of France for four generations.. -:Edward assumed the title, s" king of France," Philip contested his pretensions to Guienne,: and- challenges to war were issued (1339).a In the second year of the war, the English fleet gained a decisive victory over the far superior nava force of France, near Sluiso;n the coast ofFanders.:TwO: hundred and thirtv French vessels:were taken, ad'thirty thousand Frenchmen were killed (23- July, 1340). This great victory had-no important consequences. Edward's powerful army, arrested by a French army

　

　

106 GENERAL HISTORY. still more powerful, effected nothing of importance. But six years after the first misfortune, France was shaken by a second blow. Edward had penetrated with an army of moderate strength through Normandy, and along the Seine, as far as Paris. Then being in great danger from the superior power of the enemy, he retreated precipitately towards Flanders. Philip overtook him near Cressy, in Picardy, and attacked him with impetuosity (26 Aug. 1346). But the excellent order of Edward's army, the valour of his best troops, the archers, and the military virtue of the prince of Wales, displayed at an early age, made this day destructive to France. The flower of the French chivalry, with'their commander, the count of Alengon. the king's brother, the dukes of Lorraine and of Bourbon, the counts of Flanders, Blois, Vaudemont, Aumale, and many others fell on this bloody day. Two thousand five hundred nobles, four thousand heavy armed cavaliers, and more than thirty thousand common soldiers were left upon the battle-field. John, king of Bohemia, who, although blind, participated in the battle, and the king of Majorca were killed; the Roman king Charles-this prince had also followed Philip into this.battle-escaped. The English suffered but little loss, and their power was four times less than the French. It was rather a massacre than a battle. The fame of this day was spread at once in all Europe. But its consequences did not answer to expectation. The single city of Calais-after a long siege-was taken (14 Aug. 1347), always a precious booty, a well-situated, secure gate to France. This loss against England —which he himself occasionedwas amply requited to Philip by fortunate acquisitions. Philip's own possessions, particularly Valois, were reunited to the throne by his accession to it: he purchased also (or obtained by devolution) various smaller territories, especially of the king of Majorca the seignory of Montpelier, for 120,000 gold florins. But the most precious of these acquisitions was Dauphine, which the childless Humbert II. gave the royal prince of France, (whc bore afterwards from this also the title of Dauphin.) This beautiful country, a principal part of the kingdom of Aries, was, it is true, under the sovereignty of Germany, and the donation might have been rejectedhby the German king. But Charles IV. sanctioned it afterwards, and appointed the dauphin vicar of the empire in all the kingdom of Arles, whereby, notwithstanding

　

　

E1NGLAND AND FRANCE. 407.he verbal reservation of the rights of the empire, these countries were lost to Germany. After the death of Philip VI. (1350), his son John, surnamed the Good, ascended the throne. Never, until modern times, has France experienced so great ignominy from abroad and so much distress from within, as under the reign of this prince. In order to raise the forces necessary for the English war, John convoked the States General in his capital (Nov. 1355.) They granted, it is true, to the. king a powerful army of infantry and cavalry, as well as the imposts necessary to support it: but they demanded also the redress of many grievances, such as the arbitrary alteration of money, the tyranny and extortions'of the officers of the court and the farmers of taxes, the oppression of compulsory services and contributions, &c. Besides,they required that the king should promise neither to conclude peace, nor a truce, without the consent of the States. John marched, however, against the enemy. After repeated interruptions of the contest by truces, in which no reliance could be placed, the English had carried their victorious arms from two sides, from Normandy and from Guienne, towards the heart of France. Edward, prince of Wales, especially, (who was called from his armour the Black Prince), with a small army, had conquered or alarmed all the country, as far as the Loire. At the approach of John's army, five times stronger, the prince retreated, was overtaken at MaupertuiS, not far from Poictiers, and forced to a battle, the reasonable proposals which he made for peace having been rejected (19th Sept., 1356). The English gained a victory as decisive as that of Cressy, and still more glorious; the great French army was annihilated by death, captivity, or dispersion, and the king himself, with his youngest son, fell into the power of the victor. Edward, however, taking into consideration the weakness of his army, did not pursue his victory, but concluded a truce for two years, and took the royal captives to London (24th May, 1357). John found still in London his companion of misfortune, king David of Scotland, whom the heroic wife of Edward IIl., Philippa of Hainault, had taken prisoner eleven years before, in the battle of Durham (17th Oct., 1346). The valiant Robert Bruce, who had sustained victoriously, at Bannockburn (1314), the independence of his country against

　

　

408 GENERAL HISTORY. Edward II., reigned gloriously until: 1329. But-new storms were occasioned by intestine divisions. Edward Baliol, the son of John, to whom Edward 1. had formerly promised the crown.of Scotland, took up arms against David Bruce, the-son and successor of Robert, who was in his -minority, and penetrated into the kingdom with English assistance.- Now:David was taken prisoner, but he escaped to Franceo(1333), and Baliol, as vassa. of England, experienced:the aversion of his people and their chief men, in frequent insurrections. - He was driven away anew, and David having returned (1341), was- saluted king, with shouts of joy. The latter, at the instigation of France, broke the peace with Edward, and expiated his: imprudence by his misfortune at Durham. It was not iuntil eleven years. after}, that- he recovered his liberty and kingdom, for a large ransom, and the sacrifice of independence. But: the Scotch abhorred the English dominion, and declared, after David's death (1371), his nephew, Robert Stuart, king. In the meantime, France, after the capture of the king, had been afflicted with all the horrors of unrestrained popular: fury and anarchy. The dauphin was appointed, it is true, general lieutenant of the kingdom, during -the captivity of his father. But his authority was feeble and impotent against the storm of the revolution, that was now:breaking: out. - In the assembly of the States, which was:opened immediately-after the unfortunate 17th Oct., 1356,: the long-glimmering matter of hostility against the government, blazed up in bright flames., - It Was not the liberation of the king, or the affairs of-war, that occupied the States, but the reform -of the constitution, and the curtailing of the royal power. — Robert le Coq, bishop of Laon, and Stephen Marcel, prevost of the merchants, two enthusiasts, demanded with loud cries the deposition of a number of the first officers of the state, the sending of commissaries into the: provinces to punish all others who should be found guilty, -the- establishment of a council of government of thirty persons chosen by the States finally, -the -release of the king of NaVarre: Charles the. Bad, a relative. and enemy - of tihe. French king, who. had been- taken a short- time -before —by the. adheents of:the. last.- This -king of Navarre was the secret soul of the whole.. -: - - Many of the principal men'of: the revolution spoke for him (almost as in our own time for Orleans); some from bribery

　

　

ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 409 otners from passion. Those, who sincerely wished for the good of the state, were in part senseless entnusiasts, in part inconsiderate or fool-hardy men,;not considering, or -not knowing the dangers to which they exposed their country. But the people, after they had thrown off their chains, were inclined only to udeness and barbarism. On:this account the failure of the ttempted revolution can neither surprise nor afflict us; although the loss of the battle of Poictiers offered to the States-General a rare opportunity to make a salutary reform in the state. The assembly of the States. was dissolved on the second of November, by the dauphin, whose- counsellorsg had been excluded from it. They resolved to inform the nation about the frustration of their good intentions:; they did so- zealously, in a revolutionary spirit, and efficaciously- - Soon popular- tumults commenced. The dauphin, intimidated, consented to the revocation of some ordinances that produced discontent, and to the convocation of a new assembly of the States (1357, 5th Feb.). Now the earlier demands are granted, the proscribed officers of the state removed from their places and deprived of their property. The states get possession of the administration of the kingdom, and appoint a committee of thirty-six-members as a council of state. Paris is fortified, the populace called to arms. But onlythe deputies of the Tiers-Etat appeared in the following assembly of the States (January, 1358). The clergy and nobles went over to the banner of royalty. The liberated king of Navarre appears now in the midst of the popular assembly, and among groups of the populace of the capitol, to promote energetically the revolution. The tumults become more violent The friends-of. innovation wear national caps, blue and red they commit terrible excesses, they set all civil order at defiance In the meantime the dauphin,;whosei party was strengthened by the abhorrence of such enormities,-was acknowledged regent Marcel: and- Le -Coq are out-witted. -The. former receives a place in the: council of state,; the, latter -the office of prime minister; three members:of the, community of Paris came besides into- the council-of state..But in: the diet, which the regent held at Compiegne, the demagogues were excluded from the council of state, and Marcel was assassinated soon after in-Paris (August 1, 1358). From- Paris the giddiness of revolution had spread into the VOL. II-3 B

　

　

410 GENERAL HISTORY. provinces Scenes, like those of the capitol, were witnessed in most of tne larger cities. It was still worse in the country The peasants-in the northern provinces, first —were seized with the spirit of liberty. Jacques bon homme-thus the arrogant nobles formerly called their patient peasants-rose formidably for vengeance. All the barbarities that the fancy can invent, all the horrors that disgraced France in its latest revolution were now committed. To all these disorders was added the licentiousness of unpaid gangs of soldiers, called Malandrins, who in part without the means of subsistence, for want of their pay, in part disliking any repose from arms, traversed the country (during the truce, and even after the conclusion ot peace with England) in bands, more or less numerous, robbing, desolating, murdering, some of them under eminent chiefs, proud, insolent, as if pursuing only their right, with no more fear of God than of the world. PEACE OF BRETIGNY.-CHARLES V. THE prudent dauphin, after having subjected or disarmed the demagogues at Paris, consolidated his power by an accommodation with the'king of Navarre (1359), and by the peace which he concluded in the following year with England, at Bretigny (1360). By this treaty England was to remain in the independent possession of Guienne, Gascogne, Poitou, Saintonge, Agenois, Perigorod, Limousin, Querci, Tarbes, Bigorre, Angoumois, Montreuil, Ponthieu, Calais, and some other places and provinces; but it was to renounce its pretensions to the crown of France, as well as those to Normandy, Touraine, Anjou, Maine, Bretagne and Flanders. The ransom of the captive king was fixed at three millions of gold crowns. Two of his sons and other great lords of the kingdom were to be given for hostages. After having sworn to this treaty, John was set at liberty. He tried every means to raise the ransom, but in vain. The fulfilment of the principal article, the cession of the countries, was still more difficult. The provincial states opposed it, the royal counsellors no less, hence John resolved-very generously, provided he was not induced by impure motives-to return into captivity to London (1363). He died there in the following year (April 8, 1364). His successor Charles V., surnamed the Wise, had cultivated

　

　

ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 411 his talents for ruling already as dauphin, in the school of adversity and danger, and gained the respect and confidence of the nation. As king he continued the work, gloriously commenced, of the salvation of France. Tranquillity, order and civil fortune, returned gradually in the interior. The foreign war was carried on resolutely and with a fortunate issue. Experience proved then, as history often shows, that a nation is never more powerful than after great intestine ferments and civil wars. England experienced this to her terror in the renewed war. Edward had no longer his accustomed fortune. His valiant son, the Black Prince, died (1376); the excellent general Chandos had fallen previously; Captal of Buche, the terror and admiration of France, was taken prisoner, and died in the enemy's power (1377). The king himself, afflicted and weak from age, neglected his war. Hence it was easy for the grand constable of France, Bertrand du Guesclin, the ornament of the French chivalry, equally excellent as a man and a general, to gain victory after victory, and with his swelling army drive the English from their conquests. France terminated victoriously, also, the Castilian war, which in the beginning had been unfortunate. Peter the Cruel, king of Castile, was engaged in war with Henry Trastamara, his natural brother. The latter after having been vanquished fled to France, and proposed to take the Malandrins into his pay, which was granted to him with pleasure. These bands under the command of Bertrand du Guesclin, who put himself at their head in order to deliver his country from these freebooters, marched to Castile and proclaimed Trastamara king. But Peter hastened to Guienne, which the Black Prince governed, and implored his assistance. Edward collected an army, marched over the Pyrenees, defeated the enemy at Najara (April 3, 1367), as completely as at Poictiers, and took Du Guesclin prisoner. But Peter rewsarded hi. deliverer with ingratitude, and the prince of Wales returned to Guienne, unpaid for the expenses of this war. Then Trastamara appeared for the second time with French troops, defeated the tyrant, killed him with his own hand, and ascended the throne of Castile. By this means France gained a powerful ally, and thus recommenced, with new courage and strength, the war against England.

　

　

412 GENERAL HISTORY. But Charles V. did not live to see its termination. He died in the 17th year of his reign (1380), at the age of forty-four, justly lamented by his subjects, and venerated by posterity. The kingdom, which he found at his accession in deplorable distraction, bleeding from innumerable wounds, he left tranquillized, flourishing, powerful.. The conclusion of Edward the Third's reign was less brilliant, and indeed unhappy in various respects, and still more sad by the contrast with its glorious commencement. With the loss of his foreign possessions was- associated the diminution-of his authority in the interior.- As Edward advanced in years he experienced the decided resistance of the once obsequious parliament, and manifestations- of discontent from his people, who once hailed him with acclamations of joy. The English saw with indignation, that their great king permitted himself to be governed by a beautiful woman- Alice Pierce;- they were afflicted to see his authority- abandoned to his third son, Lancaster, who was not beloved; they lamented finally, in the death of the heroic prince of Wales, the loss of their only hope, The unfortunate father survived one year this irreparable loss, the magnitude of which was perceptible immediately -after the king's death (June 21, 1377), in the most lamentable consequences. Richard II., aged eleven years, son of the Black Prince, succeeded him by the right of succession that was recognized and solemnly sanctioned. According to the energetically expressed wish of the commons,-the upper house appointed a council of regency,. composed of nine members, without preventing by that means the predominant influence of the duke of Lancaster. The embarrassments-of external-relations- made an-augmentation of imposts necessary.; The capitatiori (an impost.of three groats, i. e. twelve English pennies for- every person over fifteen- years) produced a revolt among the peasants- a —priest t(Joh7n Btll) had inflamed their heads Owith doctrines:f freedom -and.- equalityand they.-marched under -the:command of a; farrier,- Wat Tyler, to London.' -This swarmn consisted of a -hundredthousand men. The young Richard saved himself from the threatening danger with admirable presence of:nmind,- an the rebels, - badly commanded, were- soon ireduced-by a combination of the-pub-lic force. The revolution left not — a trace -behind..- - - Richard did not answer to the expectation which his conduct

　

　

ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 413 in the tumult of the- peasants had given.- A powerful party, the head of which was Gloucester, his uncle, rose against the favorites of the king, and shackled the royal power by the appointment of a commission of government (1387). But after Richard had attained his majority, and entered upon his independent admiriis tration (1389), he revoked all his promises, and maintained his supreme power by the mutual jealousy of Lancaster and Gloucester. Culpable connexions of the latter with France,: afforded an opportunity to crush himn. His preceding negotiations were regarded as acts of high treason, the principal participants were executed, and Gloucester himself put to death without judgment (1397). Soon Richard atoned for this murder. Henry, the son of John, duke of Lancaster, put himself at the head of the king's enemies, vanquished and made him prisoner. A parliament deposed Richard, and gave the crown to Lancaster (1399). Richard died in a similar manner as Gloucester (1400). The reign of Henry IV. was constantly disturbed by conspiracies and tumults. By courage and fortune-but also cruellyHenry crushed his enemies, obtained the solemn assurance of the hereditary right to the throne, and left (1413) the kingdom in a tranquil state to his son, Henry V., who carried the English arms again to France, and still more gloriously than even Edward III. CHARLES VI. OF FRANCE. - HENRY V. OF ENGLAND. THE new embarrassments of this unfortunate kingdom, encouraged Henry to make this attack. The eldest son, and the successor of Charles V., Charles VI., was only eleven years of age when his father died (1380). Although, by an ordinance published under the preceding reign, the majority of the French kings had been fixed at the commencement of their fourteenth year, yet a regency was now necessary. -The queen was dead, therefore the eldest brother of the deceased king, Louis of Anjou, became king. The opposition of the other brothers occasioned the emancipation of the king, in whose name then his four uncles each exercised as much power as they could usurp. Louis of Anjou, the most rapacious of the four, died, however, soon (1384). whereupon the youngest brother, Philip of Burgundy, came to the head of affairs. His authority continued even after the king had undertaken the government (1388): and it was still more

　

　

114 GENERAL HISTORY. firmly established, when the unfortunate king fell into a state of derangement, in consequence of two violent frights (1392 and 1393), which made a regency again necessary. But the ambitious brother of the king, Louis of Orleans, rose soon against the duke of Burgundy. The court and kingdom were immediately divided into two hostile parties, and the futile dispute, whetfier Burgundy or Orleans should prevail, became more important to the French than the preservation of their country. The war with England had been continued, in the meantime, with various success, but on both sides without vigour. Finally, after many short interruptions of the contest, a truce was concluded with England for twenty-five years (1396). The French employed it only to pursue, undisturbed, their intestine quarrel. This became more violent, when, after the death of Philip of Burgundy (1404), his son, John the Intrepid, played one of the principal parts in it. This passionate man ventured to have the duke of Orleans, the king's brother, killed by assassins (23d Nov., 1407). Fear of John's power induced the court, and even the house of Orleans, to become apparently reconciled with him. But directly afterwards, almost all the princes of the blood, and other great lords, especially the count of Armagnac, formidable by his gangs of soldiers, formed a league against Burgundy, and civil war commenced. The king, whose lucid intervals augmented the confusion, because they enfeebled the authority of the regency, adhered alternately to Burgundy and Orleans. The latter called even upon England for assistance. Duke John was gradually forced to relax his pretensions, and resolved to conclude the peace of Arras (Sept. 1414), by which he ceded great advantages to his enemies. But the appearance of the English changed suddenly the state of things. On the 14th of August, 1413, Henry V. landed on the coasts of Normandy, took Harfleur, and gained over the great French force, which had advanced rapidly, in order to crush him, in the battle of Agincourt (25th Oct., 1413), a victory as complete as those of Cressy and Poictiers had been, under circumstances almost similar. It is asserted that 8000 knights were left on the battle-field, among whom was the commander of the army, constable d'Albret himself, two brothers of the duke of Burgundy one of the duke of Lorraine, and a number of dukes and counts

　

　

FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 415 Many others were made prisoners. Henry, however, from want of troops and money, did not continue the war now, but concluded a truce for two years. But in France the internal'war broke out the more violently. The count of Armagnac, the dangerous enemy of Burgundy, became constable, minister of finance, and indeed the head of the government. The dauphin declared also for him. But the queen Isabelle (daughter of Stephen, duke of Bavaria), grievously offended by Armagnac, united with Burgundy, and the latter with Henry, king of England, to whom he promised the crown of France (Oct. 1416). Now the queen declared herself regent, manifesting hostility to her son publicly; Henry V. landed for the second time (1 Aug. 1417) in Normandy, and the Burgundian party took Paris, which the wild populace filled with bloodshed. But the dauphin, who had escaped from Paris, planted his independent banner, around which the friends of Orleans,.as well.s many friends of their country rallied. These last sought an amicable adjustment. The dauphin and the duke John seemed disposed to reconciliation; a personal interview at Montereau, upon the bridge of the Yonne, was to complete the work of peace. The two princes, each ascompanied by ten trusty persons, advanced from the opposite sides: but the attendants of the dauphin, under the eyes of their master, drew suddenly their swords, and killed the duke (10 Sept. 1419). This horrible deed filled the measure of evil. Philip the Good, John's son, considering it his duty to avenge his father's murder, took decidedly and unconditionally the partof England. The queen, the implacable enemy of her son,did so likewise. The court of the sick king, and all the country on this side of the Loire, declared against the dauphin. A treaty of peace was made with England, at Troyes (21 May, 1420), according to which Henry received the hand of the king's daugnter, Catharine, and the assurance of succeeding to the throne, after her father's death, and. the regency until that time. France and England were to be forever united, but the constitution of the two kingdoms was not to be altered. An assembly of the States sanctioned this peace, and declared it solemnly a law of the kingdom (10 Dec., 1420). But fate had decreed otherwise. After a short enjoyment

　

　

416 GENERAL HISTORY. of his grandeur, Henry V. died (31 Aug. 1422), two months before Charles VI. (20 Oct. 1422), whom he was to succeed. THE MAID OF ORLEANS. THE dauphin at the -age of nineteen took the title of king after the death of his father, and:had for: an adversary now, instead of a victorious monarch, endowed with personal energy, a child in the cradle.;For such was Henry-VI., the heir of the two kingdoms by the death of his father, Henry V. The friends of the French house of kings were animated with new hope. Charles VII. was their watch-word. Threatening Clouds, however, hung over him, when he was crowned.at, Poictiers. The uncles of Henry VI., who was crowned in the cradle, the -dukes of Bedford -and Glocester, governed in his name, the former the French, the latter the English kingdom, both with energy and wisdom. They oppressed with superior arms the adherents of Charles, who, after a contest of six years, saw himself almost restricted to the territory of Bourges. -He still maintained Orleans, the key to the little that he had left: A.the fall of this fortress would have occasioned the fall of his kingdom. Then appeared a maid, called Jeanne d'Arc, from Dom Remy, on the banks of the Meuse, before the officers of the king, and soon before him, asserting that she had received from heaven the mission to relieve Orleans, and to conduct the king to Rheims, in order to be crowned there. After some hesitation, the intelligent perceived what advantage might be derived from the belief of this mission. Joan was sent to the army.- The first advantages which she gained,- published by a thousand voices, and greatly exaggerated by rumour, convinced even the incredulous. Enthusiasm, as a. blazing flame, now ran through the inflammable warriors of France; they fought with more confidence, and a similar belief in miracles spread terror in the army of the enemy. So the maid arrived at Orleans, delivered the city from threatening danger by bold sallies —(8th May,:1429),-pursued. the enemy, defeated him: repeatedly; most decisively at Patay, and conducted the.king to Rheims (17th Jluly), to receive there the boly unction. Her mission was accomplished, but not her destiny. She was persuaded to pursue still longer her heroic career. She was finally captured at Compeigne by the Burgundians, sold

　

　

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FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 417 Co the English, and burnt alive at Rouen, as a sorceress and heretic (30th May, 1431). The French, however, were her accusers, (the University of Paris, especially), and French priests pronounced the judgment. Tile affairs of England prospered less and less. The principal cause was the defection of Burgundy. The duke of Bedford having married, after the death of his first wife, the sister of Philip, the countess Jacqueline of Luxemburg, the duke of Burgundy listened to the voice of his natural and more ancient connexion, and became inclined towards France. Soon after, to the great misfortune of England, Bedford died (14th Sept. 1435), and Philip concluded peace immediately with the French king at Arras (21st Sept.) He obtained the cession of various provinces and cities, and exemption from feudal dependence for his lifetime. Henceforth Charles was victorious. His mother, who was his enemy, died (30th Sept.). Burgundy, still further irritated by England, united his troops with those of France; Paris was taken, and much of the country recovered. The two powers, fatigued by war, concluded now a truce (1444). But when the war was renewed (1449) the English suffered blow after blow. The valiant Count John of Dunois, especially, was their ruin. They lost all their conquests, and even Normandy and Guienne, their ancient possessions. Their excellent general, Talbot, who was called the English Achilles, fell with the flower of their army, in a great battle near Castillon (1453); this loss deprived them of all hope. Only Calais, and the islands on the coast of Normandy, remained in their possession. Thus terminated this terrible war, without a formal treaty of peace, and only because the two parties ceased to fight. Long duration of possession was the only title of.ts legitimacy. Charles VII., who rose from the most dangerous situation to such brilliant fortune, to greater power than any of his predecessors had possessed, was, however, personally only a weak prince. His authority was very perceptibly diminished by the revival of the arrogant pretensions of the grandees, and he was afflicted in his last days by his unworthy son. He participated repeatedly in conspiracies against his father; and it is believed, that he poisoned Agnes Sorel, the beautiful and spirited mistress of VOL. II-3 c 27

　

　

418 GENERAL HISTORY. Charles. This unfortunate father, fearing a similar lot for himself, abstained for a long time from any nourishment, and thus accelerated his death (July 22, 1461). LOUIS XI., KING OF FRANCE.-HENRY VI, KING OF ENGLAND. BURDENED with the suspicion of murder, and with the guilt of causing his father terrible affliction, Louis XI., a perfect tyrant in character and deeds, ascended the throne. Soon after the commencement of his reign, his ambitious plans produced apprehension, and a league of many grandees, called la ligue du bien public, was formed against him; at the head of it were the king's brother, Charles, and the count of Charolois, hereditary prince of Burgundy, and it was joined by most of the princes of the blood, also by the duke of Bretagne and many friends of the deceased king, such as Dunois, d'Armagnac, Dammartin and others. The king was defeated by the Burgundians in a battle near MIonthlery (1465), whereupon he appeased the confederates by granting their principal demands, but did not keep the treaty. In general this king gained little by arms, more by intrigues and deceitful promises. He therefore avoided the field of battle; building his hopes upon the imprudence of his enemies and upon his own cunning policy. About this time the duke of Guienne, Charles, the king's brother, died by poison (1472). The world accused Louis of this murder. It gave him freer hands and larger possessions. But many crimes, many perjuries, many executions were still necessary, until he attained his object-absolute power. The -constable Louis of Luxemburg, count of St. Pol-basely delivered up by Charles the Bold to Louis-died upon the scaffold, as well as the count of Perche, Renatus of Alengon, and James, duke of Nemours, count of Armagnac-a descendant of the Merovingian race, as it is thought-besides many others of inferior rank, more than four thousand in number, as cotemporaries assert; most of them without a regular process, upon the arbitrary command of tile king. The young, innocent princes of Nemours were obliged to stand under the scaffold, where their father was executed, that the blood might drop down upon them; then they were shut up in the darkest vaults of the Bastile. Thus the king founded his power upon terror, and the nation sunk into silent obedience I

　

　

ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 419 Louis concluded an alliance with the Swiss against Burgundy (1474), and renewed it repeatedly with the whole confederation, and separately with the cantons. It was his intrigues, princirally, that brought Charles the Bold into war with the Swiss, and he derived the greatest advantage from this war. By the devolution of many Burgundian provinces, then by that of Guienne, finally, by the inheritance of Anjou (Provence and Forcalquier), which Renatus, who called himself king of Naples, bequeathed in 1479 to his nephew Charles, and the latter to the King in 1481 —not regarding the claims of Renatus, duke of Lorraine-then by the counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne, which the king of Arragon resigned to him as a pledge, by the county of Boulogne, which he acquired by exchange, and by many other smaller acquisitions, Louis augmented the possessions of the crown, and rendered them more lucrative by more regular administration and increased taxes. He died-after lamentable affliction of mind, and vain exhaustion of all the resources of art and superstition-in his strong castle, Plessis les Tours, which was guarded with fear (Aug. 30, 1483). England, which the preceding kings of France had always fought as their principal enemy, was distracted by internal dis9rders during the greater part of the reign of Louis XI., and when, after the restoration of tranquillity, Edward IV. declared against France, in consequence of a new treaty with Burgundy, Louis appeased him in the treaty of Picquigny (Aug, 29, 1475) by a large sum of money, and by the promise of an annual tribute. This king paid the ministers of Edward pensions also, and thus secured his tranquillity. Edward IV., and with him the house of York, had arrived to the throne by a bloody way; the splendor of Lancaster had ended terribly. Henry VI. had been crowned in the cradle, king of France and England (1422). We have seen by what revolution of things France was lost. But greater misfortune awaited Henry in his own country. His uncles, Bedford as regent of France and protector of England, and Gloucester, who administered the second in his brother's name, protected, it is true, his feeble youth by obedience. But when Bedford died (1435), discord broke out immediately between his brother and the educator of the king, the ambitious cardinal of Winchester. The last succeeded in

　

　

420 GENERAL HISTORY. effecting the marriage of his pupil with Margaret of Anjou, who then, in concert with the pupil's favorite, William de la Pole, the son of a merchant (made by his master's favor duke of Suffolk), overthrew Gloucester, who was already enfeebled by age. The duke was assassinated in prison (1447); whereupon Suffolk ruled without restriction. But parliament, which, during the regency had fortunately increased its authority, declared against Suffolk. Accused by the house of commons, condemned by that of the peers, this odious son of a merchant was banished from the kingdom, and assassinated upon his journey (1450). Complaints were also made against his successor in power, the duke of Somerset, a prince of the house of Lancaster. The house of York took advantage of such relations for its own ambitious plans. Richard, duke of York, grandson of Edmund of York, the fourth son of Edward III., and at the same time on the side of his mother, Anne Mortimer, great-grandson of Lionel of Clarence, the second son of the same Edward, was able by this last descent, to claim a nearer right to the throne than the house of Lancaster, since the founder of this, John of Lancaster, was the third of Edward's sons. THE RED AND WHIT'E ROSE. ENCOURAGED by the weakness of Henry VI., and by the discontent of the nation, this Richard of York now set up his ambiguous pretensions, and thus plunged his country into an abyss of evils for thirty years. The contest between the Red Rose (Lancaster) and the White Rose (York) commenced. A more terrible civil war is recorded in the annals of no people. Unexampled was the fury of battles, horrible the work of the executioner, murder and assassination the tale of every day. No less than eighty members of the royal house died by violence. For this they had to accuse themselves alone. The contest was theirs. What they suffered, most of them had themselves inflicted, or designed to inflict upon their relatives. But with and beside them, for and by them, hundreds of thousands of the people died also; the noblest families vanished in a deplorable manner, the flower of the nation was destroyed by arms and the miseries of war, the country wore the sadest aspect of desolation, the human character was degraded to brutal ferocity by the incessant spectacle

　

　

ENGLAND AND FRANCE 421 of crime, by the perpetual fermentation of passion, and by intolerable suffering and misery. All this was done to decide whether the posterity of the daughter of the second son, or the descendants of the third son of king Edward, should sit upon the English throne. The nation itself was not asked by whom it would be governed. It was only to keep the appearance of justice and to give a legal authority to the work of arms, that the victors always solicited the acknowledgment of parliament, and this was never refused. What a destiny of nations! Richard commenced his undertaking with the attack upon the duke of Somerset (1452), had him imprisoned, and got himself appointed lieutenant of the kingdom, then protector. But the hostilities of the royal party soon called him to arms, and he gained the battle of St. Albans, (May 22, 1455), killed Somerset, and took the king prisoner. The queen, Margaret, a heroic woman, and always rich in expedients and courage, now took upon herself the defence of the rights of her husband and son. Many battles were fought with different results: but Richard was victorious at Northampton by treason (1460), took the king again, and got himself declared by parliament successor to the throne. Margaret was not discouraged. She gained in the same year a complete victory at Wakefield (Dec. 24). Richard was killed; one of his sons, the earl of Rutland, was taken and executed. But the earl of Warwick, the first hero of this war, called, from the efficacy of his assistance, " the maker of kings," saved York, and caused Edward, Richard's soni, to be proclaimed king in London (March 5, 1461), whilst his father's head was still exposed to view upon the battlements of York. The contest continued with increasing exasperation. Edward IV. was victorious in the bloody battle of Townton, whereupon parliament acknowledged his right, and proscribed the house of Lancaster. It was in vain that Henry obtained assistance from Louis XI., king of France. He was defeated at Hexham (1463), and taken for the third time. Edward erected scaffolds. Margaret, with her son, left the kingdom for France. But the " maker of kings" now joined the party of Lancaster. Offended by the marriage of Edward with Elizabeth Woodville, the beautiful widow of the knight Gray, whilst he, Warwick, 11

　

　

422 GENERAL IHISTOR'. had solicited for the king the hand of a princess of Savoy, the proud Warwick abandoned the court, united with the duke of Clarence, Edward's brother, but who was angry with him, and civil war broke out again. Warwick landed with French troops. Edward was driven away immediately, and Warwick became master of the kingdom in eleven days. Parliament applauded likewise this change. In the following year, Edward returned with Burgundian assistance. Clarence, traitor to Warwick, went over to him, and Warwick's own brother, the archbishop of York, delivered up London and the king. In a murderous battle near Barnet (14th April, 1471),Edward was victor, and Warwick fell. On this unfortunate day,. Margaret landed on the English coasts, and soon after, near Tewksbury, on the banks of the Severn (4th May), after the most valiant contest, she saw the defeat of her adherents, and the capture of her son. She fell lifeless upon the field of battle, and revived a prisoner. Edward now crushed his enemies with unrestrained anger. The king's brothers, Clarence and Gloucester, killed the young prince of Wales in his presence, and with their own hands. Large numbers of common prisoners were massacred, and finally the unfortunate Henry was murdered in the Tower The heroine Margaret was ransomed afterwards by Louis XI., her relative, fi)r 50,000 dollars. This monarch saw with satisfaction the confusion of England, and assisted in its promotion. He afterwards appeased the anger of Edward by tribute. After the house of Lancaster had fallen, York began to rage against itself. The king's brother, the duke of Clarence, upon the accusation of the king, was sentenced to death by parliament. He died the death which he himself chose, which was to be drowned in a pipe of sweet wine (18th Feb., 1478). After so many murders, Edward IV. reigned peaceably, and his relations with foreign powers were likewise fortunate. He died tranquilly (1483). But his children felt the vengeance of destiny. Their own uncle, the unprincipled, blood-thirsty duke, Richard of Gloucester, was its instrument. The friends of the queen were seized, the princes (Edward V. and Richard of York, the former thirteen, the latter seven years old), were placed in the Tower, and their most powerful friends put to death. Richard, who at first had

　

　

ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 423 tlmself proclaimed protector,:declared now Edward the Fourth's marriage invalid, and his own mother an adulteress. He pretended that Edward and the duke of Clarence were bastards, and that he alone was the genuine -descendant of York. Some purchased voices saluted him king. He confirmed his power by the assassination of the two princes. But the nation rejected the murderer. Henry of Richmond, whose mother was descended from John of Lancaster, and whose grandfather, Owen Tudor, was the second husband of the widow of Henry V., came over from Bretagne, at the solicitation of a powerful party. A battle near Bosworth (22 Aug. 1485), decided the fate of the kingdom. Richard III. was defeated and killed, and the victor was proclaimed king. Thus was terminated the long war, and the male line of the house of Plantagenet extinguished. Henry VII., king by right of the sword-although he had his right sanctioned by parliament, and indeed by the pope-married according to the wish of parliament Elizabeth, the daughter of Edward IV., and thus united the claims of the two Roses. But he remained the enemy of the house of York. On this account he was hated by the adherents of the fallen house, many conspiracies were plotted against him, many tumults excited. Margaret especially, duchess dowager of Burgundy, and the sister of Edward IV., was indefatigable in exciting enemies against Henry. Impostors appeared, who pretended to be the princes of York. But the fortune and prudence of Henry frustrated all the attempts of his opponents, and his power increased from year to year. Parliament was in his hands, and to the great danger of national liberty, gave his arbitrary acts the appearance of legitimacy. Thus he oppressed the people with imposts, and amassed at their expense a great treasure. Henry was little occupied with external relations. He fought however in alliance with the emperor Maximilian against Charles VIII., who had deprived the emperor of the heiress of Bretagne, and obtained in the peace of Etaples considerable sums of money. His arms were also successful against Scotland. His wars served as a pretext for raising new taxes. He left (t1509) to his successor, Henry VIII., a tranquillized, powerful kingdom, fitted by this condition, and by the confirma

　

　

424 GENERAL HISTORY. tion of the royal power to operate with energy upon the grea relations of this part of the world. Such also was the state of France, when Charles VIII. ascended the throne, upon the death of his father, Louis XI. (1483). But the remarkable events of the reign of this prince, who, although personally weak, was rendered powerful by circumstances, as well as the exploits of his nearest collateral relative and successor (1498), the noble and amiable Louis XII., duke of Orleans (a descendant of the younger brother of Charles VI.), are in part already related above in the history of Germany, and in part they follow later in the history of Italy. Louis XII. died in 1515. CONSTITUTION OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. THYE progress of the royal power in France experienced in the first half of this period, partly by the misfortune of the kings, partly by their own fault, a very perceptible check. This proceeded in part from the democratic principle, in part from the aristocratic. The Tiers-etat, which had awakened to the feeling of its rights and its powers, and obtained a legal voice in the general assemblies of the kingdom, took advantage of this participation in the supreme power, whenever the timid jealousy of the king afforded an opportunity, to extend and consolidate its privileges, and to promote a salutary reform in the whole administration. But on the one hand the long feudal tyranny had dejected the minds of the lower classes so much, that many serfs under Louis X., refused to accept the boon of liberty, which was granted to them by a law of this monarch; on the other hand, the liberated abandoned themselves to unbridled passions and insolent pretensions. Under the unfortunate reign of John the Good, the wild multitude broke through, like the Sans-culottes, of our days, all the bounds of justice and humanity, lowered the throne, and filled, in cruel persecution of the nobles, this vast kingdom with horrors. But when Charles V. had-without great difficulty-reduced these criminal democrats to order, all the plans of democracy vanished in the nation, which now resigned itself only to particular parties as a passive tool, or as a devoted victim. In the meantime the grandees of the kingdom had confirmed their power by the unwise favor of some kings, and by the disorders that attended the English war, to such a degree, that the

　

　

ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 425 throne seemed in danger, either of losing its authority by the pretensions of their aristocratical arrogance, or of losing, by their separation from the body politic, its political importance. It was liberated from this danger by the cunning and tyrannical policy of Louis XI. He stifled in the blood of many grandees their thoughts of independence and division of power, and, to make their humiliation the more certain, elevated anew the authority of the Tiers-etat. The nobles perceived immediately the impossibility of succeeding against the combined power of the throne and the people. They sought, therefore, the favor of the first, and even its alliance against the second, and obtained what they sought, at the'price of'complete submission. After this time the double burden of the royal power and that of the nobles weighed upon the French people. That the French constitution took such a sad course to despotism, that the flowers of popular liberty died soon after their developement, or at least produced only imperfect fruits, was occasioned principally by the system of standing armies, which was introduced here sooner and more extensively than into other kingdoms. The English people were preserved from a similar oppression, in part by the energy of their character, in part-and perhaps principally-by the favor of fate, by the effect of accidental relations, or by unforeseen events. The parliament, the origin of which we saw in the preceding period, was alternately powerful and insolent, cowardly and oppressive. This dependence upon the relations of the time, emanated, for the most part, from its faulty composition. Fornotwithstanding the eulogies of Montesquieu and others-its elements afford no sufficient surety of a true national spirit. The aristocratic principle remained predominant. The great thought more of the interests of their families and the prerogatives of their rank, than of the national liberty. The vigilance of the commons was necessary against them no less than the king. In this relation of a separate interest, the division of the parliament into an upper and lower house, which took place in the middle of the fourteenth century, was able to operate beneficially-as often one evil is the remedy of another. The division of the nobles themselves into hostile parties, operated likewise advantageously, because it compelled them to solicit the favor VOL. II.-3 D..

　

　

426 GENERAL HISTORY. of the commons. The true bulwark of liberty, therefore, was the lower house, and the upper house made common cause with it, rather by accidental circumstances than by the spirit with which it was animated. The peers, already according to the title of their dignity, were dependent upon the throne, or were at least connected with it. It was viewed as a breach of their (feudal) obligations, if they declared against the king. Their pride, besides, produced an irremediable aversion towards the commons. The latter were often obliged to unite with the king against the nobles. But even the composition of the lower house was faulty. Here also the nobility-the inferior-had formed the first foundation; it was not until later that the deputies of the cities were united with the deputies of that nobility. Yet the most important conditions of eligibility, as well as the sphere of power, remained long undetermined, and scarcely was the right of granting taxes uncontested. Democracy received con. siderable confirmation in England by the fall of many illustrious families in the war of the roses; but the kings assisted the aristocracy in rising again by elevations of rank. Notwithstanding all its defects, the English constitution has done inestimable good. Freedom may flourish in a field that is not entirely faultless. Obstacles, dangers, if they are not too great, elevate the moral power of its friends, and make their conquest more precious. The English preceded proudly other nations in this noble career. SPAIN AND ITALY. NAVARRE.-ARRAGON.-CASTILE. THE history of Navarre is less interesting than that of any other Spanish kingdom. As a pure patrimony-for daughters, no less than for sons-it came repeatedly by marriages to foreigners, especially to French houses, and appears in its possession as a private dominion, not as a kingdom subsisting by itself. John of Albret, one of these possessors by right of mar

　

　

SPAIN AND ITALY. 427 ria(ge, united Bearn with Navarre. But Ferdinand the Catholic, king of Arragon, took (1512) from him five-sixths of this kingdom, that is to say, all the country situated to the south of the Pyrenees. The alliance of Albret with Louis XII. of France, was the cause or pretext of Ferdinand's usurpation. The male line of the ancient royal house of Arragon became extinct at the death of king Martin (t1410), who was succeeded by the Caitilian prince, Ferdinand I., whose mother was Martin's sister. His son, Alphonso V. (1416), became, by the adoption of Joanna II., possessor of the kingdom of Naples. Alphonso gave it to his natural son, Ferdinand; but Arragon, with Sicily and Sardinia, fell to John II., Alphonso's brother (1458), the same who, by his marriage with Blanche, became master of Navarre. This king governed as a despot and tyrant. Against his own subjects, he implored humbly the aid of France, and compensated for it by the cession of Roussillon and Perpignan. He was succeeded by Ferdinand II., his son (1479), who, by his marriage with Isabella, the heiress of the Castilian throne, and, by the conquest of Grenada, became master of the united countries of Spain. Internal troubles, governments during the minority of princes, and external enemies, had checked the progress of the Castilian power; the royal authority was almost annihilated by the arrogant pretensions of the nobles. Yet the Moors were defeated in the decisive battle on the Salado (1340). Abu Haffs, the Merinide, saved himself with difficulty by crossing the sea to his kingdom of Morocco. Algesiras was then taken and destroyed; the Africans never recovered this point of transition. The son of Alphonso XI.-the victor on the Salado,-Peter the Cruel (1350), was attacked, vanquished and killed by his natural brother, Henry Transtamara (1369). He left the kingdom to his son, John I. (1379). He and his descendants governed badly. Under Henry V. (1455), the third king after John I., disorder reached its highest point. Despised by his subjects-who refused to admit even his virility-hated by his brother Alphonso, he lost the kingdom by the decree of the grandees. Joanna, the daugh ter of his wife, was declared illegitimate. Alphonso first, and after his death (1455), Isabella, the king's daughter, were placed at the head of the kingdom. She left to Henry the appearance of dominion; but after his death (1474), she supplanted Joanna

　

　

428 GENERAL HISTORY. and placed her husband, Ferdinand of Arragon, beside her upon the throne of Castile. FERDINAND THE CATHOLIC. IT is not until this epoch that Spain enters again with importance into the history of the World. Now its two greatest Christian kingdoms were united under one sceptre, and this union of power was able to produce great results. Soon Grenada was attacked (1481), the only kingdom that the Moors had left in Spain, the fall of which was prepared by internal dissension. When, however, the superior forces of the Christians advanced, the Moors prepared themselves for a most desperate contest. Grenada was not conquered until the eleventh year after the commencement of the war (1492). Seven hundred and eighty-one years after the battle of Xerxez de la Frontera (711), which had established it, ended thus, not without glory, the Saracenic dominion. By artifice and arms, Ferdinand extended his power over Cerdagne and Roussillon, the beautiful Naples, and Navarre, of inestimable value by its situation, which touches the Pyrenees; whilst the discovery of America (1492) —effected under his auspices, or those of his noble consort-opened to Spain an immense harvest-field of wealth and power. No less important conquests in his own country, for the confirmation of the royal power, were made by Ferdinand. He is the father of the great Spanish monarchy. But his memory is soiled by the triple ignominy of injustice, perfidy, and execrable persecution. It was he who introduced the abominable tribunal of the Inquisition into Spain, notwithstanding the opposition that he met with from the nobility and the people, especially in Arragon, and even from the high clergy, who discerned the object of the despot. For, although it was wickedly announced that this terrible tribunal was established for the glory of God and the Church, it was in reality a royal tribunal, the judges were appointed by the king, the estates of the condemned fell to the throne, the process, in form and spirit, was the death of national liberty. The zeal of Ferdinand was no less ardent against infidels that heretics, and he was rewarded for this by the pope, with the title of i" Catholic." Liberty of faith had been promised to the Moors when they surrendered Grenada. But the world heard from the

　

　

SPAIN AND ITALY. 429 mouth of a solemn assembly of priests and legists: "that the king is not bound to keep his word with infidels." Then they had their choice, to be baptized or emigrate. The orders of Ferdinand against the refractory, were executed with bloody severity. Spain lost thus many thousands of its most industrious inhabitants, the government and people the claim to nobler glory. Even the Arabic books were burnt in fanatical fury. The Moors who remained, adopted Christianity, but most of them only apparently. The Jews were persecuted at the same time. All Jews, such was the tenor of the edict (13th May, 1492) which the priest Ferdinand de Talavera suggested to Isabella, who was clement in other respects, should leave Castile within the space of six months, under the penalty of death, and confiscation of their property. They were permitted to sell their possessions for merchandise or bills of exchange, the exportation of gold and silver being forbidden. The Christians were prohibited under the penalty of excommunication to give a Jew bread or water. The same law was published in Arragon. One hundred and seventy thousand families left the kingdom; most of them went to Portugal, or over the sea to Mauritania. Francis Ximenes de Cisneros, confessor of the queen, afterwardJs archbishop of Toledo, and cardinal of the Romish church, took a great part in all these things, and exercised a decisive iiAfluei upon the most important. He was remarkable in many respects, and even a great man: his most important actions will be related inl the following period. The last days of Ferdinand belong also to Modern History. PORTUGAL.-CONSTITUTION. IN Portugal, king Dionysius the Wise (1296), and his grandson Peter I. (1357), acquired the glory of energy and justice. After the death (1383) of Peter's son and successor (1367), Ferdinand, who left only one daughter, John, king of Castile, her husband, supposed that the crown belonged to him. Most of the grandees were for him: but the people, mindful of national liberty, desired prince John, the natural son of king Peter, and grandmaster of the order of Aviz. The revolution was effected easily in Lisbon. But the independence of Portugal was first decided in the plains of Aljubarotta in a glorious contest

　

　

430 GENERAL HISTORY. against the superior forces of Spain (1385). This war, however continued twenty-six years. John I., the noble bastard, reigned fifty years fortunately and gloriously. It was under his reign, and principally under the direction of his illustrious (third) son Henry, that the Portuguese undertook their great voyages of discovery, which terminated so gloriously. In gradual advances, which were at first slow, then bolder, the western coasts of Africa were navigated beyond cape,"Non," the island of Madeira, the Azores discovered, and the prospect of an immense addition to geography opened. This hope was realized in a brilliant manner. For these voyages having been somewhat interrupted under the reigns of Edward 1. and Alphonso V., the immediate successors of John I., John II., renewed (1481) with increased energy the plans of his illustrious ancestor. The East Indies were his object. The southern promontory of Africa (cape Tormentoso, afterwards called significantly " the Cape of Good Hope") was already discovered; and only the easier completion of the plan, which was already sure to be successful, was left to John's successor, Emanuel the Great. In the kingdoms of Spain, the aristocracy, by the movement of the spirit of the time, was somewhat enfeebled, and public liberty, by alliance with the increasing power of the throne, began to be established. But soon it found a dangerous enemy in the ecxorbitant power of the king. Peter IV. had already established the legal authority of the throne, particularly in Arragon, where formerly the nobles, by a written title, had the right of resisting the king. No longer the selfish mandate of the grandees, which was supported by the force of arms, but the high judge and guardian of justice (el iustiza) checked henceforth according to forms fixed by law, the despotism of the king, and the cities, rising constantly to greater prosperity and political importance, placed all their weight in the balance on the side of justice and liberty, against the pretensions of the aristocracy. Yet Ferdinand the Catholic, who was encouraged to the execution of his despotical plans by the union of the two principal kingdoms, as well as by brilliant fortune in war, laid the foundation for the subsequent sovereignty of the throne. He left to his successor a throne, which was indeed still greatly restrictca

　

　

SPAIN AND ITALY. 431 by law, but in reality already powerful and dangerous to the rights of the nation. The power of the nobles declined also in Portugal, and the authority of the king-without prejudice, however, at that time, to general liberty-was elevated. For although John I., the Bastard, was obliged, by the dangers of his situation, to be condescending to the nobles, yet the resolute John II. kept them down with energy, and at the same time diverted by the splendor of his foreign enterprises, the looks of his subjects from domestic relations. The great voyages of discovery were in Portugal, as in Spain, more favorable to the interests of the crown, than to the cause of liberty. ITALIAN STATES. THE principal states of the peninsula (for Sicily and Sardinia belonged to the kingdom of Arragon) were Naples, the State of the Church, then the Republics of Venice and Genoa, which remained free; but among those that were converted into principalities, Milan and Florence occupied the first rank, and among the ancient principalities, Modena and Savoy. A considerable number of smaller states, such as Mantua, Monferrat (the former ruled by the house of Gonzaga, the latter by a branch of the imperial house of the Palmlogi), Lucca, Pisa, Siena, (the first remaining free, the last two following the destiny of Florence), Parma, Padua, Rimini, and many others, which belonged mostly to particular houses or oppressors, are without importance for the history of the World. In Naples the house of Anjou sat upon the throne, consolidated by the blood of the last of the Hohenstaufen, and cast in vain longing looks upon the beautiful island, which was lost by the A" Sicilian Vespers." Charles the First, then his son, who was named after him, and his grandson, Robert the WVise, fought against Sicily, but without success. Robert, in order to secure the succession in Naples (1343) to his only grand-daughter, the amiable and spiritual Joanna, married her to his nephew, the Hungarian prince Andrew. He, hated on account of his rude manners, was assassinated (1345). His brother, Louis the Great, king of Hungary, came at the head of an army to avenge this terrible deed. Joanna, who was suspected of this murderunjustly, without doubt-fled to Provence, her patrimonial

　

　

432 GENERAL HISTORY. domain, and returned, when Louis satiated with vengeance had left Naples. Her government was mild, sage, and favorable to the arts. But when the childless Joanna adopted Louis, duke of Anjou, being justly angry, on account of ingratitude and rebellion, with Charles of Durazzo, whom she had previously adopted, the latter-encouraged by pope Urban VI. —took up arms against the queen, whom the anti-pope Clement VII., having been under her protection, supported only with spiritual arms. This queen fell into the power of the warlike and implacable Charles, who caused her to be put to death (1382). Charles III. was assassinated in Hungary, the crown of which he desired to obtain likewise (1386); whereupon Ladislaus (Lancelot), his young heroic son maintained the kingdom against the feeble Louis of Anjou, and filled Italy with the fame of his exploits. He died (1414) by poison, midway in the career to the greatest things. He was succeeded by Joanna 11I., his sister, a princess without virtue or dignity. She, after many adventures, adopted Alphonso V., king of Arragon; and he having irritated her by his plans of independence, she adopted in his place prince Louis III., of Anjou. Alphonso, however, sustained himself, after the death of Joanna (1435), against Louis' brother, Renatus of Anjou, and thus reunited Naples and Sicily, after they had been separated nearly two hundred years (t]458). But he bequeathed Naples to his natural son, Ferdinand I., whereby the separation was renewed. Charles VIII., king of France, heir of the house of Anjou, attacked with superior arms Alphonso II., the son of Ferdinand (1494). In consequence of these wars-which we shall relate below-Naples fell to Spain. We have already related in this period and the preceding, in the appropriate places, how the State of the Church-recognized as a principality, although mediate, that is to say, dependent upon the emperor-was formed originally by the donation of Charles M. (and Pipin), then later by the rich inheritance of Matilda; how the authority of the emperor in this, as in other countries, was extinguished (especially by the arbitrary act of Innocent III); how the almost independent power of the grandees and vassals was formed, and how it restricted the authority of the pope so much, that, like the temporal princes, he was obliged to acquire anew by parts and by particular titles, the

　

　

SPAIN AND ITALY. 433 power which he had a right to by his general title. But the progress of the renewed structure of the secular power of the pope was checked especially by the removal of the papal chair to Avignon (1305), whereby the grandees and heads of parties obtained a free field, and reduced the authority of the pope almost to a mere name. In this time of disorder, when the audacious violence of factions, and the tyrannical arrogance of an insolent nobility trampled upon all the rights of the people, a man born in an obscure condition conceived the sublime idea of restoring the majesty of the people and the splendor of ancient Rome. NAicholas Rienzi inflamed the minds of his fellow-citizens so much by his impressive comparison of the past with the present, that after a prudent preparation, he could venture to announce (1347) to the Roman people the 1" restoration of the good condition," and take, under the title of Tribune, the direction of the regenerated republic. The pope himself acknowledged him in this dignity, and the nobles in part fled amazed to their solitary castles, and in part submitted to the formidable power of the plebeian. Public liberty celebrated a triumph that promised much, and the nations of Italy, which the tribune invited to re. union into one nation, under a free constitution, made vows foi the success of such a glorious design. But the idea of this union was detestable to the princes, and Italy has remained divided until the present day. Even in Rome the new order did not take root. The hostility of the nobles, the anger of the pope, still more the inconstancy of the commons, and, more than all, the faults which Rienzi, dazzled by fortune, committed, overthrew him. After a strange vicissitude of destinies, he lost his life in a sedition of the same people which he had endeavoured to liberate. After this remarkable episode the old relations returned in the state of the Church. The power of the pope, although Gregory XI. had transferred again the Holy See, to Rome (1376), experienced long embarrassments by the succeeding schism, and it was only with difficulty that the popes-especially Nicholas V., Paul LI., Alexander VI., and Julius II. confirmed and extended by just and unjust means their temporal dominion. Of the principalities which we mentioned above, Modena is more remarkable by the ancient nobility of the house of Este, VOL. II1-3 E 28

　

　

434 GENERAL HISTORY. which governed it, than by its particular power. But Savoy belongs by its principal position to the kingdom of Burgundy; it is besides of little importance in the general history of Italy, By the wisdom with which they took advantage of circumstances, the counts, afterwards (after 1416) dukes of Savoy, established, for the most part silently, but with perseverance, the grandeur of their house. We have mentioned already, in the preceding period, the progress of liberty in the Tuscian countries. The predominant power of Pisa was reduced after the twelfth century by an unfortunate war with Genoa. This last became then great, and ruled even over the coasts of Provence and over Marseilles, whilst it acquired also rich possessions in the Eastern seas, as well as the most important commercial advantages. Intestine dissension and continual party-strife alone annihilated this state of pros perity. Its external enemies were rejoiced at these troubles, which paralyzed the concentration of its power. After a hundred and thirty years'war (1381) Venice, which enjoyed internal tranquillity, obtained a decided preponderance. Genoa now lost most of its external possessions, and the city itself was alternately subject to its own tyrants, to the dukes of Milan, or the kinos of France. l~orence, on the contrary, rose to'great splendor, mostly by the virtues and fortune of the noble race of the Medici. The commonwealth of Florence had experienced the same storms as the other republics of Italy. Factions and their varied effects, anarchy and tyranny, checked the progress of public welfare; aristocratic oppression especially lay heavy upon the people. In revolutionary ways, however, the predominant power of the nobility, was gradually transformed into democratic relations, and even into ochlocracy. This government changed then into monarchy. Cosmo de Medici, the son of John, who had been Gonfalonier of the republic, and who was a wise man, and a friend of the common class, beloved and respected among his people, and in foreign countries, by his immense wealth, and liberality which corresponded with it, also amiable, prudent, noble, had not his equal in Florence. He was elevated still more by the hatred ot his enemies. For when he had been imprisoned, then banished, in consequence of a revolution of factions (1429), the duity of

　

　

SPAIN AND ITALY. 435 justice appeared to requite the generous suflerer, who was recalled after the space of a year by the voice of the people, for what he had endured, by still greater love. All his enemies were proscribed. He received the name " Father of his Country," and directed, henceforth, as first citizen, not as master, all common affairs. Few men have acquired such pure glory, and such noble fortune. Thus rose the house of the Medici. The interest, which the history of Florence inspires, is augmented by contrast with the character of most of the other histories of Italy. They present almost all of them the picture of progressing depravation of national character. The great ideas, freedom and fatherland, had lost their elevating power; personal interests, hatred and revenge especially, were the motive force of action. Hence there are no more of those traits of heroism, on account of which, in the previous period, even crimes might be pardoned. The facts which they relate, inspire only horror; cruelty is associated with perjury, crime with cowardly artifice. Poisoners and banditti enter upon the stage abandoned by heroes. Even Florence was not exempt from these atrocities. Cosmo de Medici died (1464), after having conducted affairs quietly and beneficently for more than thirty years; his feeble son Pedro experienced already evil hostility. But the eruption took place first under Pedro's sons (1472), Lorenzo and Julian, whose amiableness did not disarm their enemies. A conspiracy, at the head of which was the Florentine house of the Pazzi and the archbishop of Pisa, Salviatti,was plotted to assassinate the youths. The unfortunate Julian was killed (April 26, 1478) by the dagger of traitors; Lorenzo, although wounded, escaped. But the people fell upon the conspirators and killed them. Then Lorenzo sustained, fortunately, a difficult contest with the hostility of pope Sixtus IV. and Ferdinand I. His power was never disturbed again. He exercised it with equal dignity and energy. He was a benefactor of the people, a man of amiable manners, and of taste, and a great friend of science. Europe venerated the I" magnificent" (Magnifico) Lorenzo, Italy deplored his premature death (1492). In Milan we have seen, under the emperor Henry VII., the Visconti triumph over their rivals, della Torre, and acquire the sole dominion (1310, 1318). One of their descendants, Galeazzo a.__ _ I

　

　

Visconti, was honoured by king Wenceslaus-for compensation- - this new dignity. John Maria, Galeazzo's son, was killed in a conspiracy, and his brother Philip driven away; the people dreamed of liberty (1412). But Philip returned with an army, and stifled liberty in the blood of its friends. He was a cruel, unprincipled tyrant, and the last of his house (t1447). His natural daughter Bianca, was married to Francesco Sforza, who acquired for himself as Condottiere a great name. Francesco was chosen by the Milanese general of their republic, but he abused his power insolently for oppressing his country. (1451). He assumed the title of duke and built citadels. His reign in other respects was not without glory, and he left to his house this splendid country greatly enlarged and in a good state of defence (1467). But some enemies conspired against Galeazzo, his son, and killed him in the cathedral of Milan, calling loudly upon St Ambrose and St. Stephen for assistance (1476). Yet John Galeazzo, his son, was acknowledged as duke; his uncle Louis the Moor got possession of the regency. This villain destroyed his pupil by slow poison, and thus acquired the supreme power. To consolidate his power, he devised a series of evil intrigues in complication of which he at least found his own destruction. ITALIAN WARS OF CHARLES VIII. AND LOUIS XII.-LEAGUE OF CAMBRAY. AT first duke Louis secured the favor of emperor Maximilian I., by effecting a marriage between the emperor and his richly endowed niece, Blanche Maria. This duke induced the ambitious Charles VIII., king of France, heir of the rights of the house of Anjou, to take up arms against Alfonso of Naples, whose daughter was the wife of the unfortunate John Galeazzo. Charles designed to conquer not only Naples, but also the Greek empire (1495). The French army penetrated into Italy with astonishing rapidity, defeated at Monte Cassino the badly armed troops of Naples, and conquered this beautiful kingdom. But the same duke, who had called Charles to Italy, and the pope, who had rendered him assistance, were now alarmed at his success, and soon Charles saw, whilst yet intoxicated with

　

　

SPAIN AND'1 ALY. 437 victory a powerful alliance of many Italian states formed againist him, in which also the emperor Maximilian, his son Philip, and Ferdinand-the Catholic participated. He had no resource left but a speedy retreat. As he was retreating, he encountered the allied army near Foronovo. He cut his way through valiantly indeed, but with difficulty, and reached France as a fugitive (1496). His successor, Louis XII., formed designs immediately against Milan. Valentine Visconti, sister of duke Philip Maria, had been married to his grand-father, Louis of Orleans. The dutchy, therefore, belonged to her and her descendants; not to the house of the usurper Sforza. The pope, Alexander VI., gained, especially by the appointment of his favorite son, Cwesar Borgia, to the dutchy of Valentinois, concluded an alliance with the king; the Venetians acceded to the alliance upon the condition of receiving a part of the booty. Thus the war commenced, and again the superior power of France was quickly victorious. The splendid dutchy of Milan was conquered in three weeks; Genoa also, which Louis the Moor had subje: ted (1488), submitted to France (1499). In the meantime the duke had obtained an army among the Swiss. But these Swiss betrayed him. They had crosed the Alps for pay, and they sold their master for gold (1500). He was carried as a prisoner to France, and died at Loches, after being imprisoned for ten years (1510). Louis XII. formed new plans of conquest. The attack upon Naples was renewed. To ensure success, Louis concluded with Ferdinand the Catholic a treaty of division of the kingdom to be conquered (1501). The unfortunate king of Naples, Frederick, surrendered to Louis, who promised him a pension, and died in France (1504). But the concord of the allies did not last long. The Gran Capitano,-Gansalvo Hernandez de Cordova, the valiant general and lieutenant of Ferdinand, was called thuswho served his master by artifice no less than by arms, produced a quarrel with the French, and expelled them quickly from Naples. Two new armies, which Louis sent to Italy, two others with which he attacked Spain, effected nothing against the fortune of Ferdinand and his general. Naples remained lost. Not long afterwards the League of Cambray (1508) opened a series of complicated scenes of war.

　

　

438 GENERAL HISTORY. Venice, the wealth, the power and the pride of which excited the jealousy and hatred of kings, was the object of this league. This republic, by wisdom, perseverance and fortune, had enlargea in a progress but little interrupted the sphere of its political power no less than that of its commerce. In the fourteenth, and in the course of the fifteenth century, a royal territory was gained upon both sides of the Adriatic Sea, which remained to the republic when its more distant possessions were lost-principally in wars with Turks. The kingdom of Cyprus had been transmitted to her maternal city, Venice, by the noble Catharina Cornaro, widow and heiress of king James (1486). Venice, consequently, ruled in the eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea; it had three thousand vessels in its harbours, and its commercial connexions-especially those which it maintained by Alexandria -rendered the remotest countries of Asia tributary. Its treasures and its military power gave this republic a very great importance in the common affairs of Italy and Europe. The exploring expeditions of the Portuguese, the discovery of a route by water to the East Indies, and the establishment of a direct commerce with these countries, were events of sinister foreboding for Venice. It had not however begun to decline, when the league of the powers against Venice was formed. Pope Julius II. was the first author of this league. He, a warlike and politic prince, rather than the chief pastor of Christians, had the enlargement of the State of the Church for the principal object of his efforts. Julius demanded the restoration of the cities Faenza and Rimini, of which Venice had taken possession. The obstinate refusal of the republic induced him to take up arms. Then he was joined by France, which desired the extension of the boundary of Milan, and recollected the participation of Venice in the league against Charles VIII.; by the emperor Maximilian, who was desirous of revenging personal offences, which he had received from this republic; by Ferdinad the Catholic, who was displeased to see Venice in possession of some Neapolitan ports, and in fine, by many princes of Italy, who were moved by rapacity or envy. Venice neglected to take suitable defensive measures against this danger, or to conjure it by negotiation. A battle was lost against Louis, near Agnadello (1509), and the fall of the republic seemed certain. Then the pope and Naples took possession of the cities which they claimed, Louis

　

　

SPAIN AND ITALY. 439 and Maximilian made themselves masters of almost all the terra firma; the last rejected-from security or fidelity-the humble entreaty of the Venetians for peace. In this perilous situation, Venice took courage, and resolved to make the most desperate resistance. The wisdom of its senate, the valour of its generals, and the fidelity of its subjects. offered powerful resources. The division of the alles did still more for the Venetians. Ferdinand, when he had obtained the Neapolitan ports, desired nothing further. The pope was satisfied by the cession of the cities belonging to the State of the Church. All the princes of Italy were displeased with the success of the foreigners; of these Louis alone was active, Maximilian was checked in every thing by want of money. The pope concluded then a treaty of peace and alliance with the same Venice, against which he had excited the powers, and assumed a hostile attitude towards France, which had rendered him the first and most efficacious assistance. To this coalition-which was called the Holy League (1511)-acceded also Ferdinand the Catholic, of Spain, and Henry VIII. of England; and the Swiss left the service of France to fight under the holy banner. Maximilian alone remained faithful to the alliance with Louis; but he wanted energy or fortune. The pope conducted the warwith such animosity that he himself called Turkish troops to his assistance against the most Christian king, and that he, notwithstanding his great age (he was seventy) and his pontifical dignity, took the field in person, disposed the cannons in the trenches before Mirandola, and penetrated first with his troops over the ruins of the fortifications into the city. In the meantime, the Swiss, conformably to their treaty, had crossed the Alps into Milan. Maximilian Sforza, the son of Moro, was with them. The dutchy was conquered. Genoa also was lost. Louis, thus pressed upon all sides, made peace with Venice, and even obtained its alliance, since he was now the weaker. He concluded peace also with Spain, and abandoned to Ferdinand the Catholic the south of Navarre, the country of his ally. But it was in vain; by a great victory near Navarre (1513), the Swiss decided the expulsion of the French from Italy. But Maximilian Sforza compensated his friends with a large amount of money and valuable territories, for their assistance. After the deathof Julius II. (1513), the alliance against France

　

　

440 GENERAL HISTORY. was renewed by his successor Leo X.; the king saw the enemy in his own country. Near Guinegate, in the Netherlands, the French lost against Henry VIII. and Maximilian, a celebrated battle, called the m"Battle of Spurs" (because it was rather a pursuit than a battle), and, in consequence of it, Terouenne and Tournay. But the Swiss fell into Burgundy, and besieged Dijon. The marshal De la Tremouille-the same who purchased Louis the Moor from the Swiss-relieved the city, however, by artifice and monevy. Louis perceived the necessity of peace. He purchased it of England by ceding Tournay and paying a sum of money (1514). He concluded a truce with his other enemies for great sacrifices. The king died soon after. In these changes the Venetians remained entirely neutral; they obtained finally (1516), for a moderate sum of money, peace from the emperor Maximilian, who had always continued-although feebly-the Cambrayan war. THE NORTH AND EAST. SCANDINAVIAN KINGDOMS.-UNION OF CALMAR. IN these kingdoms the storms which we saw arise in the preceding period from bad organization of the government and from quarrels in the royal houses, continued to rage. Magnus II. Smeck, of the series of Swedish kings, was also elected by the Norwegians. His reign was long, but unfortunate. Finally, as the discontent of the states increased, he was arrested, and his son, Hakon VIII., declared his successor (1361). The latter designed to re-establish the authority of his father, whereupon Albert of Meklenburg, the nephew of Magnus, was called in, who defeated the king near Linkceping (1365), and took him prisoner. He recovered his liberty by renouncing tne crown, and died (1375), the last of the Folkunger in Sweden. Hakon VIII., his son, continued to reign in Norway. and left his kingdom, as well as his claim to Sweden, to his young son, Olaf V. (1380), whom the Danes had also already elected for their king. For his mother was Margaret, daughter of Waldemar III., at whose death the male line of the ancient house of kings became extinct (1375).

　

　

SCANDINAVIAN KINGDOMS. 441 Waldemar had reigned with glory (since 1340), tranqaillized the kingdom, Mhich had been distracted for nearly a hundred years by internal wars, and brought, by his energy, the Danes back to civil order; he was no less fortunate in his external relations; he recovered the provinces of Schonen, Holland, and Bleckingen, which had been taken away by Sweden, and terminated gloriously a difficult contest with the Hanseatic cities. He had designed that Albert of Mecklenburg, the son of his elder daughter, Ingeborg, should be his successor: but his younger daughter, Margaret, obtained for her son, Olaf, the acknowledgment of the States; and this prince having died in the flower of his years (1387), she placed herself upon the throne. Margaret, who has been called the Northern Semiramis, was the first woman that ruled in Scandinavia, a princess full of spirit and courage, and favored by fortune. The discontent of the States in Sweden with Albert's government, procured for her the third crown. The council of state offered it to her; and Margaret, in the battle of Falljceping (1389), maintained the donation. Albert was taken; his party, however, continued the war. It was carried on by land and sea, with warmth and changing success, until peace was concluded at Aleholm (1395), and Albert was set at liberty by renouncing his right to the kingdom. At a time when the principle of insulating seigniories and nations, or, at the most, of uniting them occasionally by accidental circumstances of personal acquisition, or of the private right of inheritance, was still predominant, the magnanimous Margaret conceived the sublime idea of a permanent and authentic union, which should connect the kingdoms, as such, not as the property of a house. The nations themselves were not pleased with this idea, and it cost long negotiations, which were conducted with equal energy and wisdom, to effect the celebrated Union of Calmar (12th July, 1397), whereby the three kingdoms, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, were declared forever united, under one king, to be elected in common, without any alteration, however, of the particular constitutions of the kingdoms. The queen had already obtained for the grandson of her sister Ingiaborg, Erich, prince of Pomerania, the acknowledgment as her successor to the throne successively in Denmark, Norway. VOL. II.-3 v

　

　

442 GENERAL HISTORY. and Sweden. She herself, notwithstanding the discontent which prevailed on that account, especially in Sweden, maintained her authority over the three kingdoms until her death (1412). It was discovered immediately that the union wanted the true principle of life, or inherent firmness. If the king died, the choice of his successor became infallibly the source of quarrels or divi sion; and whether the government was rigid or mild, the tinder of a fire easy to be excited, always lay in the jealousy of the nations, and in the distrust of the governed. The effect of these troublesome relations was accelerated and confirmed by the weakness or tyranny of the kings of the union. Even the Danes, although they appeared as the principal people in the united kingdom, found often occasion for complaint. Norway was afflicted to see itself under the dominion of a monarch residing in another state; but historical as well as natural relations inclined it rather to the Danes than to the Swedes. But this last people thought itself injured most, which was the case in reality. Margaret had become its princess by the right of war rather than by the free will of the nation. The continuance of the union seemed a continuance of its ignominy. To receive commands or acts of supreme authority from Copenhagen, was intolerable to the proud Swedes. Hence resulted incessant storms, rebellion, civil war, and, after misfortune for more than a century, finally complete separation. The tyrannical and oppressive government of king Erich, excited already the Swedes to revolt. Charles Knutson Bonde was himself appointed lieutenant of the kingdom (1336). But the Danes rebelled also repeatedly against Erich. He fled to Gothland; whereupon the Danes elected his nephew, Christopher, prince of Bavaria, king (1441).'Erich died long afterwards in misery; Christopher, who was also acknowledged by the Swedes and Norwegians, reigned less unfortunately than his predecessor, but without accomplishing any thing remarkable. THE HOUSE OF OLDENBURG AND DELMENHORST.-CONSTITUTION CHRISTOPHER having died without heirs (1448), the Danes, and then the Norwegians (1450), chose for their king, Christian, count of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst, the founder of the house, that reigned until recent times in Sweden and Norway, and which reigns still in Denmark, and also in Russia. He was the son of

　

　

SCANDINAVIAN KINGDOMS. 443 count Dietrich of Oldenburg, who had married Hedwig, the sister of count Adolphus VIII., the last of the ancient race of lords of this country. Of the two sons of Dietrich, Gerard succeeded to the inheritance of his father; Christian-the same whom the Danes called to their throne-received Holstein and Sleswick by the election of the States. The liberties of the country were solemnly guarantied; soon after Holstein, with Diethmarsen, was declared a dutchy by the emperor Frederick II1 Christian I., king of Denmark and Norway, desired the crown of Sweden also. But there Charles Knutson Bonde, the lieutenant of the kingdom, had obtained the crown by the favor of the States. Later he fell out with the clergy, and was driven away (1457), and Christian had the kingdom; but it was only for a short time. The clergy, being soon angry with Christian, recalled Charles Bonde. After the death of Charles Sten Sture. his sister's son was chosen lieutenant, against whom Christian fought in vain. John, the son and successor of the last (1481), was also acknowledged, it is true, by the Swedes; but he lost his power by abusing it. The oppressed Swedes rejected him, when the ignominious misfortune which he experienced against the inhabitants of Diethmarsen, changed their fear into contempt. Near JHemmingstedt, five hundred peasants, commanded by Wolf Isenbrand, had fought against the proud military force of the Danish king, who wished to trample upon their liberty, against the famous Black Guard, and many thousands of more common mercenaries. They fought with as much heroism and glory as the Swiss ever had, and annihilated the insolent army. The Stures were immediately elevated again in Sweden. After the death of the lieutenant of the kingdom (1503), his relative, Suanta Nielson Sture, was invested with this dignity, and he performed the duties of it gloriously. He was powerfully assisted by the Hanse. John was never able to re-ascend the throne (t1513). In Denmark and Norway, he was succeeded by his son, Christian II., whose eventful reign belongs to Modern History. The continual wars of parties in the kingdoms of the north were an obstacle to the progress of a rational liberty. Yet its most excellent basis, which was yet to be established or restored elsewhere with difficulty —the free possession of land, and the

　

　

444 GENERAL HISTORY participation of peasants and citizens in the affairs of government, had existed here from ancient times. But the former had been restricted at least by the encroachments of the feudal systemrn, and the latter lost its best effect by the illegitimate preten slons of the nobility and clergy, as well as by the impotence of the throne. In an age when force triumphed audaciously, the right of the weaker lost necessarily its importance. The influence of citizens and peasants, even in the assemblies of the States, was almost powerless against the grandees, and the council of state, composed entirely of aristocrats usurped gradually nearly all affairs. Thus, whilst almost everywhere in the rest of Europe, the lower class was elevated again by the favor of circumstances, in the Scandinavian kingdoms, where formerly its relations had been the most fortunate, it declined visibly, and indeed was threatened with actual slavery. The union of Calmar, although it confirmed the liberties of the States, and the particular constitutions of the kingdoms, would have led, under discerning, energetic kings, to sovereignty. With the forces of one kingdom, another might have been kept down, and thus all brought into common dependence. But the weak, unfortunate kings of the union encouraged rather the spirit of opposition, and completed the degradation of the monarchy. Even in Denmark, which was the principal kingdom, they were reduced to subscribe to the severest conditions, and dethroned more than once. But in Sweden, subjects, and heads of parties, arose to dominion, and this kingdom was distracted by anarchy, unti' the elevation of Gustavus Vasa. RUSSIA. WE have seen the humiliation of Russia, under the dominion of the Mongols, and its loss of provinces, in the west and southwest, to Poland and Lithuania. The division of the empire continued, and completed its distraction. Gradually, in the place of the grand-princes of Wladimir, whose race had become extinct (1326), arose those of Moscow to predominant power. This was done with complete decision oy Iwan I., son of Wasilei III., the true restorer of the empire (1462). He subjected all the other princes, and broke the Mongolian yoke (1477-1480). Tne unfettered power of the empnire was made known imme

　

　

BOHEMIA AND POLAND 445 diately in great blows. Iwan conquered much territory in Lithuania, Finland, and Siberia. He subjected Kasan (1487), and spread terror far into Asia. He made conquests also within his own states-not very pleasing, it is true,-since he subjected the free cities-Pleskov especially, and the strong Novogorod (1478). Thus the germ of liberty was destroyed, and despotical power consolidated. The strong Kremlin taught the proud citizens of Moscow to obey. In the other Sclavonic states, there was at least one free class, the nobility; they constituted properly the nation; the rest of the inhabitants were serfs. In Russia, the nobles were also slaves of the throne. This was a legacy of the Mongolian dominion, which, according to Asiatic law, or that of war, had weighed upon the whole nation, and which now, after deliverance from the foreign yoke, passed to the grand-princes of the country. By this means, most of the institutions of Iwan, which were wise in other respects, were made unfruitful. Notwithstanding his efforts to remove the rust of barbarism by alluring foreign artists into his states-the slavish people did not feel the charm of the nobler life. Hence also, externally, the empire did not appear so strong, as it might have been from its extent and union into an indivisible whole. Iwan himself, having attempted the conquest of Livonia, was repulsed by Walter of Plettenburg, grand-master of the Sword-Brothers; and his son, Wasilei (1505), was harrassed by new irruptions of the Mongols, and forced to pay tribute. BOHEMIA AND POLAND. THE history of Bohemia is related in that of Germany. In Poland the direct male line of the house of Piast was extinguished with Casimir III. M., the son of Vladislaus Lokietek (1333-1370), a wise and energetical prince. The States chose for his successor the king of Hungary, Louis M, the son of Casimir's sister. We shall speak of him in the history of Hungary. Louis died also without sons. He had destined the crown for his elder daughter, Mary, the wife of Sigismund, duke of Luxemburg. For this princess, or by her, her husband obtained the crown of Hungary, and Red Russia had been already left to Poland by Louis' father, then by Louis himself, under the condition that the two crowns should remain united. But the Poles,

　

　

446 GENERAL HISTORY. without regard to the treaty, chose Mary's younger sister, Hedwig, for queen (1384), and gave her hand to Vladislaus II. agello, grand-duke of Lithuania. The elective right of the states was confirmed to them. Vladislaus and his people adopted the Christian religion. By this means the foundation for the union of Lithuania with Poland was laid, although it was not for the present acknowledged. His reign was glorious for Poland. By his victory near Tannenburg, in Livonia (1410), he shook the power of the Teutonic order of knights, as well as that of the Sword-Brothers, and in the south he forced the princes of Moldavia and Wallachia to acknowledge the sovereignty of Poland. His son and successor, Vladislaus III. (1434), appeared not inworthy of his valiant father. The Hungarians elected him king also, and this gave rise to still greater hopes. But the unfortunate battle against the Turks, near Varna (1444), destrokyed them. Casimir IV., also grand-duke of Lithuania, succeeded his brother, who was killed at Varna. He humbled the Teutonic order, and forced them, by the treaty of Thorn, to cede to him a part of Prussia, and to acknowledge the supremacy of Poland over the other part (1466). After having reigned with glory for forty-eight years, and seen his eldest son, Vladislaus, ascend the thrones of Bohemia and Hungary, Casimir died (1492), leaving three other sons, John, Alexander, and Sigismund, who obtained in succession (Vladislaus was passed by) the Polish throne (1492, 1501, 1506). Alexander had possessed previously Lithuania. The union of this country with Poland continued to subsist after him. In the Sclavonic kingdoms the commons continued to live in a state of servitude, and the encroachments of the nobility were more and more consolidated. The restriction of the royal power increased; no favorable opportunity for this was neglected by the selfish grandees. In Bohemia, the extinction of the house of Luxemburg renewed the electoral freedom of the States. In Poland, the grandees sold now already their electoral votes for letters patent, that would confirm their encroachments. Under Casimir, the deputies of the nobility of the provinces first appeared in the diets, and obtained soon the preponderance over the spiritual and secular officers of the kingdom, who were pre

　

　

HUIN GARY. 447 viously predominant, but who deliberated now in a separate chamber. The cities had indeed for themselves some prerogatives; but no influence in the affairs of the kingdom. The peasants sunk more and more into slavery. SOUTHEASTERN KINGDOMS. HUNGARY.-LOUIS M. THE constitution of Hungary was similar to that of Poland. Here also the noble was every thing, and the peasant nothing. The cities obtained, however, in the fifteenth century, the right of being represented in the diets. The king unless he, as Louis M. or Matthias Corvinus, was imposing by personal energy, had little authority. The magnates or the high officers of the kingdom and the prelates ruled. The male line of the house of Arpad became extinct in Hungary at the death of Andrew III. (1301). Charles Robert, prince of Naples (son of Charles Martel, who had already claimed the throne against Andrew III.), obtained now the kingdom in virtue of maternal right. His son and successor (1342), Louis I., who was surnamed the Great, was, by character and power, the most remarkable and distinguished prince of his time. By great improvements in the principal branches of the civil condition he became the benefactor of his people. With his merit in times of peace he united military glory. We have mentioned above his war of vengeance against Naples. He had desired here only the punishment of his brother's murderers. His wars against neighbouring countries, on the contrary, were wars of conquest. Thus on one side Red Russia was subjected, on the other Dal matia. Moldavia and Wallachia, Bulgaria, Servia and Bosnia, acknowledged also his sovereignty voluntarily or by force. To these large countries was added, finally, the kingdom of Poland, which chose him, as the nephew of king Casimir III. 11., for his successor (1370); so that the house of Anjou extended its sceptre from the straits of Sicily to the shores of the Baltic.

　

　

448 GENERAL HISTORY. The splendor of the Hungarian kingdom terminated with the death of Louis the Great (1382). Sigismund of Luxemburg, his son-in-law and successor, occupied the throne for more than a half century (t1437), but without fortune or glory. Repeated revolts broke out against him, and he was even imprisoned. With great difficulty he re-established his authority; but the kingdom was diminished by important losses on all its frontiers. Poles, Venetians and Turks, took away from it many of its most beautiful provinces, and a long period of disasters commenced THE. OTTOMAN TURKS. THE Ottoman Turks have their name from Osmann or Oth mann, an emir, who, after the Seldjukian power had been destroyed in Asia Minor by the Mongols, made himself celebrated by valiant exploits, and laid the foundation for the renovation of the Turkish grandeur. He, however, or his horde, whether indigenous or foreign, was only the occasion, not the true origin, of the renewal of the Turkish power. The ruins of the same Seldjukian empire, which had sustained a terrible contest for two centuries with the Byzantine emperor and the Western crusaders, but which had succumbed to the Mongolian storm, needed only. a fresh animation in order to be formidable again. This re-animation, this impulse to re-union, proceeded from the horde of Othmann. This horde precipitated itself from the mountains of the ancient Trojan country (about 1300) into the plains of Bithynia, and took a large part of this important province from the declining Byzantine empire. Othmann established his residence at Prusa. The Moslems poured on from near and far to the zealot for the Mohammedan faith. Orchan, the son of Othmann (1326), continued gloriously the conquests of his father. He made himself master of Nice and Nicomedia, and united under his sceptre many countries of Asia Minor. The Greek empire, distracted by civil war, was unable to resist him. Orchan, to whom the emperor, John VI. Cantacuzene, had married his own daughter, Theodora, demanded for her a suitable hereditary portion; Suleimann, his son, crossed the ldcllespont, took Gallipoli, which was destroyed by an earthquake, rendered it stronger than before, and thus obtained the first firm foothold in Europe (1357).

　

　

THE OTTOMAN TlRqKS 449 Orchan was succeeded by his son Amurath I. Gasi (1360). This conquerer marched irresistibly into the Greek empire, took the strong and magnificent Adrianople, also Philippopolis, the greatest part of Thrace and Macedonia, marched through or terrified all the country from the Danube to the Adriatic coast. The strong youths who fell into the Sultan's power by the fate of battles, were formed into legions, which, animated with the ardent zeal of proselytes, and well disciplined, became the instrument of the most brilliant victories. Orchan had already educated the captive children of Christians for soldiers. Amurath organized them sagely, and consecrated the new regiment (Jen-Ytschiery) with religious pomp to his service. For two whole centuries the Janizaries, an excellent corps of infantry, which during all this space of time found no equal in the opposing armies of the West, were almost always victorious, and they remained in their subsequent decline the flower of the Turkish armies. The terror which they inspired was besides one of the causes that contributed to consolidate in the kingdoms of Europe the system of standing armies. From Adrianople, which now afforded Amurath a magnificent residence, he ruled his daily enlarging empire. His last victory was at Kossova (1389), where he defeated the Servians decisively, but even in the moment of triumph fell by the arm of a Servian youth. Bajazeth Ilderim (the Lightning), who succeeded Amurath, inspired still greater terrors. The conquests to the south of the Danube were continued, and commenced in the north of this river; whilst also in Asia Minor the Ottoman supremacy was confirmed. The Western armies assembled, for the difficult contest against this formidable warrior, under the banner of Sigismund, the king of Hungary. One hundred thousand well-armed warriors marched from Ofen. They encountered, near Nicopolis, the army of Bajazeth, which, equally courageous, but more than double in number, threatened to surround them with the horns of its large crescent. The impetuosity of the French opened the battle unseasonably, and ruined the Christian army (1396). Many thousands of Christians were left on the field of battle, their noblest generals, among them the prince of Burgundy, the count of Artois, Coucy, and Boucicault were taken; Sigismund fed VOL. IT. 3 G 29

　

　

450 GENERAL HISTORY with difficulty to the Danube, and returned by Constantinople in long round-abcut-ways to his kingdom. Europe trembled at this news. Bajazeth then continued his conquests; he extorted a large amount of money from the Greek empire for an uncertain truce. He feared nothing. Then the power of Timourlenk, the ruler over the Mongols of Dschagatai, stormed against him. This formidable conqueror had been called by the Greek emperor, by the princes of Europe and Asia Minor, to save them firom the sword of Bajazeth. The armies of the two potentates met near Ancyra, in Galatia; 400,000 Turks and 800,000 Mongols, as the most moderate accounts relate (1402). After a murderous contest, the defection of the Crimean Tartars, who went over from Baj-azeth to Timour, decided the victory of the last. Bajazeth was talken and shut up in an iron cage, against the bars of which he dashed his head to pieces in despair. Wild anarchy prevailed now in the Turkish countries. Musa, whom Timour had appointed sultan, killed his elder brother, Suleiman, and was overthrown by the younger, Mohammed, who overpowered two other brothers, and favored by the decline of the Mongolian power, restored after Timour's death, the glory of the Ottomans. After the accession of this sultan, Mohammed I. (1413), the Christians were exposed anew to the Turkish power. He kept peace, it is true, with the emperor NManuel (he reigned from 1391-1495), who had been so much harassed by Bajazeth. But he marched through the countries of the Danube with victorious arms. He subjected Wallachia, pressed vigorously the Venetians, and spread terror into Germany as far as the confines of Bavaria. Amurath II., his son and successor, signalized his reign of thirty years by his wisdom and generosity as much as by his valour. Constantinople defended itself from his arms with great difficulty. But almost all that still belonged to the empire beyond its walls, fell into the power of the Turks. Amurath, however, concluded with Manuel's son and successor, John VI-. (1425), peace, for the promise of a yearly tribute. The emperor endeavoured in vain to obtain the assistance of the West for his tottering throne. According to the example of his father and grandfather, he went himself to the West, in order to give weight to his negotiations. He sacrificed even the

　

　

rHE OTTOMAN TURKS. 451 interests of his church to the demands of policy. The re-union of the Greek with the' Latin church, i. e. the subjection of the first to the last, had been already for centuries the alluring idea or illusory promise, with which the Greek emperors, when in difficulty, flattered the Western powers for obtaining their assistance. Especially in the present period, the younger Andronicus (1339) had applied with such propositions to Pope Benedict XII., Cantacuzenus (1348) to Clement VI., then John IV. to Urban V. Manuel also, in moments of necessity, had repeatedly taken approximating steps to the Latins. John V. pressed the reconciliation with more zeal and with less dissimulation than his predecessors. It was facilitated also by the relations of the Western church at that time. The quarrel between the council of Basle and Pope Eugene had broken out, and the two conflicting parties, striving for the glory of re-union, and for the spiritual alliance of the Greeks, were disposed to be as condescending as possible towards the last. The pope, by more skilful policy, got the advantage of the Basle fathers. Thus the emperor and the heads of the Greek church appeared in the papal synod at Ferrara (1438, 1439), followed it to Florence, and signed the act of re-union. The dangerous position of both parties contributed most to the negotiation of peace, and those prelates who remained steadfast against the general motives, were gained by personal allurements, or silenced by fear. Thus the dispute about unleavened bread in the sacrament, and about the nature of Purgatory was abandoned; one party was satisfied with a half acknowledgment of the papal primate, and the other accompanied in a low tone the chant of the so long contested "filioque." The effects of this reconciliation of the churches did not correspond with expectation. The aid of the Latins was feeble and insufficient; and the Greeks were highly displeased with the act of re-union. Their minds were inflamed by fanaticism. The priests themselves on their return revoked their extorted consent, andwith the exception of a small flock, which remained in alliance with Rome —increased hostility everywhere took the place of peace. In the meantime Amurath II. continued his conquests against the Christians. Nations and their rulers trembled. The Hungarians especially felt the pressure of the Ottoman forces. No

　

　

452 GENERAL HISTORY. king dared to resist the powerful sultan. But two princes of inferior rank saved the honour of Christendom. George Cast triota, whom the Turks call Iskander Beg (prince Alexander), lord (despot) of Epirus, and John Hunnyades, waywode of Transylvania, were these heroes. The exploits of these two heroes, who defied the Ottoman power, border on the marvellous. Pope Eugene IV., faithful to his alliance with the Greek emperor, endeavoured to raise a general Crusade against the Turks. But only some Italian states that were threatened most by the sword of the Turks, then the knights of Rhodes, and finally the young king of Hungary and Poland, Vladislaus III., undertook the war. Some victories gained by Hunnyadec induced Amurath II. to make reasonable proposals for peace, in conformity to which a truce of ten years was concluded and solemnly confirmed by oath at Szegedin (1440.) The formidable Amurath, sure of peace, and disgusted with worldly affairs, now resigned the government to his son, Mohammed, and retired to Magnesia into the society of pious Fakirs and Dervises. In consideration of such relations, the papal legate, Cardinal Julian Cesarini, encouraged Vladislaus to break the treaty. The young prince, fanatical, and thirsting for military fame, advanced with his army boldly, as far as the plains of Varna, on the shores of the Black Sea. Here he met with the Turkish army, which Amurath-induced by public danger to resume the reins-had led precipitately from Asia; and the decisive battle was fought (Nov. 10, 1444), in which the Christian army suffered the most deplorable defeat, and in which the king was killed. Cardinal Julian was killed in his flight by the enraged peasants; the ruins of the army, conducted by Hunnyades, returned home. They were not pursued by the sultan. He descended again from the throne, in order to apply himself to his monkish exercises of penitence; and interrupted them with regret, when a sedition of the Janizaries, who despised the young Mohammed, called him to the throne for the third time (1446). The Christians felt once more the weight of his power, near Kossova (1449), where after a three days' battle, he nearly annihilated the forces of the hero Hunnyades, but he did not advance further. He died not long after (1451), and left the empire to his son, Mohammed 11. who equalled him in valour and prudence, but not in moderation and generosity.

　

　

THE OTTOMAN TURKS 453 This sultan after having consolidated his throne by the murder of his brothers, commenced his career with the destructior. of the Greek empire, the long tottering bulwark of Europe. After the death of John V., Constantine XI., his brother, had ascended the Byzantine throne (1448). Constantinople and a few acres of land next to its gates, constituted now the empire. Thomas and Demetrius, the younger brothers of the emperor, fought for the Peloponnesus, which belonged still to the Paleologi. In the meantime Mohammed disclosed his hostile disposition, and not regarding the treaties of his father, unmoved by the pacific and even suppliant language of Constantine, he advanced to the walls of the city, ill the vicinity of which he built the threatening fortress of Rumili Hisari. After having exhausted all the means of peace compatible with honour, the emperor displayed a character worthy of the ancient Romans, and resolved upon the hopeless contest. The siege of Constantinople commenced (6th April, 1453). The army of Mohammed was more numerous than the population of the imperial city. Constantine-since fear and effeminacy removed most of the citizens from military service-had scarcely ten thousand soldiers, one half of whom were foreigners; among these were two thousand Genoese, commanded by the valiant Giustiniani. The city was stormed on the fifty-third day of the siege. The emperor and his fi'iends had sworn the night before to die gloriously. Constantine, with equal piety and valour, received the communion in the church of St. Sophia, and hastened to the contest. The last defenders of the venerable empire fought with a heroism worthy of the eulogies of all times. The assailants fell by thousands. But the superior forces of the Ottomans prevailed. The exhausted Greeks were repulsed. Giustiniani, wounded, fled into the city through an opening of the walls; the Turks pressed in after him; Constantine, after the most heroic resistance, was killed; the imperial city fell, and with it the empire (19th May, 1453). The conquered city was doomed to suffer all the atrocities that a barbarous enemy was disposed to commit. Mohammed, to encourage his troops, had promised them the pillage. Thirsting for blood and for booty, the Turks burst into the streets, houses, and churches; there was no refuge for the trembling citizens ________________________

　

　

IA:U4 GENERAL HISTORY. Neither sex, nor age, nor rank, was spared. Blood flowed everywhere; a large number of the inhabitants were carried into distant slavery; all moveable property was destroyed or plundered; immense treasures fell into the hands of the conquerors. On the third day, finally, the storm ceased, and Mohammed made his solemn entry. The sultan then proclaimed mercy for the rest of the Greeks, and erected his throne in the city of Constantine. The small remnants of the Paleologian dominion were gained without difficulty; the empire of Trebisonde was also ended by the humble submission of David Comnenus (1461). Unsatiated by such brilliant acquisitions, MAohammed extended lis hand, which was now still more formidable, after new plunder. Among the potentates of Europe, there was no oneaccording to relations or sentiments-able or disposed to become the liberator of this part of the world. Hunnyades and Scanderbeg alone sustained their ancient glory. The first, three years after the fall of Constantinople (1456), repulsed the Ottomans, who were besieging Belgrade, gloriously, and saved this important fortress. The second, to the astonishment of the world, maintained his Albanian mountains for many years against the most formidable superiority, but he was finally overpowered, and died as a fugitive in the Venetian territory (1405). The progress of Mohammed became now so much the more rapid: he conquered Bosnia, took many islands and territories upon the coasts of the Adriatic from the Venetians, drove the Genoese from Crimea, terrified Italy and all the West. Otranto had already fallen. Christendom trembled, but heard soon the glad news of the robber's death. He had died upon a campaign against Usum Hlassan, the Turcoman conqueror of Persia, with the eye of his soul directed to the West. In Hungary, after the death of the posthumous Ladislaus (1458), Matthias Corvinus, the son of John Hunnyades, was called froom prison, by the choice of the Hungarian grandees, to the throne. This prince, great by fortune and exploits, much-celebrated, and yet worthy of censure, reigned thirty-two years. By arbitrary innovation and severity he exasperated his own subjects. But in external affairs he listened to personal passions or unjust eagerness for conquests, rather than to the true interests of the

　

　

THE OTTOMAN TURKS. 455 nation, or tthe demands of honour and the claims of Christianity. Against the Turks he made war without vigour, or secured his kingdom by treaties obligatory for himself alone; but against the German king, Frederick, he was almost continually in arms, and, urged by his desire for dominion, he took up arms against his own father-in-law, George Podiebrad, king of Bohemia. He bhad, however, but little success in this war during the lifetime of P'odiebrad. After his death he made himself master of Moravia, Silesia, and Lausitz (Lusatia) (1471-1474). Vladislaus II., the Polish prince, maintained Bohemia; he wras even elected by the Hungarian states for the successor of Matthias. With the exception of these illaudable actions, Aatthias governed well, energetically, and wisely. His country is indebted to him for many improvements in laws and tribunals, in genera! in civil and military institutions, in the last,especially for the esttblishment of a regular, well-organized militia. IHe died in Vienna (1490), and had for his successor his enemy, the Bohemian king, Vladislaus VII., a bad regent, under whom the king(om suffered much misfortune in the interior, as well as from abroad. At this time, Bajazeth II., Mohammed's son, sat upon the throne of the Ottomans (from 1481 to 1512). Schem (or Zizitn) his younger brother, who was beloved by the people, desired the throne, but he was overpowered, and fled to Rhodes. The sultan Induced the knights of Rhodes to keep him a piisoner for a considerable salary. In order to keep him more secure, the unfortunate Zizim was carried to France, from whence he came to Italy, and into the power of the pope, Alexander VI. Ite died tn Rome by poison or steel: but a thick veil lies over this horrible deed. Bajazeth II. reigned ingloriously, and lost the empire by the rebellion of his own son, Selim I. Javus (1512). The new sultan conquered Egypt and its subject countries ( a517) against the Circassian sultan, Cansur al Guri, and his successor, Tumnanbey. The dominion of the Circassian slave-guard had been established by Barkok over the ruins of the Baharitian throne: it was similar in its origin and character to the last. Under the Circassian, as under the Baharitian mamelukes, the Caliphate had continued to exist in the house of the Abassides. But Selim carried the caliph Motawakkel as a prisoner to Constantinople, and assumed this dignity himself. Since this time the Ottoman sultans pass for caliphs among the Sunnites.

　

　

456 GENERAL HISTORY. ASIA. THE MONGOLS. TIHE empire, which the world-stormer, Ghengis-Khan, had established over a large part of Asia, and which his first successors had extended still further towards all the cardinal points, was separated already in the preceding period into some large fragments, and into many small ruins. This internal dissolution continued in the present period. Thus after the khan Anuschirvan, the last of Hulagu's house, had been dethroned by the rebel Malek el Aschraf, his Emir (1337), and after the latter had fallen (1355) in his war against Dschianibeg, khan of Kipzak, Iran became the theatre of terrible troubles, the much divided booty of great and petty robbers. Kipzak, a vast country situated to the north, was not in a much better state of regulation, although it still acknowledged, apparently, the sovereignty of a chief khan; and Dschagatai was in complete dissolution, as well as all the Tartarian and Mongolian steppes, in which the hordes wandered about under particular chiefs, almost in their original independence, and the descendant of Ghengis trembled before his insolent Nevians and Emirs. In China, since the commencement of the fourteenth century, the Mongolian throne was also shaken by discord in the imperial house, and by the hatred of the people. There appeared in the most beautiful province of Dschagatai, not far from Samarcand, in the fertile Sagd, the Emir of Kesch, Timourlenk, a relative of the house of Dschengis, and similar to this conqueror in character and fortune. From his twelfth year he was called by danger to the field of battle. Defeated, proscribed, separated from all his friends, he escaped pursuit alrnost miraculously, and arrived, by the most glorious change of fortune, to the dominion over all Dschagatai. Emir Hassein, at that time first Nevian of the KhanAdel, and brother-in-law of Timour, was killed by the latter. The sovereignty of the victor was then solemnly proclaimed in a Kurultai (1370). The house of Dschagatai preserved the title of Khan without any power Timour chose for his lieutenant, Soyergatmisch, antd after him

　

　

THE MON GOLS. 451 Mahmud. But he called himself Sahib Keran, master of the World. TAMERLANE AND HIS EMPIRE. RECKONING from that elevation, Timour reigned thirty-four vears; he was beneficent and friendly to the country of his birth, and to kindred tribes, but terrible to foreign nations. The history of his wars is as abundant in horrors, as that of Ghengris and Attila; and war was the business of his life. First the neighbouringo countries of Chowaresm, Kandahar and Kaschgar were conquered; then the torrent poured over the countries of Iran. The kingdoms of Schirwan, Fars, Bagdad (where the house of II-Khan had established a magnificent throne), and many others fell; the authority of Timour extended from the Persian Gulf to the Circassian heights. But also the steppe-countries of Central and Northern Asia heard his word with trembling. The hordes of the conqueror penetrated through the vast regions of Turkestan beyond the Irtisch. Siberia offered no resistance. But in the northwest the Khan of Kipzak, who, although elevated to the throne by the favor of Timour, had the ingratitude to take up arms against his benefactor, suffered just punishment for his perjury. The victor penetrated even into Russia. The banks of the Wolga, the Tanais, and the shores of the Euxine resounded with his hordes' shouts of victory. But the most glorious conquest was Hindostan. Timour descended boldly the lofty boundary mountains into the countries of Northern India, followed then, turning to the East, the course of Alexander the Great, but penetrated farther than the Macedonian hero, over the Hyphasis into the region of the Ganges, took the strong Delhi (1398), and returned home laden with booty. Here he received many princes of Anatolia, whom Bajazeth, the Ottoman sultan, had driven from their states, and the ambassadors of the Greek emperor and other Christian princes. They all implored his assistance against the formidable sultan. Timour marched then to the West with enormous power, crushed, for the prelude of the great war, the rebellious Georgians, then the Syrians, burnt Haleb and the rich Damascus, to the succour of which the Mamelukes of Egypt had arrived in vain, and erected over the ashes, hideous monuments of victory-high pyramids of VOL. II.-3 H

　

　

4a58 GENE RAL HISTORY. human skiulls. Finally, after two years of negotiations with the sultan, both led their numberless warriors into the fated contest We have already mentioned the battle of Ancyra (June 28, 1402), Bajazeth's defeat, captivity and death. Europe and Africa trembled at this news. But the Turkish and Mameluke sultans, as well as the Greek emperor, conjured by entreaties and tribute, the threatening tempest, and Timour directed his steps slowly towards Samarcand (1404), where he celebrated his victories by magnificent triumphs. Already however, when in Syria, this insatiable conqueror had looked eagerlv towards China. Informed of the internal disorders of that empire, he founded upon them the hope of re-establishing the Mongolian power, overthrown since 1368. Whilst it was yet winter, Timour hastened over the ice of the rivers, through the snow of the steppes, to the distant country which he intended to conquer: but not far from Otrar this world-stormer died of a fever, at the age of seventy years (19th March, 1405). The most durable result of the wars of Timour was the confirnation and propagation, in Asia, of the Mohammedan religion. This conqueror introduced among many tribes of the Tartars and Mongols, the veneration of the one God and his prophet: and in India he laid the foundation for the most brilliant conquests of Islamism. It was he who frustrated the hopes of the Christians upon the conversion of the Mongols, and destroyed the seed of Christianity already scattered in Asia. Timour designed for the heir of his empire Pir (lord) Mohammed, his grand-son. But his other sons and grand-sons (thirty in number) contested his right, and at first Khalil, then Schah Rock (1415) obtained the ascendency. The latter was succeeded j by Ulugh-Beg (1446), who was killed by his own son (1449); whereupon Abusaid made his way to the throne amidst great disorders (he occupied it until 1467), the last Timouride, who ruled in the countries of the Oxus-the principal seat of his ancestor's power.-After his death, in the war against Usum Hassan, the Ulusses (hordes) of Turan made a powerful irruption, and extended their dominion to the heart of Iran. The Usbeks especially were celebrated among these hordes, a tribe of Tartars, that rules at the present day in Great Bukharia and many neighboring countries. The Turcomans established themselves in the greater part of

　

　

TH11E MNI ONGOLS. 459 Iran. Already in the time of Timour, their hordes, which were called the hordes of the Black Wether, had been powerful in the countries of Persia. After his death Kara-Joseph subjected Bagdad and the vast region around it. But they were soon subjugated by their brethren, the Turcomans of the White Wether. Usum Hassan (1468), the head of the last, erected over the greater part of Persia his far-famed throne, which was, however, overthrown forty years after (1508), by Ismael Sofi, and thus the new kingdom of Persia-the description of which belongs to Modern History-was founded. The dominion of the Timourides was soon extinguished also in Little Bukharia and in Mongolia Proper. Descendants of Ghengis, or more common chiefs of hordes, made themselves independent. Among these, the Eleutes or Calmucs were particularly celebrated and formidable. The most emrlinent liorde is that of the Dsongaves, the chief of which was ca! led Chantaisch. mIu. tie Timouride Babur, Abu Said's gralndson, founded a liew throne in the countries of Hindostan, which his ancestor had ravaged, it is true, but had not united firmly with his principal empire. Pressed by the arms of the Usbeks, Babur proceedaed towards the south over the mountains to India, conquered Deoiili (1525), and laid the foundation for the empire of the "CGreat MTogul," which subsisted a long time with glory. Whilst thus in the south the prospect of new glory was ol)ened for tile Mongols, or for a race of their princes, tllheir aicielnt empire in the north or northwest, the great Chanate of Kipzak, was completely ruined. The descendants of Ghengis continued to possess that far-ruling throne. But there arose IInow out of the ruins of the great Chanate, besides many less important principalities, the Chanate of Siberia, in the stricter sense of tlhe wTord (including also many countries of Turan), then the Cian-:t Cs of' Kasan, of Astrakan, and of the Nogaian Tartars, as me'l as trhat of Crimea. The last great lkhan wvas Scheaeled, v-who,,ressed by his enemies, fled to Poland (1507), and died there a telrisoner.

　

　

460 GENERAL HISTORY. CHINA. WE have yet to add here a survey of the history of' China during the whole of the Middle Ages, since we have taken only a cursory view of this empire in the preceding periods. But the history of China-like the natural history of a species of animals, which remains unchanged in every generationexhibits to us for thousands of years, one and the same picture: the activity of individuals, moving eternally in the same narrow spheres, and even in the greater or general revolutions, a continually returning, sad uniformity. It gives account of no advancement (nor even of any important retrogade movements, which might be perhaps instructive as warnings of experience); a single, a dead picture gives us the history of the Chinese constitution (highly important, it is true, on account of its information and warnings, but completed with one drawing). We shall therefore content ourselves with a brief view of the political history. But shall we fatigue our readers with the enumeration of the dynasties which, from the close of the fourth century (our preceding narration extends to this epoch), have ruled either in the south or in the north of China, or over the whole empire; such as those of the Song, Tsi, Leang, HehuLeang, Tschin in the south, the three lines of the Tartars, Goei, Kao, lehu-Tschehu in the north, the Sui, Tang, Hehu, Leang, Hehu-Tang, Hehu-Tsin, Hehu-Han, Song, who ruled mostly over the whole empire, or at least claimed the dominion, as well as the dynasties of the Tartars, Leaotong and Niutsche, who, as conquerors or protectors, became powerful in the north of China? They will not desire this, and will be content with our reminding themn that the Niutsche, the masters of Northern China, as well as the Song, who ruled in the south, were overthrown bS the Mongols, and that Kublay-Khan, the grandson of Ghengis, obtained the dominion of the whole empire after a most bloody war (1279). The European barbarians, wno overthrew the Roman empire, had also buried its institutions and laws, manners, sciences, and arts, under the same ruins: the remnant of the Romans, and the provincials themselves, after some resistance, adopted the barbarism of the conquerors, and the subsequently reviving civiliza

　

　

CHINA. 461 tion was necessarily developed from entirely new germs. The Mongolian conquerors, on the contrary, accommodated themselves to the manners of the vanquished; all public and private relations were restored when the storm had ceased. Only a change of dynasties seemed to have happened, and the Great Khan, sitting upon the throne of the Chinese empire, observed himself and inculcated the principles of government and the usages of his predecessors. The cause of this remarkable difference has been found to be, that the floods of the Western migration of nations poured a multitude of barbarians comparatively greater than the hordes of Mongols, that fell upon China, and that in the long savage wars and terrible catastrophes with which the conquest of the Rtoman countries was connected, the number of the natives there, suffered a far greater diminution, than that of the Chinese by the Mongolian war. We might add also, that the German nations, in the feeling of their nobler energy, in proud satisfaction with their manners and relations, which were favorable to freedom, disdained not unjustly to become like the weak, degenerate Romans, and to exchange their rough liberty for effeminate servitude, whilst the Mongols already in the desert were the slaves of their Khan, and had neither moral power nor discernment enough to guard themselves against the allurements of enervating enjoyments and brilliant subjection. The obstinacy with which the Asiatic nations, generally, adhere to their ancient institutions, exists in an eminent degree among the Chinese, and rendered the change of their relations more difficult. The unity of the conquest also had probably a powerful influence. The subjected Chinese remained, even after the change of their dominion, one great nation; their ancient customs, inclinations, and ideas, which were deeply rooted in their nationality, continued to subsist with it; and the conquering nation was also only one, and depended upon the will of one alone; whereas the German conquerors of the Roman empire formed many independent nations, and the provincials who were divided among them had, in their despotism, neither the power nor the thought of maintaining a nationality. But the Mongolian dynasty (called by the Chinese authors Yuen), although it continued energetic in some generations, and governed for the most part laudably, was at length enfeebled, and succumbed immediately to the national hatred of the Chinese

　

　

462 GENERAL HISTORY. A servant from a cloister of Bonzes, Tschu by name, called, during the reign of Schun-Ti (the ninth of his house), a weak and debauched emperor (1333-1368), the Chinese to arms, to put an end to the foreign dominion. The emperor fled to Mongolia (1369), the country of his ancestors. Bisudar-Khan, his son, governed then the vast steppe, of which Karakorum was the capital. This empire is called that of the Northern Yuen or the Kalkas-Mongols. But it was soon dissolved by intestine dissensions and external force. The hordes, dispersing in the desert, returned to independence under particular chiefs; and the Chinese, rejoiced at their division, subjected gradually most of the tribes. Thus the offended majesty of the empire was revenged upon the foreign hordes of robbers. In China itself, Tschu-called after his elevation, IHong-wu, or also Tae-Tsu IV.-the liberator of his people, ascended the welldeserved imperial throne. He was the founder of the house of Ming, a celebrated and powerful dynasty, which was at least.omparatively fruitful in good emperors. It ruled until Modern imes (1644)

　

　

INDEX OF VO(L. I1. MIDDLE AGES. HISTORY FROM THE CGREAT MIGRATION OF NATIONS UNTIL THE DISCOVERY 07 TIE INDIES AND THE REFORMATION. INTRODUCTION. The chalacter of the middle ages, and their particular periods FIRST PERIOD. (FOURTTI PERIOD OF TfIE ENTIRE ITJTSTRY OF TIE WORI,D) FROh TItE GREAT MIGRATION OF NATIONS UNTIL THE RENOVATION OF TIlE WESTERN EM.PIRE, OlR FROM TyHE DEATH OF THEODOSIUS 31. UNTIL CHARLES.ILf. (A. D. 395-800). i. GEN-LEtAL SURVEY. Sunmmary of the political events - - - - - - - - - - - - 11 Civilization in general - - - - 16 Alannors - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 17:National intercourse a-d commerce - - - - - - 1 Tile arts and sciences - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2 [1. M!IORE PARTICULAR HISTtIrtT The migration of ns,-9r. -- -Introduction - - - - -22 tfigi. Asia, and it1 nopulation - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 The Hiong-nu. - - - - - - - - - - - 8- - - - 0 - () The IIuns.- -,;nmencement of the migration of nations - - - 32 Goths (Eastgoths and W'estgoths).-Alaric - - - - - - -. 33 Alani, Suevi, Vandals, Burgundians, Franks - - - - - - - - 4O Attila - - - - - - - - - - - (General view of other migrations - - - - - - - - - - - 7 The Vendi and Sclavi - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - JiISTORY OF PARTICULAR BARBARIAN KINGDOMS. Vandalic kinfgdom - - - - - - - 52 Eastrothic kingdom - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 5 The Lantrobardic kingrdom -- - - - - - - 62 Burg(undian kingdoln - - - - - - - - - - - - - -64 IWestottiic kingrdorm - 66 I'TLe Anlo-Saxon k:ngadorn - - - - - 70! ~ -,_~,,,,~,.,,,

　

　

464 INDEX. Page HISTORY OF THE FRANKS. Origin - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 71 Ciovis. — erovingians -73 Pipin of Heristal.-Charles Martel - - - - - - - - 9 7 King Pipin - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 80 Constitution of the Germans.-Allodial freedom - - - - - 83 Fiefs - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 86 Military system - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 89 Laws of the Germans - - - - - - - - - - - - - 90 11;STORY OF TIE EASTERN OR BYZANTINE EMPIRE. Constitution.-Arcadius. —Theodosius II. - - - - - - - - 91 History until Justinian the Great - - - - - - - - - - - 95 Justinian the Great - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 97 Roman law - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 104 History to Heraclius.-The Persian war - - - - - - - - 106 The house of Heraclius and that of Leo Isauricus - - - - - 112 HISTORY OF THE ARABIAN EMPIRE. Introduction.-Country and people - - - - - - - - - - 114 Mohammed - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 118 First Caliphs - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 122 MIohanmmedan religion - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 125 Conquests of the Arabs - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 130 Internal history.-Ommiades and Abbassides -.- - - - - - 133 Effects of the Mohammedan empire - - - - - - - - - - 1:38 HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY. Propagation and effects - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 139 Progress and corruption - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1413 Hiisrtory of the heresies.-In particular of the Arian contention - 144 N, storians and Eutychians. —Monothelites - - - - - - - - 150 Heresies in the west - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 153 Hierarclly and Papacy - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 154 Alonachisn - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 157 SECOND PERIOD (FIFTI[ PERIOD OF GENERAL HISTORY). FRO3I CTHARLES M1A. UNTIL THE CLOSE OF TIlE CRUSADES.-A. D. 800-1300. I. GENERAL SURVEY. Character of the period - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 161 Surmmary of political events - - - - - - - - - - - - 163 CIVILIZATION. The system of chivalry - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 173 Laws and customs - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 175 The judiciary.-Private wars - - - - - - - - - - - 178 Intercourse of nations, and commerce - - - - - - - - 12 Christian religion and Church - - - - - - - - - - - - 184 The arts and sciences - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 186'II. DETAILED HISTORY OF THE FIFTII PERIOD. IIISTORY OF THE CARLOVINGIAN EMPIRE. Charles the Great - - - - - - - - - - - - 192 Restoration of the western empire - - - - - - - - 195

　

　

INDEX. 465 Civil constitution. —The feudal system - - - Pa197g Nobles and serfs - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 203 The Carlovingian house - - - - -- - - - - - - 206 Normans, Saracens, and Hungarians - - - - - -.. 211 HISTORY OF GERMANY. I. THE PERIOD OF THE EMPIRE IN ITS GREATEST SPLENDOR. Conrad I. and Henry I. -216 Otho M. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -218 Otho's house - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 222 Frankish kings.-Conrad II. and Henry II. - - - - - - - - 223 II. THE TIME OF PAPAL GRANDEUR. Henry IV. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 227 History of Papacy - - - - - -. - - - - - - - - - 235 Henry V. - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - 239 The first Hohenstaufen.-Frederick I. - - - - - 240 The later Hohenstaufen.-Frederick II.-The cities of Upper Italy 249 The interregnum.-Extinction of the Hohenstaufen 258 Constitution of Germany - - - - - - - 260 The German cities - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 263 Constitution of Italy - - - - - - - - - 26.5 HISTORY OF FRANCE. The first Capetians - - - - - - -.. - - - - - - - 266 Philip the Fair -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 269 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Egbert.-Alfred M. - - - - - - - - -- - - - - 271 The dominion of the Danes and Normans - - - - - - - - 273 The house of Plantagenet - - - - - - - - - - - - - 275 HISTORY OF SPAIN. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 280 HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN KINGDOMS. - - - -.. - - - - - 284 THE WENDS AND SCLAVI. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 289 THE NATIONS OF THE LOWER DANUBE. - - - - - - - - - - - 290 BYZANTINE EMPIRE. Separation of the Greek and Latin Church - - - - - -.. - 292 The house of Basilius.-The Commeni and Angeli - - - - - 294 rHE CALIPHATE. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 297 AFRICAN DYNASTIES. - - - - - - - - - - - - - -.. - 300 ASIATIC DYNASTIES. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 302 TURKISH KINGDOMS. - - - - - - - - - - - -. 304 THE MONGOLS. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 309 HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. Introduction - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 313 First Crusade - - - - - - - - 316 Kingdom of Jerusalem - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 321 Following Crusades - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 323 Effects of the Crusades - - - - - - - - - - - - - 327 THIRD PERIOD. (SIXTH PERIOD OF THE ENTIRE HISTORY OF THE WORLD). HISTORY FROM THE CLOSE OF THE CRUSADES UNTIL THE DISC~VERY OF AMERICA.-A. D. 1300-1492. 1. GENERAL SURVEY. Character of the period - - - - - - - 331 VTOL. II.-3 i 30

　

　

466 INDEX. Page Summary of political events - 3 - - --... 333 Civilization in general - - - - - - 34(} Civil constitution - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 342 Laws and customs - - - - - - -:343 National intercourse and commerce.-The Hanse- - - - - 345 Warfare.-Gunpowder -.......... - - 349 The arts and sciences.-Printing - - - - - - - - - - 351 II. MORE SPECIAL HISTORY. OF THE EMPIRE OF TIIE GERMANS. Rudolph of Habsburg - - - - - - - - - - 354 Adolphus of Nassau.-AlberL I. of Austria - - - - - - - - 357 Henry VII.-Affairs of Italy- - - - - - - - - - - - 358 Louis IV., the Bavarian.-Origin of the Helvetic confederation - 361 Continuation of the history of Louis IV. - - -364 The house of Luxemburg.-Charles IV. - - 369 Wenceslaus.-Sigismund - - - - - - - - - - - 372 Church history.-Councils of Constance and Basle- -. 375 Continuation of the Emperor Sigismund's history - - - - - 383 Austrian Emperors.-Albert II.-Frederick III. - 386 Burgundy - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 389 Maximilian I. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 393 SWITZERLAND. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 395 CONSTITUTION OF GERMANY. - - - - - - - - - - - - - 401 FRANCE AND ENGLAND. Edward II. and Edward III. -- - - - - - - - - - 403 Philip VI. of Valois.-War between England and France 405 Peace of Bretigny.-Charles V. - - - - - - 410 Charles VI. of France.-Henry V. of England - - - - - 413 The Maid of Orleans - - - - - - - - - - - - - 416 Louis XI., king of France.-Henry VI., king of England - - - 418 The Red and White Rose - - - - - - - - - - - - - 420 Constitution of France and England - - - - - - - - - - 424 SPAIN AND ITALY. Navarre.-Arragon.-Castile - - - - - - - -.. - - - 426 Ferdinand the Catholic - - - - - - -.. - - - - - - 428 Portugal.-Constitution - - - - - - - - - - - - 429 Italian States - - - - -431 Italian wars of Charles VIII. and Louis XII.-League of Cambray 43C THE NORTH AND EAST. Scandinavian kingdoms. Union of Calmar - - - - - - - 440 The house of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst. Constitution - - 442 Russia - - - - - -. -444 Bohemia and Poland - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 445 SOUTHEASTERN KINGDOMS. Hungary. Louis M. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 447 The Ottoman Turks - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 448 ASIA. The Mongols - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 456'ramerlane and his empire - - - - - - - - - - - - 4.57 China - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 46(